NGOs as Civil Society Actors on Media Policy Change in Egypt:
Capacity Building within a Contextual Framework
Report produced for Stanhope Centre for Communications Policy Research by:
Nada Mobarak Ibrahim
Aurélie Lachant
Lara Nahas
London School of Economics
Development Studies Institute
6 May 2003
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Executive Summary
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3
Media Environment
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3
Civil Society Environment
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8
Typology of NGOs
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13
Concluding Remarks
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24
Appendix
.................................................................
26
References
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27
2
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The objective of this report is to provide an organizational analysis of NGOs involved in or
subject to media policy changes in Egypt. However, this stems from an assumption that
such NGOs exist, and that what needs to be done is build their capacities in this area. The
research, literature reviewed and interviews conducted have however revealed that the wider
framework within which NGOs operate is enabling neither to the creation of NGOs directly
addressing these issues, nor to progress in those already trying to address them. While there
is scope for change to which NGOs can contribute, progress can only be made within wider
contextual and operational frameworks. Recent developments governing the operation of
NGOs and the media, coupled with (and resulting from) the national as well as international
political environment, have constrained civil society. It is this framework that the report has
addressed and delineated.
The first section of the report outlines the media environment in Egypt. The second section
gives some context to civil society. Following is a typology of Egyptian NGOs, used as a
sample to demonstrate the type of activities NGOs are involved in, and how advocacy
groups that are or could potentially address issues of media reform fall within wider NGO
activities.
I. MEDIA ENVIRONMENT
Egypt’s position as one of the most politically influential countries in the Arab world ensures
its press a prominent regional standing1. In fact, the Egyptian press remains one of the
leading and most widely read in the region and citizens are generally able to speak their views
on a wide range of political and social issues2, while opposition papers frequently criticize
government officials and policies. However, journalists often censor themselves on sensitive
issues, particularly avoiding direct criticism of the president, the army, security forces and
human rights abuses. In addition to self-censorship, journalists also operate under several
formal restrictions. Although the Egyptian Constitution guarantees freedom of expression
and speech, in practice there is a significant censorship problem 3. Indeed, the media in
Egypt are strictly regulated by a combination of structural arrangements, whereby the
government monopolizes the press and broadcasting and legal controls prevent journalists
from reporting freely on sensitive domestic issues or deviating from official foreign policy
when reporting on international affairs4.
Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) (2002): “Egypt – Attacks on the Press in 2002”,
www.cpj.org/attacks02/mideast02/egypt.html
2 International Journalists’ Network (IJNet) (2002): “Egypt: Press overview”,
www.ijnet/org/Profile/Africa/Egypt/media.html
3 Ibid (2002)
4 The Centre for Media Freedom, Middle East and North Africa (CMF MENA) (1998): “The Media
environment in Egypt”, CMF MENA April 1998
1
Constitution
The current Constitution was adopted in 1971 and contains several sections supporting
freedom of expression and forbidding censorship of the press. Pursuant Article 47, every
individual is entitled to express his/her opinion and to publicize it verbally, in writing or by
other means of expression within the limits of the law5. Further, freedom of the press,
printing, publication and mass media is guaranteed under Article 48, and censorship on
newspapers is prohibited in normal circumstances6. However, the second section of the
article provides for ‘limited’ censorship on newspapers and mass media in matters relating to
public safety or national security during a state of emergency or war. This section has been
used by the government to justify official censorship.
Indeed, Egypt officially has been in a state of emergency since the assassination of President
Anwar El Sadat in October 1981. The Emergency Law is used by the government to infringe
on constitutional guarantees of citizen’s rights. This law confers the government the broad
powers of censorship under the pretext of protecting the so-called ‘public order’7 and
“allows authorities to try journalists and others in state security courts and military-style
tribunals whose decisions cannot be appealed”8.
Media legislation
The main pieces of legislation used to govern Egyptian media are the Penal Code, Press Law
and Publications Law. The Penal Code stipulates fines and/or imprisonment for criticizing
the President, members of the government and foreign heads of state9. The Press and
Publications Law are both intended to provide protection against malicious or
unsubstantiated reporting, but have been used to charge journalists with libel or
defamation10.
In recent years, the media laws have undergone several changes. In order to silence critics,
the government took draconian measures against free reporting and passed a new press law
in 1995. The law allowed for the detention of journalists pending criminal investigations for
breaking censorship laws, together with a stiffening of the fines and prison sentences
imposed for relaying ‘false news’, deemed harmful to the state, public officials or the
economy. This law provoked a huge public outcry and was slightly softened, before being
ratified11. The press law of 1996 prescribes a one-year prison sentence for defamation or two
years if a public official files the suit; journalists also face imprisonment under other, broader
Constitution text
Constitution text
7 Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights (EOHR): “The Emergency Law and its Impact on Freedoms of
Opinion, Expression and Belief” in www.eohr.org/report/2003/emergency2.htm
8 CPJ (2002)
9 IJNet (2002)
10 Ibid
11 Sakr, N. (2001) “Civil Society, Media and Accountability in the Arab Region” in Human Development Report
2002: 9; CMF MENA (1998)
5
6
4
Penal Code provisions, such as those prohibiting ‘the violation of public morality’ and
‘damaging national interest’12.
In 1997, the Supreme Constitutional Court declared article 195 of the Penal Code
unconstitutional under which an editor in chief could have been considered criminally
responsible for libel contained in any portion of the newspaper. The Court ruled that the
correct standard of responsibility should be ‘negligence’. The courts have subsequently
applied this lesser standard13.
