Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Contents
Foreword by Khalek Awang,
Chief Executive Officer,
Global Movement of Moderates Foundation
3
Introduction on Global Moderation Roundtable
(GMR)
5
Transcript of GMR: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika held in
Kuala Lumpur on 2 July 2012 7
Transcript of GMR: Regional Peace and
Stability through Moderation held in Jakarta
on 12 February 2013
50
Coexistence in the Perspective of the Islamic
Law – Dealing with non-Muslims as a Model,
Professor Ahmed Reda Al-Rashidi,
Nahdlatul Ulama Higher Institute
for Islamic Studies, Jakarta
79
Membumikan Toleransi, Meredam Redikalisme:
Pergulatan Kultural Nahdlatul Ulama Jawa Barat
dalam Membumikan Nilai-nilai Moderasi Islam
di Indonesia, Dr H. Sulasman M. Hum,
State Islamic University of Sunan Gunung Djati
Bandung
131
Nahdlatul Ulama and Religious Tolerance
In Indonesia, Gugun Gumilar,
President of Indonesia Association Students
in United States
166
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Foreword by Khalek Awang
Chief Executive Officer,
Global Movement of Moderates Foundation
As part of its efforts in
disseminating the concept
of moderation, the Global
Movement
of
Moderates
Foundation
(GMMF)
has
undertaken a number of
initiatives. One of these
is the Global Moderation
Roundtable which is a vital
platform for the exploration of
the many facets of moderation
in multiple contexts. The priority
at this moment is to engage as
many parties as possible, both state and non-state actors, in
exploring the practical applications of moderation. Indonesia,
being the largest Muslim country in Southeast Asia with its
diverse traditions and religions, is expected to be an important
contributor to this process.
With many embedded similarities in religion, language
and cultural heritage that date back to time immemorial
between Malaysia and Indonesia, there will be many common
issues that both countries can work on. The official motto of
Indonesia which translates into “Unity in Diversity” marks the
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
starting point of GMMF’s engagement with Indonesia’s two
leading civil society organizations which are Nahdlatul Ulama
and Muhammadiyah.
The Global Moderation Roundtable series between
Malaysia and Indonesia and the two prominent organizations
will be an ongoing process. The discussions and exchange
of views on the practical application of the philosophy
of moderation which focuses on “justice, equilibrium and
excellence” would be beneficial to both parties in resolving
conflicts and differences, be it domestic or between the two
neighboring countries.
Hopefully, the publication of papers presented by our
fellow scholars, intellectuals as well as by civil society leaders
from both Malaysia and Indonesia will give the general public
an insight into the meaning of moderation. This will, in time
create a wider understanding of the concept and its practical
applications, and lead the world towards global peace.
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Introduction on Global
Moderation Roundtable
(GMR)
The Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF) has
initiated the Global Moderation Roundtable (GMR) where
key stakeholders from all around the world are invited for a
productive and free exchange of ideas on the concept of
moderation and its practices.
Since 2012, two GMR forums have been organized
with Indonesian stakeholders. The first was themed Bhinneka
Tunggal Ika which means Unity in Diversity. It was held in
Kuala Lumpur on 2 July 2012. It showcased the successes
that Indonesia has attained and the moderation strategies it
used in managing the interests and wellbeing of its diverse
population. The distinguished speakers from Indonesia
included Drs H As’ad Said Ali, Vice Chairman of Nahdlatul
Ulama, Professor Dr Hamka Haq, Chairman of Baitul Muslimin
Indonesia and Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin, President of
Muhammadiyah.
Officiated by the Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri
Muhyiddin Yassin, the second edition of GMR themed Regional
Peace and Stability through Moderation was held in Jakarta
on 12 February 2013. Being one of the most culturally diverse
regions in the world, Southeast Asia has never experienced
any devastating clash of civilizations. Instead, the diverse
civilizations here had enjoyed peaceful co-existence guided
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
by the principles of moderation. The regional stability has
enabled Southeast Asia to sustain steady economic growth.
According to the International Monetary Fund, Southeast Asia
enjoys a growth rate twice that of the developed world.
The Roundtable provided the platform for sharing both
the Malaysian and Indonesian experience of moderation,
peaceful co-existence, and their experience in dealing with
ethnic and religious diversity. The outcomes of the deliberations
are being disseminated to various regional and international
organizations. GMMF claims no exclusive ownership of the
idea of moderation other than the strategic thrust on joint
cooperation with like-minded governments and NGOs in the
pursuit of moderation and global peace.
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Transcript of GMR:
Bhinneka Tunggal Ika held in
Kuala Lumpur on 2 July 2012
Drs H As’ad Said Ali
Vice Chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama
The concepts of unity and moderation were well implemented
throughout the history of Indonesia. The Dutch Empire defeated
the Indonesia Empire resulting in the separation of authority
between those islands within the Kingdom of Majapahit and
regional sultanate powers. Indonesia’s unity was shaped by
social and cultural factors over time.