In 2001, there was a concerted effort to tighten the country’s media laws. In March 2001,
Minister of Culture Farouk Hosni sent a bill to Parliament in an attempt to amend the Public
Record Law. Had the amendment been passed, it would have imposed a five-year prison
sentence and a £E10,000 fine (approximately US$2,200) for publishing or photocopying a
government document without prior written consent from the Cabinet14. While the
amendment was not passed, the threat of implementing these new restrictions remains. Such
a vague and wide-ranging law could cut off debate on any issue and could potentially give
the state wide latitude to define what constitutes a government document15.
Censorship
As Naomi Sakr points out, it is important to recognize that censorship is achieved not only
through direct suppression of content but also by more fundamental and less visible means,
including regulation of media ownership, regulation of entry to the journalistic profession
and regulation of printing and distribution, as well as extra-judicial attacks on media
practitioners and bars on access to information. Although the Egyptian government may
claim that the country has a ‘free press’, because opposition parties are permitted to publish
newspapers alongside government-owned dailies, analysis of the Egyptian media laws reveals
that the media are not free16.
Although the constitutional high court recognised in 1993 the right to criticise public
officials as one of the requirements of a democratic system and Article 4 of the 1996 press
law prohibits censorship, the government’s pressure on journalists is constant17. There are
three different ministries with censorship personnel within the Egyptian government. The
Ministry of the Interior has the authority to prevent specific issues of foreign-published
newspapers from entering the country on the grounds of protecting the public order. The
Ministry of Defence can ban works on sensitive security issues and the Council of Ministers
can ban works it deems offensive to public morals, detrimental to religion, or likely to cause
a breach of peace18.
12
CPJ (2001)
US Department of State (2002): “Egypt”. Country Report on Human Rights Practices – 2001,
www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2001/nea/8248.htm
14 CPJ (2001)
15 Ibid
16 Sakr (2001): 8
17 Reporters sans Frontiers (RSF) (2002): “Egypt – Annual Report 2002”,
www.rsf.org/article/php3?id_article=1435
18 US Department of State (2002)
13
5
Along with controls sanctioned by local laws, political controls are exerted through networks
of influence composed mainly of government officials, editors of the “semi-official” press
and key figures in the Egyptian Radio and Television Union (ERTU). Moreover, while
journalists have to be full members of the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate, the regime’s direct
involvement in selecting the chair of the Syndicate and manipulating syndicate elections
gives it an additional means of keeping reporters in line19. Generally, the informal obstacles
to reform are very subtle and widespread. Newspapers, as an example, are run under tight
control of the editor who may have an interest in maintaining the status quo, for instance
discouraging journalists from joining training programs.20
Print media
Editorial and opinion pages of the leading daily papers are widely read in the Arab region for
their coverage of regional issues, and on a local level, newspapers cover a wide range of
topics21. However, the Egyptian press is divided along ownership lines with the government
owning stock in the three leading daily newspapers: Al-Ahram (The Pyramids), AlAkhbar (The News) and Al-Gumhuriya (The Republic), often described as “semi-official”.
Their editors in chief are government appointees and they generally follow the government
line, although criticizing government policies occasionally22.
The government also holds a monopoly over the printing and distribution of newspapers,
including those of opposition parties, which it has used to control the output of the
newsprint to certain publications23. Opposition parties receive a direct subsidy from the
government and in some cases, subsidies from foreign interests also. The five main
opposition newspapers act each as representative of a specific political party and most of
them are weeklies, except Al-Wafd and Al-Ahrar. Both have a much lower daily circulation
than the government dailies24. They frequently publish criticism of government and provide
greater coverage of human rights abuses than state-run newspapers.
The government strictly controls the newspaper licensing process and restrictions make it
very difficult for privately-owned newspapers to obtain licences. For this reason, several
independent publishers have registered their papers and magazines as foreign publications in
Lebanon, Cyprus or Greece, and print them inside Egypt in the ‘Free Media Zone’ (where
entry and exit of goods is government-controlled), or abroad25. These publications, however,
are subject to review by the Foreign Publications Censor, answering directly to the Minister
of Information, who can ban publications deemed to contain objectionable material26. Many
topics are taboo, such as the relations between Copts and Moslems; the spread of terrorist
doctrines; the issue of human rights abuses; criticism of the President, his family and the
army; the presentation of modern interpretations of Islam, etc27. To avoid financial loss from
CMF MENA (1998)
Said Essoulami, Executive Director, CMF-MENA, Interview, 24 April 2003
21 CPJ (2001)
22 IJNet (2002)
23 US Department of State (2002)
24 CMF MENA (1998)
25 CPJ (2001)
26 ibid
27 RSF (2002)
19
20
6
suspension, some papers have informal arrangements with censors, who agree to review
publications before printing28.
For example, the Middle East Times, which has never been given a licence to publish in Egypt,
currently submits a proof of each issue to the censor in advance, thereafter omitting any
article which causes problems but ensuring that the issue is safely distributed and that sales
and advertising revenues are protected29. This newspaper is also available on the Internet,
where its website contains stories that were rejected by the Egyptian censor and removed
before the paper was distributed in Egypt30.
Another privately-owned foreign weekly published in English and aimed directly at the
Egyptian market is the Cairo Times, launched in March 1997, and aimed at an affluent
business audience across the region. Other English-language newspapers include Ahram
Weekly and Egyptian Gazette, which have limited circulation and keep within set limits in terms
of content31.
Broadcast media
The state controls and censors the broadcast media in Egypt32. The Ministry of Information
owns and monitors all domestic television and radio stations in the country through a
national agency, the Egyptian Radio and Television Union (ERTU)33. Given that a sizable
portion of the population is illiterate and newspaper prices are high for the average Egyptian,
the majority of the population is only accessibility through television and radio
transmissions34. This is an important consideration when assessing the level of media
freedom in Egypt.
Television
Egypt has two national terrestrial television channels and six regional channels. ERTU
launched its first satellite channel in 1990. It now runs Egyptian Space Channels 1 and 2 plus
Nile TV International, broadcasting some programmes in English and Hebrew. ESC
broadcasts to all Arab countries and most of Africa, but also across much of Europe, Asia
and North America35. The launch of Nilesat in 1998, making Egypt the first Arab nation to
have its own satellite, presents a major expansion in broadcasting.
A wide range of foreign television services can also be received in Egypt via satellite, which
are not subject to government censorship. However, only a small portion of households
hold satellite dishes. The principal Arabic-language channels are received via Arabsat.
Among the few dominant free-to-air channels in this category is the London-based, SaudiCPJ (2002)
CMF MENA (1998)
30 ibid
31 ibid
32 US Department of State (2002)
33 Sakr, N. (2003) “Freedom of Expression, Accountability and Development in the Arab Region” in Journal of
Human Development, Vol. 4, No. 1, 2003: 35
34 CMF MENA (1998)
35 BBC (2003): “Country Profile: Egypt”, www.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/country_profiles/
28
29
7
backed Middle East Broadcasting Centre (MBC), offering a mix of family entertainment,
factual programmes, films, current affairs and international news. More recently, the Qatari
venture Al-Jazeera was launched in December 1996, as the first Arab news satellite channel.
It has acquired a strong and affective presence in the Arab visual media community, able to
create unprecedented competition with all other channels. It has presented Arab viewers
with a new form of democratic discussion and become a model to which the improvement
of any other Arab news channel is compared. There was hope that Al-Jazeera would be a
catalyst for change in domestic satellite and television programming, but so far this has not
been the case.36 Finally, foreign-language television channels include CNN, CFI, BBC World
TV, Euronews (which also broadcasts in Arabic) and other smaller providers.
Radio
Radio broadcasting is also government-controlled through the ERTU. As with the press,
state-run radio avoids domestic political controversy that might damage the government’s
reputation. It is grouped into eight networks; one devoted to local radio, while another deals
with overseas broadcasting and a third is responsible for transmissions to the rest of the
Arab world. Of the five networks designed primarily for domestic consumption; one is
exclusively for religious instruction based on recitation of the Holy Quran; another is
concerned with youth and sports, and a third is cultural, providing serious music and
intellectual fare along with material in European languages for expatriates living in Egypt37.
Foreign Arabic-language radio stations reaching Egypt come from a range of western and
Arab sources. The most popular foreign radio stations include the BBC Arabic service;
Radio Monte Carlo-Middle East which presents news, music and other magazine-style
programmes in a more colloquial Arabic than the BBC; Kol Israel, and Voice of America.
Internet access
By December 2001, Egypt had approximately 600,000 Internet subscribers38 and 50 Internet
service providers in the country39. There is neither government restriction nor monitoring of
Internet use on a broad scale, although the US Department of State believes there may be
some monitoring by law enforcement officials40.
Sakr (2003)
CMF MENA (1998)
38 BBC (2003)
39 IJNet (2002)
40 US Department of State (2002)
36
37
8
II. CIVIL SOCIETY ENVIRONMENT
Background
Civil society in Egypt is weak relative to the strength of the state, and the close control of all
institutional activity maintained by it.41 Over the past year, according to Human Rights
Watch’s Egypt Report for 2003, the government has tightened its control over civil society
institutions and clamped down on freedom of speech and expression.42 Government
interference seriously limits the autonomy of civil society actors, including nongovernmental
organisations (NGOs), professional syndicates and individual intellectuals. This interference
is both formal and subtle; it includes the bureaucratic hurdles faced by NGOs and the
government appointment of senior positions at institutions such as universities or
professional syndicates, including the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate. NGOs in Egypt face
problems stemming not only from their legal status but issues (in themselves not unique to
Egypt) of accountability, funding and donor relationships which are complicated by the
political environment. In turn, ambiguities arising from this lack of autonomy contribute to
a competition for survival and a lack of pluralism among would-be civil society groups43.