The concept of unity began in the 15th century. The
Ulamas contributed to the development of Bahasa Indonesia
which became the lingua franca of the Malay Archipelago.
Islam was then preached in written Jawi and Bahasa
Indonesia, conveying a message of unity under the umbrella
of common religion practice and language. Regional trading
had also strengthened relationships among the Indonesian
islands. The 20th century marked the rise of social and political
organizations such as the socialist party and nationalistic
parties which adopted western ideologies like communism
and democracy.
The establishment of Islamic organizations like Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama led to the uprising of the Ulamas
in 1916 in pursuit of national independence. In the Muktamar
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Congress in Banjarmasin in 1936, a consensus was reached
that Indonesia shall be an Islamic country as the majority
practised Islam. The Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama and
various Islamic organizations formed the Majlis A’laa (Supreme
Islamic Council of Indonesia) to further press for the nation’s
independence. In 1945, the Islamic organizations have agreed
on the adoption of Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika as the
foundation of the formation of the new republic.
The Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, translated as ‘Unity in Diversity’
was adopted to be a part of the national ideology. Derived
from an old Javanese poem written by Mpu Tantular during
the Majapahit era, the poem promotes tolerance as a basis
for unity among Buddhists and Hindus while respecting the
rights of god worshipping, and at the same time welcoming
and respecting the influence of other religions such as Islam in
the archipelago.
The formation of Indonesia was faced with three questions;
whether it should be a kingdom or a republic; secular or
aristocracy, centralism or federalism. With consensus from
the nine founding fathers of the country, it was agreed that
Indonesia shall be created as a democratic republic state.
It was to be a united state, with autonomy given to all states
as guaranteed in the Constitution. In terms of theocracy, the
ideology of pluralism is embraced by the majority Muslims,
and as well as respecting the rights of the minority. It was
further expressed that the adoption of Bhinneka Tunggal
Ika and Pancasila is parallel with the Madinah Charter, and
the arkān-al-Islām, the five principles for Muslims. Nahdlatul
Ulama strongly advocated the omission of the line “obligation
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
for Muslims to carry out the Syari’ah law” in the Pancasila
principles to accommodate the sentiment of the Christians,
thereby upholding the concept of plurality.
Besides that, the Nahdlatul UIlama recognizes Indonesia as
a nation state which is ideologically different from the western
understanding of a nation state concept. To Nahdlatul Ulama,
the priority is to appreciate the traditional values as quoted:
“to be Muslims is a voluntary action, not to be forced by the
government”. Furthermore, the principles of justice, equality
and welfare state are also applied in the system. Nahdlatul
Ulama believes that it is the obligation of the government and
states to provide enough food, shelter, and jobs to the society
regardless of race and religion. These values had become the
foundation of the Pancasila. Thank you.
Professor Dr Hamka Haq
Chairman of Baitul Muslimin Indonesia
It is an honor for me to have the chance to share my knowledge
and experience with you in this discussion on the Indonesian
state ideology, Pancasila, which is also symbolized by the term
“Bhinneka Tunggal Ika”. I am very confident that this strategic
forum can be an effective force to achieve a new peaceful
and harmonious world.
Any talk on diversity in Indonesia could not be separated
from the role of Muslims. The religious life in Indonesia is very
conducive and tolerant; in line with the universality of Islamic
teachings itself that focus on peace and harmony. As a
10
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
universal teaching, Islam can integrate with local conditions in
each nation and country, especially in the case of Indonesia.
Islam accepts the ideas of humanity as the philosophy of
modern civilization and the culture of mankind. Indonesia is
a country with multiple ethnic groups with multiple cultures,
languages and religions, and the society is very communal,
paternalistic, with high solidarity. Thus, the identity of Indonesia
can be summed up by two characteristics, namely plurality
and nationality.
The Indonesian ancestors initially embraced polytheism
and animism before monotheistic religions came to this
country. At first, missionaries of Hinduism and Buddhism came
to the archipelago and managed to build the Srivijaya and
Majapahit kingdom. Then the preachers of Islam came and
by way of peaceful trade and preaching, most of the later
generations of this nation eventually embraced Islam. Later
some of them embraced Christianity after Christian missionaries
came with the Portuguese and Dutch trade missions while
others still adhere to the old polytheistic beliefs. All religions
and beliefs can live together in harmony and peace in the
country which is named ‘Indonesia Raya’.