Emergency Law
Any discussion of civil society and media, dependent as it is on basic freedoms of expression
and association, must address Egypt’s emergency laws. Egypt has been governed under a
state of emergency since 1981. The Emergency Law has been renewed every three years,
most recently in February 2003, despite political violence being at its lowest in almost a
decade44. The law gives the government extensive powers to limit basic freedoms,
overriding the guarantees contained in the Constitution. These include:

arresting suspects at will and detaining them without trial for prolonged periods;

referring civilians to military or exceptional state security courts whose procedures
fall far short of international standards for fair trial;

prohibiting strikes, demonstrations and public meetings,

and censoring or closing down newspapers in the name of national security. 45
Emergency Law gives the state broad powers to restrict freedoms of assembly and peaceful
demonstration, which are guaranteed in the Egyptian Constitution. The Gathering Law
Sakr (2003)
Human Rights Watch (HRW) (2002): “The State of Egypt vs. Free Expression: The Ibn Khaldun Trial”,
January 2002
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/egypt/egypt0102.pdf
43 Sakr (2003): 9
44
HRW http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/egypt/egypt0102.pdf
45 HRW (2003): “Egypt's Emergency without End: Rushed Renewal of Repressive Legislation”, New York,
February 25, 2003
http://hrw.org/press/2003/02/egypt022503.htm
41
42
9
requires the police to be notified before any public gathering and gives them the right to
prevent meetings from taking place, using force if necessary.46
Importantly, defamation is a criminal matter, punishable by imprisonment and potentially
brought to trial in secret security courts47. The law gives the President broad powers to
arrest those considered a danger to national security, and allows the trial of civilians in
military or state security courts. Indeed it was application of the emergency law which was
used in 2000 to arrest Saadeddin Ibrahim, director of the Ibn Khaldun Center for
Development Studies, and one of the most prominent civil society figures in Egypt calling
for political reform and electoral monitoring.
This is not to suggest that there is not plenty of healthy debate in Egypt. However, there is
informal self-censorship with the understanding that certain issues are simply not discussed.
For example, although “Senior government officials are often criticized in public and in the
newspapers in Egypt…President Hosni Mubarak and his decisions remain virtually
sacrosanct.”48 Indeed many believe that Saadeddin Ibrahim was arrested in some part for
comments he had made on television regarding issues of succession in Egypt.
Clearly this environment is a serious hindrance to the development of civil society,
particularly advocacy work. The Emergency Law impacts the work and personal safety of
journalists, intellectuals and human rights advocates by giving the government scope for
silencing critics in the name of national security.
NGOs
The NGO sector in Egypt is very large, with approximately 15,000 NGOs. They are
predominantly small community-based organisations that concentrate on service delivery
and social assistance. The past decade has seen a rise in ‘advocacy’ NGOs with the
expectation that they would push forward on social and political change in a way that weak
political parties and professional syndicates and unions suffering from government
interference were not doing; however they have had a limited impact.49 According to the
Egypt Human Development Report for 2003, Egyptian NGOs suffer from limited capacity,
capabilities and self-perception. Many are organisationally weak, financially unstable and
face government interference50.
Government interference and the new NGOs Law #84
Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR) (2003): “The Effect of the Emergency Law on the
Human Rights Situation in Egypt: 1992-2002”, February 2003
http://eohr.org/report/2003/emergency2.htm
47
Sakr (2003), 43
48 El Deeb, S, “Online petition addresses touchy issue of succession in Egypt” International Herald Tribune,
January 15, 2003
http://www.iht.com/ihtsearch.php?id=83380&owner=(Associated%20Press)&date=200301161344448
49 El-Gawhary, K. M.,“Egyptian Advocacy NGOs: Catalysts for Social and Political Change?” Middle East
Report # 214 Spring 2000
50 UNDP, Egypt Human Development Report 2003
46
10
Although the NGO sector is large, it is tightly controlled by the government. Compulsory
registration with the Ministry of Social Affairs (MOSA) puts many NGOs in a client-like
relationship in which they might more appropriately be called GONGOs, or governmentorganised NGOs.51 Laws governing their activities impede the possibilities for NGOs to
develop independently, and put the human rights NGOs (of which there were 23 registered
in 200152) in a particularly unstable legal position. In these circumstances, “activities that
international norms classify as the prerogative of civil society depend instead on government
approval and remain permanently subject to government intervention.”53
In June 2002, Egypt passed a new law governing civil organisations. The law maintains the
requirement that all NGOs register with MOSA and increases the scope of government
interference. Significantly, it gives the Ministry the authority to dissolve NGOs, which
previously rested with the courts. The position of NGOs is further weakened as the law
allows for restrictions on their establishment, activities and funding.
On a positive note, some have observed that the law gives civil organisations the right to
operate in all fields of activity without specifically identifying fields that are not included,
thus opening “the door wide for advocacy activities”.54 However others note that the
ambiguous wording of the restrictions on NGO activities (prohibiting any “political or
unionist activity” or anything which violates “public order or morals”) can be seen to offer
potential for broad interpretation and misuse by the authorities.55 In this way human rights
advocacy groups can be denied registration on the grounds that their activities are political.
Some NGOs therefore have not registered and have ambiguous legal status.
The implications for NGO funding and participation in regional and international networks
are also serious. NGOs wishing to receive funding from foreign NGOs within Egypt or
from international sources must apply to the Ministry for approval. The administrative body
is also required to approve receipt of donations from the public, contributing to the
generally weighty bureaucratic procedures necessary for basic operations. The joining of an
international network or agency outside Egypt requires approval from the Ministry. With
NGOs increasingly involved in international networks for support and information-sharing
this is potentially a serious obstacle to their development.
Whether the new law makes the environment faced by NGOs more restrictive in practice
remains to be seen. Nonetheless, the bottom line remains that NGOs require approval from
the very administrative bodies they may be lobbying to change.
Organisational weaknesses
Carapico, S (2000): “Making Sense of Non-Governmental Organizations”, Middle East Report #214, Spring
2000
52
UNDP (2003): 10
53
Sakr (2003): 39
54 Dr. Amani Kandil in the Egypt Human Development Report 2003, UNDP: 71
55 EOHR (2002), “Nothing New But Restrictions: The Issuance of the Executive Regulations for the NonGovernmental Organizations Law” 28 November 2002
http://www.eohr.org/report/2002/ngos_reg.html
51
11
In addition to difficulties stemming from government interference, many NGOs are further
weakened from a lack of internal democracy, accountability, skilled management and
adequate funding.