Islam then became assimilated into the Indonesia native
culture. Arab traders who came to the northern part of
Sumatra, Java and then spread to other islands found a local
tradition different from the Arab tradition. Arab merchants
and Islamic preachers eventually assimilated into the
society through marriage. Their assimilation strengthened the
relationship between Islam and the local traditions, including
costumes and equipment of worship, mosque (mushalla), how
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
11
to mark the five times of prayer and so on. Traditional dress in
the form of sarung and peci, were maintained without being
replaced by Arab robes and turban. Robes were regarded as
ceremonial garments in the palace especially for the princes
who pursued the study of Islam.
The design of mosques and mushalla buildings were not
like in those in the Middle East which are generally marked by
a large dome. The Indonesian mosque is typically an imitation
model of the pendopo (pavilion) in Java. In fact, sometimes
the remnants of Hindu and Buddhist buildings are still preserved
as a part of the mosque. Because of the physical condition
of scattered settlements, bordered by mountains and rivers,
the azan was not effective enough in calling the people to
worship. The local culture of kentongan (made of bamboo)
inspired the creation of bedug (any drum), beaten to mark
the coming of congregational prayer time.
Various forms of traditional ceremony were converted to
the Islamic tradition in Indonesia. The traditional harvest feast
which is a form of gratitude to the god of water, soil and wind
was not eliminated, but was converted to an Islamic ceremony
of thanksgiving (syukuran) to God Almighty and prayers to
Allah SWT. This is the beginning of the tradition of salvation
(selamatan) that is found in almost all Muslim communities
in the archipelago. Other traditions concerning births,
marriages and deaths were also Islamized without discarding
the old traditional forms. All the examples mentioned above
explained that Islam came to Indonesia in a very moderate
and friendly manner, absorbing the local culture, which were
given Islamic values.
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Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
In Java, the local tradition of puppet (wayang) was the
most effective media in the process of Islamization of no less
than 90% of Java people. As a symbol of Islamization, the
celebrations “syahadatain” was held which until now has
always been organized around the palace of Yogyakarta
Sultanate, usually called the Sekaten event (from the
syahadatain). Sekaten later became a unique part of Prophet
Muhammad’s birthday celebrations in Indonesia. In a more
modern form, Eid al-Fitr celebrations on completion of the
Ramadhan fasting are marked by mutual visits to neighbours
and friends. This eventually led to the emergence of a new
tradition called Halal bi Halal.
The tradition of mass forgiveness is held in mosques or
other places to signify solidarity and mutual cooperation
among Muslims. Islamic tolerance towards local culture
mentioned above is in line with the inter-ethnic assimilation
process. For example, in Moluccas, the Pela Gandong
tradition which means having a sense of brotherly kinship
even though Moluccas has a multi-religious society. Pela
means finished (the final, ultimate) while Gandong means
brotherhood; then Pela Gandong means the ultimate form
of brotherhood and fraternity. There will be no higher and
more noble brotherhood than Pela Gandong. So through
Pela Gandong, family members of different religions can live
in peace and harmony.
Similarly, in Toraja South Sulawesi, in one family there
could be adherents of different religions living together in
peace and harmony, thanks to the Tongkonan tradition.
The Tongkonan tradition (joint consultation and deliberation)
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
13
means a full sense of brotherhood, regardless of the different
religions. Tongkonan tradition has always been maintained as
a noble culture in Toraja till today.
Meanwhile, in the Java community, we have a Gotong
Royong culture, which means helping each other. This term
has become Indonesian and has been used as an everyday
language throughout Indonesia. In the Javanese tradition,
more specifically is mangan ora mangan asal ngumpul (meal
or without meal is not problem, because the important thing
is togetherness in their life). The philosophy of “ngumpul”
makes “eating” or “meal” a brotherhood adhesive; because
in religion, the mind and heart can be different, but everyone
can come together for a meal at a party or wedding. By
tradition ngumpul, a Javanese family and their relatives
during Eid or Christmas gather harmoniously at the residence
of parents, grandparents or the elders.
Similarly, in Batak, north of Sumatra, family harmony is
reinforced by a system of kinship clans. The clans relationship
for them is bound by the kitchen philosophy (eating or meal)
namely, Dalihan Na Tolu (three-stone stove). This philosophy
is taken from the tradition of cooking on the stove of threestones called dalihan that means living together in harmony.
The tradition of Dalihan Na Tolu has become a reference for
the social system of the Batak society so that kinship should
not be affected due to religious differences. When they
embraced Islam or Christianity, inter-faith relations among
them must be adapted to Dalihan Na Tolu. It is quite common
for Muslims to be friendly with Christians within the same clan
because both are adherents to the Dalihan Na Tolu tradition.
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Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
This form of interaction is typical of the relationship between
Islam and other religions in Indonesia which may not be found
in other countries or societies.
Indonesian nationalism is marked by the unity of Indonesia
as a nation with diverse religions, ethnicities and cultures. This
definition has become the basic principle for the formation
of the nation-state of the Republic of Indonesia (RI) based on
the Pancasila ideology. The Pancasila ideology emphasizes
similarities in values and social practices that existed in our
social culture since time immemorial. Throughout history, these
common social values and practices have evolved and have
been institutionalized as part of daily life in ancient Indonesian
society.
Social values and practices in religious life are formulated
as the first principle of Pancasila, namely “Belief in God
Almighty”. The second principle is humanism, formally referred
to as “a just and civilized humanity”, a central theme in
every religion and culture of the people of Indonesia. The
third principle is related to “the unity of Indonesia”, a fusion
of the modern idea of nationalism and nation-state, and
the old idea of “unity in diversity” (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika).
The fourth principle is a combination of the modern idea
of representative democracy and the old ways of making
decision and conducting work in most of Indonesian society
- “musyawarah” (deliberative) and “gotong royong” (work
together). And the fifth principle of Pancasila is “social justice
for all Indonesian people”. This principle emphasizes the right
of the people of Indonesia irrespective of religion, ethnicity
and culture, to be able to meet the minimum standard of
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The Indonesian Experience
15
living, and at the same time, the state is obliged to provide
social services for all (quoted from a speech by the former
President Megawati, during her visit to China in 2010).
Acceptance of Pancasila as the state ideology, without
imposing Islam on others is a manifestation of the attitude
of moderate Muslims in the Republic of Indonesia. And the
presence of Islam in Indonesia has played an important role
in accelerating the sense of national unity, for Islam tolerates
the existence of religious and cultural diversity. One important
aspect of nationalism in Indonesia is “plurality”, as in the well
known phrase: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity).
In terms of ethnic and faith plurality, not less important to
note is the role of the largest Islamic organization, Nahdlatul
Ulama (NU) which is an advocate for all minorities under the
prominent leader KH Abdurrahman Wahid, well known as Gus
Dur, the former President of RI. When he was the President,
Gus Dur made a policy of restoring the rights of Kong Huchu
peoples to perform freely their cultural beliefs and rituals. Since
then, the followers of Kong Huchu could freely celebrate
various aspects of the Chinese tradition such as the lion dance
(barongsai) as cultural event for the community.
Based on the above humanism principles some of the
Islamic schools in Indonesia established by Muhammadiyah,
for example in West Timor, Maluku and Papua, have
many students who are non-Muslims. They are welcomed
without having to convert to Islam. In the book, “ChristianMuhammadiyah’, written by Abdul Mu’ti and Riza Ul Haq,
they explained the positive development of Muhammadiyah
schools managed in non-Muslim majority areas, namely Ende,
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Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
Flores (NTT), Serui (Papua), and Putussibau (West Kalimantan).
SMA (The high school) of Muhammadiyah, as the first Islamic
school in the area, received positive response and strong
support from Archbishop (emeritus) Ende, Bishop Donatus
Djagom. Acceptance of non-Muslim students at an Islamic
school is certainly an amazing form of moderation and
tolerance among the people of Indonesia.
Currently the number of non-Muslim students in each
class is about 70%, and it is important to note that the
Muhammadiyah schools provide Christian education through
a Christian teacher. For Christian students, by learning at that
school, their knowledge about Islam became enriched and
it is important thing to be a moderate and tolerant priest
or pastor. It is amazing for an Islamic school in Indonesia to
educate future leaders of the Christian (Catholic) faith. In
fact, according to Theophilus Bela, Secretary General of the
Committee of Religion for Peace and Chairman of the Jakarta
Christian Communication Forum, some Muhammadiyah high
school graduates later continued their education at the
Seminary to become Catholic priests and nuns.
Besides this, a number of Islamic universities in Indonesia
have collaborated with some non-Muslim universities in
Europe and America, especially in science and technology
courses. For your information, when the author of this paper
was Dean of the Faculty of Ushuluddin (Theology) of IAIN
(now UIN) Alauddin Makassar, 1999-2001, the university
had received non-Muslim students in cooperation with the
College of Theology Makassar. Some of them became priests
or pastors of the Church. Now, when IAIN upgraded its status
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
17
to be a University it continued to accept non-Muslim students
especially in science and technology.
In 1999 there were religious conflicts in Ambon Maluku.
However, in principle, the conflict was not because of hostility
between religious communities, but was due to political rivalry
and jealousy between the natives and the newcomers in
Maluku. It was also endorsed by certain groups in Jakarta to
deflect the goals of reform, for its own goals, with a claim for
the sake of Islam. As a result, minorities in these areas perform
acts of resistance, leading to ethnic and religious riots in
Ambon Maluku and in Poso Central Sulawesi.