Egyptian NGOs operate in a precarious financial situation. They are heavily dependent on
foreign funding, which is problematic for several reasons. The burden of government
approval has already been discussed. Additionally, receiving external sources of funding can
hurt their image by opening NGOs up to criticism from the government that they are
facilitating foreign interference.56 Finally, donors themselves are known to have short
attention spans. Funding is disbursed in the short term making adequate and coherent longrange planning difficult. There is a general lack of consistency and strategy. Donors may
fund week-long conferences but then not follow up with support to take the resolutions
forward.
NGOs in Egypt suffer many of the problems that the UNDP identifies for Arab NGOs
more generally.57 Power is often concentrated in the hands of a single individual, the
founder of the organisation. Internal conflict and lack of democracy hinders effective
decision-making and systems of accountability are not respected. (On a positive note, the
new NGO law contains some articles enhancing democratic practice inside civil
organisations). Poor management then affects organisations’ opportunities for funding.
Finally, many Egyptian advocacy NGOs are staffed by social and political elites striving for
progress but having little in common with the people they aim to serve.58 This means that
they do not have the political support that might defend them from government
manipulation, making them more dependent on outside donors and international
organisations—which in turn further de-legitimises them.
This basic struggle for survival diverts the attention of NGOs from their actual objectives.
It also results in competition within the sector, rather than cooperation in the interests of
pluralism and the development of stronger networks from which to pressure for legislative
change.
El-Gawhary (2000): 39
UNDP (2002), Arab Human Development Report
58 El-Gawhary (2000): 40
56
57
12
III. TYPOLOGY OF NGOs
Providing a definition of what constitutes ‘Non-Governmental Organizations’ (NGOs) is
necessary for the purpose of the typology. This is a term for which definitions may vary
according to cultural, economic and political contexts. NGOs are commonly understood to
be those organisations that do not fall within either state or market sectors. However “the
residual nature of the term itself offers such a broad umbrella for a kaleidoscopic collection
of organizations, that attempts at simple definitions are quickly rendered meaningless”59.
For the purpose of this typology, the NGOs included are those that have been classified as
such by CIDA (the Canadian International Development Agency)60 and USAID61 and that
have applied for and/or receive funding from them. Some inclusions have also been made
from internet searches. Although drawing on recipients or potential partners of donors
subscribes to a definition of NGOs contingent on aid receipt such as that proposed by
Fowler (1997), the lack of available information on NGOs and their activities from other
sources compels this type of selection.
The purpose of the list is not exhaustive, but illustrative, given that approximately 15,000
NGOs are formally registered with MOSA 62 alone. The typology, including approximately
90 organisations therefore serves as a visual tool to highlight areas of major NGO activity,
operational framework, geographical scope and relation to media. Determining whether
NGOs not previously registered with MOSA have now done so after the passing of Law 84
in 2002 is problematic, given that those that are defying the new law do not publicise it.
Such NGOs have been highlighted as ones whose status is ‘pending new NGO law’.
Also problematic is NGO classification. The classification model in the typology draws
upon Clark’s (1991) classification by activities. It is noteworthy that NGO activities are
neither heterogeneous, nor static given that both donor funding priorities and local needs are
ever-changing. Therefore, four broad activities are used (community development, service
delivery, advocacy, and research and innovation), but NGO activities may in some cases fall
under more than one activity. It is obvious that it is advocacy groups that can mainly be
juxtaposed against the other three in addressing issues of media reform (see Figure 1). In
fact, according to figures provided by MOSA approximately 84.1% of registered NGOs
work in areas of social aid, local community development and cultural, scientific and
religious services.
Najam (1996): 203, quoting Cernea
Source: Canada Fund for Local Initiatives Program, CIDA
61 Source: NGO Service Center, USAID
62 UNDP Egypt Human Development Report 2002-2003
59
60
13
Figure 1: Activity Breakdown of NGOs Listed in Typology
(Egyptian and Regional)
General advocacy,
including media-related
11%
Other 69%
Media-specific 8%
It is important to note how some NGOs’ primary activities may mask other areas and tools
of work in which they may be involved. The Association for Health and Environmental
Development (AHED) for example, is primarily a service delivery organisation, providing
community based rehabilitation programs for the disabled in the Cairo slum of El Waily.
However, they also work on lobbying local leaders to combat environmental degradation
from surrounding factories and industrial waste affecting local health, at times resorting to
legal means. Furthermore, the organisation’s leader was one of the leading figures speaking
out against what is now Law 84, and is considered an outspoken civil society activist in
Egypt. So while AHED is registered with MOSA and is defined primarily as a service
delivery NGO, reform is one of its objectives which generally characterises advocacy-type
NGOs. This is not unique to AHED but common to NGOs in general. Service delivery
and advocacy roles are “not mutually exclusive but may often be combined within one
NGO”63.