To prevent the spread of violence, the author together
with Jusuf Kalla, former Vice President of Indonesia, established
the Inter-faith Forum (FAUB - Forum Antar Umat Beragama)
based in Makassar in March 1999 at the office of Indonesian
Council of Churches (PGI - Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja di
Indonesia) South and Southeast Sulawesi. This Forum stemmed
the violence in Maluku and Central Sulawesi, and prevented it
from spreading to other regions. The forum also raised funds to
help restore the religious life in Maluku and Poso.
In the long-term, the Forum is to guide inter-faith harmony
from Sulawesi up to national level. One of the interesting
activities is visits to different houses of worship and centers
of activities and, more importantly, is the holding of joint
celebrations of religious holidays. For example, a ceremonial
celebration of Christmas combined with Halal bi Halal after
Eid al-Fitr, to strengthen inter-faith brotherhood. The highlight
of the 2003 Forum was the meeting of religious leaders from all
provinces at the national level in Makassar. Recognizing the
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The Indonesian Experience
benefits of the Forum, Jusuf Kalla, former Vice President of RI,
recommended the establishment of a national level forum,
the Inter-faith Cooperation Forum (FKUB - Forum Kerjasama
Umat Beragama).
This new forum was established and funded by the
government, and it continued the mission of harmony initiated
by the FAUB forum that existed before. More recently, a
number of FKUB activists conducted a study tour to gain a
convergent understanding of religious life in foreign countries,
especially in Europe. I was with them and we attended the
Open House held by Pope Benedict in the Vatican on June
20, 2012, and a dialogue with Mr. Khaled, assistant to the
Pope who served Muslim countries. The dialogue was on the
assessment by international institutions, that the religious life in
Indonesia is not tolerant and not moderate. The Assistant to
the Pope concluded that the important thing is what really we
are, not what others say about us.
It is clear that religious life in Indonesia in general have
reflected a life of moderation and tolerance in a plural society.
That is the meaning of unity in diversity (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika),
which is the hallmark of the Indonesian nation. All religions
and cultures in Indonesia encourage everyone to respect the
diverse ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. Recently
we heard of the anarchy or terrorist attacks against minorities
carried out by a small group of people who claimed to be
implementing the orders of Islam. This is a deviation from the
principle of unity in diversity and their behaviour is clearly
against Islamic teachings.
I do hope this simple paper will contribute to our journey to
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
19
be a society of moderation and harmony which is our dream
of a civilized world. Finally, let me express my warm greetings
and the greetings of the people of Indonesia to all of you. May
God bless you and bless us all over the world. Thank you.
Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin
President of Muhammadiyah
Much has been said by my two colleagues from Nahdlatul
Ulama and Baitul Muslimin. Maybe not all of you realised that
the newly revived organization, the Baitul Muslimin, the House of
Muslims is closely affiliated to the great and prominent political
party in Indonesia, Parti Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan
which was former President Suharto and Megawati Sukarno
Puteri’s party.
This organization accommodates Muslims, especially
those Muslims who are not taken care by well-established
Islamic organizations like Muhammadiyah. This group of
Muslims, known as neglected Muslims or nominal Muslims are
mostly from the ‘Abangan’ category. It is a moderate way
of providing support and maintaining inclusivity. For example,
in the Indonesian context, Muslims who joined the Islamic
organization only accounted for 50% of the 100 million Muslim
population in Indonesia. At the same time, the 207 million
Muslim population in the Malay Archipelago should also be
included.
Indonesian Islam, to some extent, is similar to Islam in
Malaysia. The practice of Islam in both countries is quite
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The Indonesian Experience
different from the Islam in the Middle East. Firstly, the fertile
soil of the archipelago for spirituality has allowed Islam to
flourish. This spirituality was entrenched in the life and culture
of the region through the great religions like Hinduism and
Buddhism before the peaceful arrival of Islam. Secondly, the
geographical distance from the cradle of Islam has allowed
the two countries in the Malay Archipelago the freedom
and liberty to assimilate Islam into a culture that emphasizes
harmony, tolerance and peace which also happened to be
the most important ingredients of Islam.
On the eve of independence, we have successfully
institutionalised these values into the framework of our nation
state by stressing our nation’s foundation - ‘Pancasila’,
Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, 1945 constitution and Kesatuan
Republik Indonesia - dubbed as the Four Pillars of nationhood.
Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika in particular, are
significant contributions of the Muslims in building a unity state
for all. The nine founding fathers of Indonesia on 22 June 1945,
had agreed that the Jakarta Charter to be the foundation
of the new state. The Charter is similar to the Pancasila and
Bhinneka Tunggal Ika concepts, except for the first principle
that states, ‘ketuhanan dengan kewajiban menjalankan
Shi’a Islam dengan pemeluknya’, or belief in Almighty God
with the obligation for its Muslim adherents to carry out the
Islamic law/Syari’ah.
On 18th August, there was a debate where the Christian
leaders, especially those from the eastern part of Indonesia
objected the Jakarta Charter, particularly on the first
principle. With the wisdom of Muslim leaders, leaders like the
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The Indonesian Experience
21
then Muhammadiyah chairman, Ki Bagus Hadikusuma, who
agreed to omit the first principle and replaced it with the
present principle, Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa, or Belief in the
one and only God. This portrayed the wisdom of Indonesian’s
founding fathers and the moderateness of Islam in Indonesia.
On the role of Muhammadiyah, we believe that
moderation, harmony, and also our commitment to the nation
are part of Islamic teachings. This is therefore not a de facto
orientation. We have been trying to justify that Pancasila and
Bhinneka Tunggal Ika are Islamic. In my recent speech at the
NPR assembly on the 1st of June, which coincidentally was the
birth-date of Pancasila, I was trying to justify that a Pancasila
state cannot be perceived as different from ‘Darul Islam’. The
old and classic Islamic political thought differentiates between
‘Darul Islam’ and ‘Darul Harb’ and ‘Darul Kufr’, the state of
Islam and the state of infidels. The Pancasila state is a ‘Darul
Ahdi’, state of open consensus, which all Muslims are obliged
to fulfil consensus and commitment.
Pancasila is also a state of ‘Darul Syahadah’, where
people from all walks of life in Indonesia are free to compete
with each other to build this country. That is why from the very
beginning, Muhammadiyah has maintained the balance
or equilibrium between ‘Tajrid’ in the field of theology of
‘Aqidah’ and ‘Ibadah Mahdhah’. In this sense, we adhere to
the original teachings of Prophet Muhammad just as in the
‘Tajrid’. That is why Indonesian Islam has been recognized by
established Islamic organizations.
When I was the Vice President of the National Ulama
Council we used to organise forums on Islammiyah in
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The Indonesian Experience
Indonesia, bringing together more than 60 Islamic organizations
nationwide which have branches in at least two thirds of all
provinces. There are also many local Islamic organizations
with provincial outlook. That is why we have full confidence in
the Movement in pluralist Indonesian society.
I think the plurality and pluralistic tendency of Indonesia
is quite unique, unlike India or United States which are
continental, as we have various religions and 500 ethnic groups
spread out in the 17,000 islands, of which 50% are inhabited. In
such a large country with so many islands, transportation and
communication are the main problems. Islam has served as
a unifying force in this multicultural country. I quote from one
expert from the United States who could not imagine Indonesia
without Islam; “Indonesia would not have the stability and
the degree of tolerance it is enjoying now. Therefore, Islam is
indeed the unifying force.”
Let me move to another issue. What are the challenges
of the future? I think all of us face the same challenge like
the tendency towards radicalisation. Fortunately, radical
groups in Indonesia are the minority among the predominant
mainstream Islam. The radicalisation of Islam is the product of
globalisation when the Ummah Muslims started to learn about
other sects of Islam, especially from the outside, so to say, that
all radical groups are imported.
These are also the product of the reform era, which offered
freedom, the most significant ingredient of democracy. Prior
to the 1999 general election, there were about 200 Islamic
parties, but only 22 have been revived. But as for Muslims
who had no ability to run political parties, they shifted their
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
23
establishment to Malaysia like the Liga Muslim Indonesia. And
we have many groups and movements that showed solidarity
to Palestine.
Because of democratisation in Indonesia, we enjoyed
democracy in its liberal form. We have many elections,
from the presidential level to the district level. From my
observation, we have yet to become an adequate cultural
base for democracy, and therefore this is where the role of
religion comes in. Islamic organizations in Indonesia have
been playing an important role to support democratisation
of the country, while at the same time they have to face the
challenge of radical Islam. But radicalisation has to be put in
a broad framework.
I stressed that I don’t support any kind of violence because
it is against and contradicts the very teachings of Islam. We
witnessed a kind of state and capital violence in this era of
free market economy. Both state and capital violence were
marked by physical violence led by a group of people in the
name of religion.
Lastly, we have been working together in improving
the situation in Indonesia. There comes a question on how
to consolidate the power of Islam and the Muslims. I believe
Nahdlatul Ulama also has a foundation of friendship in
all Islamic organizations. For Muhammadiyah, I have also
organized Islamic organizations to work together and solve
the problems of the community, to be problem solvers. But we
would also like to start engaging other religious communities
based on our belief that religious plurality is Sunnahtullah.