The typology highlights that NGOs working specifically on issues of media reform are all
located outside Egypt, with an Arab (regional) scope. The Centre for Media Freedom in the
Middle East and North Africa (CMF MENA) is a case in point. And although it works with
local NGOs to advance media consciousness and advocate for media freedom, its partners
are NGOs that advance such issues from a ‘rights’ perspective, among other human rights
issues. This may be partially explained by the contextual framework within which NGOs in
Egypt are operating, in which “survival becomes an objective in its own right, leading to a
tendency for some groups to seek freedom of association and expression for themselves but
not for others”64. Hence, NGO activity in this area in Egypt seems to be limited to
63Lewis,
D. (2001) The Management of Non-Governmental Development Organisations: An Introduction. London:
Routledge: 109, citing Fowler
64 Sakr (2003): 40, citing Al Bizri, Najjar and Abdel-Rahman
14
reporting on either detention of journalists, or their unlawful dismissal, for example65. Also
noteworthy are the afore-mentioned difficulties in obtaining information on NGO activity
which may mask work being done in the area of media freedom. This is also true of donors,
given that activities of this type are considered “sensitive territory” (see Appendix). So while
some local NGOs may be working specifically on areas of media reform in and of itself, this
information is not forthcoming.
Some NGO activities in the area of media freedom that have been documented include the
activities of the Cairo Institute of Human Rights Studies. Publications of the organisation
include the ENCYCLOPEDIA OF ARAB PRESS LEGISLATION (2000). The book
“documents press legislation and laws organizing the journalist profession, freedom of
printing, information exchange and legal restrictions on the content of the information
message in 19 Arab states. The researcher offers an analytical introduction, where he answers
the following question: to what extent does legislation mirror the democratic (or
undemocratic) situation in Arab countries?”66
The Egyptian Journalists Syndicate is not included in the list of NGOs; however it plays an
important role in media law reform. The Syndicate does not fall within the ‘NGO’ category,
but can rather be described as a GONGO. Although it strives to ease restrictive laws, its
loyalty and ties to the government are also obvious, with its Chairman, Ibrahim Nafie, being
the editor in chief of the main government newspaper, Al Ahram. He is seen to play the role
of “double-agent” for government and journalists67.
On a positive note, the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate, together with APF-Watch and the
International Federation of Journalists have come together in the organisation of a
conference entitled, “Ethics in Journalism: Towards a Free and Responsible Media”, held in
Cairo from May 5-7, 2003. The conference addresses the need for rules and guidelines that
should be set out by journalists themselves to ensure that objective reporting, moral values,
higher professional standards and respect of differences of opinion are deeply rooted and
respected in all Arab media institutions. The conference will bring together journalists and
media experts from Egypt, other Arab countries and Western counterparts.
As in the case with the Al Nabaa newspaper in June 2001
http://www.cihrs.org/BOOKS/HRStudies/HRStudies.htm
67 Shehata, S. Egyptian civil society specialist and Lecturer on Middle East Politics. Interview 1 May 2003
65
66
15
Type
Relevance to Media
Operational Framework
Organization
Media NGO
Community
Development
Giza Community Development
Association
El Sahel El Bahary Community
Development Association
Heritage Committee of Siwa
Tanida Community Development
Association
Barees Community Development
Association
Community Development Association
Basaysa
Community Development Association
in Katamiya City
Al Kaaby Community Development
Association
El Aalam Community Development
Association
Biahmo Community Development
Association
Rowaygat Islamic Charity and
Community Development Assoc.
Working on
Media Reform
Working on
Issues of
Reform
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
Relevance to Media
Type
Operational Framework
Organization
Media NGO
Working on
Media Reform
Maabda Community Development
Association, Assiut
Atmaneya Community Development
Association, Assiut
East Beni Suliman Community
Development Association
El Sharawna Community
Development Association
Geziret El Sheir Community
Development Association
Al Taha El-Mustafa Association for
Community Development
Coptic Association for Community
Development, Minia
Badr Community Development
Association, Sohag
The Islamic Charity Association,
Assiut
Aqal Bahary Community
Development Association, Assiut
United Local Society for
Development in Hota, Assiut
Olaycat Community Development
Association, Qena
17
Working on
General
Advocacy
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
Relevance to Media
Type
Media NGO
Working on
Media Reform
Dairut Coptic Orthodox Renaissance
Association
Hagir Al Adissat Islamic Charity
Association
Advocacy
Operational Framework
Organization
Al Shehab Center for Promotion and
Comprehensive Development
Association for Friends of the
Environment
Cairo Institute for Human Rights
Studies
Al Nadim Center
Arab Program for Human Rights
Activists
Legal Resource and Research Center
The Hisham Mubarak Law Center
Association for Human Rights Legal
Aid
The Arab Center for the Independence
of the Judiciary and Legal Profession
Land Center for Human Rights
18
Working on
General
Advocacy
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
Relevance to Media
Type
Operational Framework
Organization
Media NGO
Working on
Media Reform
Working on
General
Advocacy
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
Egyptian Organization for Human
Rights
New Civic Forum
Works through
member NGOs
NGO Coalition on the Rights of the
Child
Arab Organization for Human Rights
Center for Egyptian Women’s Legal
Assistance
Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights
Center for Media Freedom in North
Africa and the Middle East
Arab Press Freedom Watch
AMIN Arab Media Internet Network
Group for Democratic Development
The Human Rights Center for the
Assistance of Prisoners
Osiris Center
19
Relevance to Media
Type
Operational Framework
Organization
Media NGO
Working on
Media Reform
Working on
General
Advocacy
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
The Association for Culture and
Enlightenment
Alternative Studies Development
Center
Egyptian Initiative for Personal
Rights
Haby Center for Environmental
Rights, Cairo
Arab Women’s Media Center
Service
Delivery
Rotary Club of Giza
Association for Protection of the
Environment
Coptic Organisation for Services and
Training
Foundation.