Unfortunately, not many Muslim intellectuals in Indonesia
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The Indonesian Experience
believe or preach religious pluralism, which is not good for
Islam. But in our view there are many names of other religions
mentioned in the holy Quran. And therefore, we need to
work together, and that is why we have intense dialogues
and cooperation among groups. I was the chairman of the
Indonesian Religious Council; we combined all representatives
from six religious councils. Through this special vehicle, we
discussed how to solve conflicts that have religious nuances,
and sometimes conflicts that are based on non-religious
factors that are social, economic, and political in nature.
Our concern now is how to promote mainstream ideas
of tolerance, dialogue, cooperation, unity and diversity by
enlightening others through our activities. We have a weekly
TV programme in Indonesia called ‘Damai Indonesia’ which
is a form of preaching. But we also bring it down to earth
like including these values in the education curriculum. In
Muhammadiyah for example, we included human rights,
tolerance, peaceful co-existence based on Islamic principles
in our textbooks in our schools. We hope by doing this, we will
be able to develop an ethical and multicultural democracy in
the archipelago. This kind of democracy will be the instrument
for social welfare and equality for the nation.
Thank you very much.
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
25
Question and Answer Session
moderated by
Associate Professor Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid
Member of the Board of Trustees, GMMF
Distinguished Professor Tan Sri
Dr Kamal Hassan
Thank you for the very useful introduction to pluralism and
moderation in Indonesia. I would like to focus on two issues:
The discourse of moderation narrative has become the
dominant narrative now, given the circumstances of 9/11.
However, there are many perceptions and definitions on
moderation, and even the idea of comparing ‘Pancasila’ to
the Madinah Charter is quite interesting. How do we maintain
the authenticity and the indigenous dynamics behind the
discourse on the moderation narrative with the presence of
Western powers, which also have similar agenda of promoting
their idea of moderation?
Secondly, I would like to touch on the issue of pluralism.
We celebrate cultural and religious pluralism. We are also
aware of the concerns of Muslim scholars that there might be
a problem with the terminology of pluralism. The word pluralism
is used in many ways, and religious pluralism is understood by
some people to mean the acceptance of the existence of all
religions and respecting all religions; the other understanding
is that all religions are basically the same, and that is no need
to emphasize the uniqueness of each religion because even
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the word ‘Islam’, according to some scholars, would embrace
other religions as well.
In the Malaysian context, that would be very controversial
indeed. Pluralism lends itself to different interpretations,
whereas the definition of plurality is clear – that we accept,
respect, and endorse plurality, and this founded in Islamic
theology and Quran teachings. How do we maintain, from
the Malaysian point of view, in emphasising plurality rather
than pluralism?
Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin
I think we are quite aware the problems on moderation,
as appeared in the International Conference on Global
Movement of Moderates (ICGMM) in January 2012. I was
talking about moderation in my own understanding of
Wasatiyyah, the very nature of Islam when the Muslims are
Ummah Wasatan (the people of the middle path); we pray
five times a day, recite al-fatihah, and pray to God to show
us Sirratulmustaqeem (the straight path) also known as the
middle path.
In my understanding, both liberal Islam and radical Islam
are the stance of extremists, not of the middle path. Based
on the ideology and theology of al-wassatiyah and Ummah
Wasatan, we preserve the authenticity with adjustments made
accordingly to the current context. Religion has become like
a free market, a free trade area; it is a free religion area.
Therefore, Muslims should compete with each other, and
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27
not restrict themselves to respective struggles such as Darul
Islam and Darul Harb, but to realise that Indonesia is Darul
Syahadah.
The Holy Quran emphasizes that Muslims should be
shuhadah al-nass (be a witness of culture). Of course in this
regard, the problem of authenticity is also questionable.
The notion of authenticity is subject to our respective
interpretations. But for sure, it is appropriate for Muslims to
lead the Global Movement of Moderates, because Islam is
deenrahmahwassalamah (religion of grace and peace) and
also deen Syahadah (declaration of faith) which encourages
Muslims to compete with each other.
I agreed that we should differentiate between religious
plurality and pluralism. What I have learnt in Sociology,
the term ‘-ism’ is a generic term of ideology and theology.
Religious plurality, in my opinion is sunnahtullah, laws of God
and nature, because God have created human beings into
diverse ethnicity, race, and even religion. But we have to
stride into religious plurality, and not to ‘similiarise’ religions, as
they have fundamental differences, including between the
Abrahamic religion, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, especially
at the level of theology and the concept of God.
Hence, these differences should not be ‘similiarised’. We
should maintain the religious plurality in line with the teachings
of Islam; lakum di nukumwaleeadeen (To you be your religion,
and to me my religion - Surah Al-Kaafiroon, verse 6). But at the
same time, we should not also differentiate our similarities. That
is a kind of meeting of the mind, the meeting point between
all religions based on humanity.