Approvals thru
Min. of Health
Al Noor Foundation Center for
Community Ophthalmology
The Egyptian Autistic Society
Upper Egypt Association for
Education and Development
20
Relevance to Media
Type
Operational Framework
Organization
Media NGO
Working on
Media Reform
Coptic Evangelical Organization for
Social Services
Voice of the Mentally Disabled
Association
Future Association for Development
and Environmental and Consumer
Protection
Seti Center for Advice, Training and
Studies on Mental Retardation
Assiut Burns Programme
CARITAS
Comprehensive Family Health Care
Center
The Egyptian Small and Micro
Enterprise Association (ESMA)
Egyptian Association for
Comprehensive Development
Misr Association for Development
Salama Moussa Foundation for
Education and Development
Fair Haven Special School for
Mentally Challenged, Alexandria
21
Working on
General
Advocacy
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
Relevance to Media
Type
Operational Framework
Organization
Media NGO
Working on
Media Reform
Tanweer Association for Education &
Development in Minia
Port Said Diocese
Central General Association for
Development and Care, Cairo
Young Christians Association, Aswan
Taha Hussein Forum for Retardation
Challenge, Cairo
Eve of the Future Assoc. for Family
Dev. and Female School Dropouts
Association of Developing Women,
Sohag
Future Eve Development Association,
Minia
Hope Village Society, Cairo
Association for Health and
Environmental Development, Cairo
Youth Business & Investment
Promotion, Fayoum
El Nozha Rotary Club, Alexandria
22
Working on
General
Advocacy
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
Relevance to Media
Type
Operational Framework
Organization
Media NGO
Working on
Media Reform
Working on
General
Advocacy
Regional
Status Pending
New Law
Registered
with MOSA
Other
Asdaa’ Association for Serving the
Hearing Impaired, Alexandria
Central Egyptian Society for
Consumer Protection, Cairo
Coptic Foundation for Juvenile
Prisoners, Cairo
Egyptian Association for
Comprehensive Development
Technical
Innovation
Society for Cultural Development
The Egyptian Association for
Sustainable Rural Development
Egyptomania, Cairo
For-profit
Affiliated
with the Ain
Shams
University
The Center for Development of Small
Scale Industries
23
IV. CONCLUDING REMARKS
As has been noted, there is currently no Egyptian NGO working exclusively on media
reform. The organizations working on these issues are human rights advocacy groups,
which are themselves in a precarious legal situation. International NGOs such as IFJ, CPJ or
Article 19 produce detailed reports on the state of media freedom but their function is
“reactive”.68 Other regional NGOs such as CMF-MENA and APF-Watch are not subject to
the risks that face local NGOs but their role is limited and unlikely to go beyond a
consultative one to local groups, as well as the publicizing of media developments in Egypt
and the rest of the Middle East to the outside world.
Egyptian NGOs are seriously hindered from a lack of continuity both in funding and
commitment from donors. This is identified as a problem in the aid industry more generally,
but is particularly acute in Egypt where there is a high level of competition between a large
number of NGOs for survival. It also has something to do with difficulty identifying
appropriate NGOs due to their poor management practices. In addition, many NGOs are
affiliated with political ideologies that donors may not wish to be associated with.
International interest in the performance and professionalism of Arab media was crystallised
as governments of the region were asked to endorse the UNESCO Sana’a Declaration in
1996, the only international document on freedom for the Arab media to date. However,
very few Arab countries have honoured these commitments, and the international
community has done little to follow up on the Sana’a Conference since then69. Additionally,
it should be noted that funds specifically for media reform may not be forthcoming, as a free
media in Egypt would potentially be more critical of the West. This puts in question donor
commitment to the goal of media freedom in Egypt in itself. Thomas Friedman writes that
some have asked, “Why foster democracy and a free press in that part of the world when
many of those who would be elected or free to write would be incredibly hostile to
Americans? After all, Americans may not like everything that President Hosni Mubarak of
Egypt or the Saud ruling family in Saudi Arabia do - but they are more liberal and proAmerican than many of their people.”70 Essoulami notes that liberalisation may threaten the
interests of the West, as well as the interests of liberal civil society in the case of a backlash.
(After all, there exist fundamentalist NGOs that advocate increased censorship.) Donors,
governments and progressive NGOs are all concerned about the rise of extremism.
The legal and political landscape has become, if anything, more difficult for those working
on these issues in Egypt. It should also be emphasized that there are strong informal
pressures arising from powerful blocs with their own vested interests in maintaining the
status quo. Some specialists see little hope for the development of a media advocacy NGO
in the current environment71. Others believe that there is scope for change, but NGOs will
need to develop their capacities and move from a campaigning role to direct lobbying.72
Perhaps this is the area in which NGOs will need increased—and more importantly,
Essoulami, S.
Al-Saqqaf, A. (2000) “After the Sana’a Declaration: the Fate of the Arab Media”,
http://www.cmfmena.org/magazine/features/after_sana’a_declaration/htm
70 “The free speech bind: a risk worth taking”, New York Times, March 28, 2002
71 Shehata, S.
72 Essoulami, S.
68
69
sustained—support to instigate change. In either case, most agree that when change comes
about it will be through cooperation and negotiation, not confrontation73.
73
See also UNDP, Arab Human Development Report 2002: 109
25
APPENDIX
Email exchange with USAID, Cairo
Dear Ms. Mobarak,
I think there has been a misunderstanding. We have not provided support to "the African
Society" (what is that?). We are working on a project with the Press Syndicate to train
Egyptian journalists in the US. This is sensitive territory, as you can imagine. So, I would
prefer to wait until everything is settled before I share any documents with you. Best
Regards, _______
nada mobarak [mailto:nada_mobarak@hotmail.com]
Sent: Sunday, April 20, 2003 2:17 PM
To: _______
Subject:
Dear Ms _______,
Your e-mail was forwarded to me by my former colleagues at the Canadian
Embassy in Cairo. I was working with CIDA as the Coordinator for the Canada
Fund for Local Initiatives until last September when I came to London to do
my Master's at the LSE. I am currently working on a consultancy project
with an international NGO on media reform in the Middle East. My colleagues
from the Embassy tell me that you have provided the African Society with
support for a project on a related topic. I was wondering whether you could
provide me with some information on the project and the Society.
Eventually, when the study is completed, such NGOs will be drawn on for
potential cooperation.
If your program provides support to any other NGOs working in the area of
media reform and/or related areas, information regarding that would be very
useful as well.
Thanking you in advance for your kind cooperation.
Best Regards,
Nada Mobarak
26
REFERENCES
BBC (2003): “Country Profile: Egypt”,
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Cairo Times, “A quick overview of the Egyptian Press”,
www.cairotimes.com/content/issues/media/quidir.html
Carapico, S (2000): “Making Sense of Non-Governmental Organizations”, Middle East
Report #214, Spring 2000
Clark, J. (1991) Democratising Development: The Role of Voluntary Organisations,
London: Earthscan.
Committee to Protect Journalists (2001): “Egypt – Attacks on the Press in 2001”,
www.cpj.org/attacks01/mideast01/egypt.html
Committee to Protect Journalists (2002): “Egypt – Attacks on the Press in 2002”,
www.cpj.org/attacks02/mideast02/egypt.html
Constitution Text:
www.parliament.gov.eg/EPA/en/categories.jsp?sectionID=13&typeID=1&levid=54&p
arentlevel=6&levelno=2
The Centre for Media Freedom, Middle East and North Africa (1998): “The Media
environment in Egypt”, CMF MENA April 1998
El Deeb, S (2003): “Online petition addresses touchy issue of succession in Egypt”
International Herald Tribune, January 15, 2003
Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights (EOHR): “The Emergency Law and its
Impact on Freedoms of Opinion, Expression and Belief”
www.eohr.org/report/2003/emergency2.htm
Essoulami, S. Executive Director, CMF-MENA. Interview 24 April 2003.
Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR) (2003): “The Effect of the
Emergency Law on the Human Rights Situation in Egypt: 1992-2002”, February 2003
http://eohr.org/report/2003/emergency2.htm
Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (2002): “Nothing New But Restrictions: The
Issuance of the Executive Regulations for the Non-Governmental Organizations Law”
28 November 2002
http://www.eohr.org/report/2002/ngos_reg.html
27
El-Gawhary, K. M (2000): “Egyptian Advocacy NGOs: Catalysts for Social and Political
Change?” Middle East Report # 214 Spring 2000
Friedman, T (2002): “The free speech bind: a risk worth taking”, New York Times, March
28, 2002
Fowler, A. (1997) Striking A Balance: A Guide to Enhancing the Effectiveness of NGOs
in International Development, London: Earthscan.
Human Rights Watch (2002): “The State of Egypt vs. Free Expression: The Ibn
Khaldun Trial”, January 2002
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/egypt/egypt0102.pdf
Human Rights Watch (2003): “Egypt's Emergency without End: Rushed Renewal of
Repressive Legislation”, New York, February 25, 2003
http://hrw.org/press/2003/02/egypt022503.htm
International Press Institute (2001): “Egypt – 2001 World Press Freedom Review”,
www.freemedia.at/wpfr/egypt.htm
International Journalists’ Network (2002): “Egypt: Press overview”,
www.ijnet/org/Profile/Africa/Egypt/media.html
Lewis, D. (2001) The Management of Non-Governmental Development Organisations: An
Introduction. London: Routledge.
Najam, A. (1996) “Understanding the Third Sector: Revisiting the Prince, the Merchant
and the Citizen. Nonprofit Management and Leadership. Vol. 7, no. 2, Winter 1996.
Reporters sans Frontiers (2002): “Egypt – Annual Report 2002”,
www.rsf.org/article/php3?id_article=1435
Sakr, N. (2003) “Freedom of Expression, Accountability and Development in the Arab
Region” in Journal of Human Development, Vol. 4, No. 1, 2003
Sakr, N. (2001) “Civil Society, Media and Accountability in the Arab Region” in Human
Development Report 2002
Shehata, S. Egyptian civil society specialist and Lecturer on Middle East Politics.
Interview 1 May 2003
US Department of State (2002): “Egypt”. Country Report on Human Rights Practices –
2001, www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2001/nea/8248.htm
United Nations Development Program (UNDP) (2003): Egypt Human Development
Report 2003
http://www.undp.org.eg/publications/ENHDR_2003/NHDR2003.htm
28
United Nations Development Program (UNDP) (2002): Arab Human Development
Report 2002
http://www.undp.org/rbas/ahdr/
29