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The moderation concept of al-wassatiyah, Muhammadiyah has not hesitated to work together with Christians; and
even now, there is a project supported by Muhammadiyah,
Nahdlatul Ulama, and the Bishop Conference to explore the
best practices for provinces in terms of dialogue in order to
bring and revitalise local wisdom at the national level.
I disagree with my colleagues, the Muslim intellectuals
who said that religious plurality means that Islam is the same as
other religions, and that they worshipped the same God, who
is known by different names in different languages, such as
the Allah and Yahweh. This is a very dangerous conclusion to
say that truth in religion is relative, and we are not subscribing
to that understanding.
Religious plurality means that we are different, but we also
have commonalities and can work together. Quoting Lakum
di nukumwaleeadeen that we may live together in peaceful
co-existence as human beings and citizens of our respective
countries.
Drs H As’ad Said Ali
We realised that the danger of the current context is caused
by globalisation. Globalisation has enabled the assimilation of
Western values into the Indonesian cultural system, such as
the notion of freedom of religion etc. For Nahdlatul Ulama,
it is important that globalisation should be viewed properly,
through consensus. Freedom of religion is to respect each
other and at the same time each perform their own Ibadah,
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29
and not to blame others. In this sense, consensus is to maintain
stability as preached in the teachings of Islam. We would prefer
civilized interaction through dialogue rather than conflict and
violence.
Professor Dr Hamka Haq
On the question on how to maintain the authenticity of the
concept of moderation, there are a few suggestions that
I would like to propose. We should insert the concept of
‘Pancasila’ and ‘Bhinneka Tunggal Ika’ into the curriculum of
all levels of education in order to maintain the ideology.
Secondly, we should also improve the role of political
parties, non-government organizations and other related
organizations. We should also educate the younger generation
to make ‘Pancasila’ and ‘Bhinneka Tunggal Ika’ the point
of reference in their daily lives and activities. On the issue of
pluralism, from the internal Islamic point of view, pluralism is
the mutual understanding and the right of all religions to live
and grow in Indonesia despite individual claims to be the only
true teaching. All religions have true humanity values, which
can be implemented in the nascent lives of Indonesians.
Professor Dr Joseph Chinyong Liow
Thank you for inviting me to this distinguished roundtable. I
would like to seek some clarification with regard to some of
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the issues raised. It seems almost a rule of thumb in the West
that there is something inherently dangerous about religion.
As far as modern liberalism is concerned, it is founded
on the belief that religion is the main threat to political
harmony, civil peace and freedom. The only way to secure
civil peace hence, is to separate church and state. If you look
at the literature on this issue, there are three general views on
religion.
Religion is uniquely absolutist; it makes claims on ultimate
nature of reality and moral values. Religion is inherently divisive.
Religious identities are based on a strong distinction between
‘us’ and ‘them’. Religion is also inherently non-rational and
prone to violence because the beliefs lead followers to rage,
passion, zeal and fanaticism. Of course, what is important
to know is that these arguments essentially ignored the fact
that seemingly secular ideologies can be just as absolutist,
divisive, and non-rational as well, example – nationalism and
capitalism.
With regard to the definition of moderation and plurality,
how do we establish the principle of agree to disagree in
the practical sense? It will be a useful forum for speakers
to deliberate on how this could be operationalized in the
context of the Inter-faith Council. What do you do when
discussions start to fall apart? We do not assume that religious
communities are monolithic. Given the rise of intra community
issues, how should we deal with these sorts of differences within
the community; and certainly how to prevent entrepreneurs
of conflict from taking advantage of such differences within
the community as we have seen that happened before?
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31
Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin
There were long debates about the relationship between
the state and politics. Islam, in our understanding, separates
religion and politics by reconciliation and reunification. In
the case of Indonesia, the ‘Pancasila’ is neither a theoretic
state, nor a secular state. These challenges are a loophole
for us on how we relate it with the Islamic paradigm and
understanding.
In the debate on the national education system in
Parliament, one article stipulated that religious education
should be given to all students at all levels, from elementary
school to higher education based on his or her religion by
the teacher of the same religion. The proposal was strongly
supported by the Muslims, but objected by the Christians. Prior
to this, religious education in Catholic schools for example, is
not necessarily given in accordance to the student’s religion.
Objections also came from the local Parliaments of North
Sulawesi and East Nusantara, which issued an ultimatum to
the central government that the provinces would leave the
Republic of Indonesia if they insisted on the proposal.
For that, I have invited ten Muslim leaders and 30 Christian
leaders to a dialogue. The chairman of Christian intellectual
organization stated strongly that it would result in violence if
the proposal went ahead. I then replied to the Chairman that
if he insisted on his stance, would the state, in the hands of
Christians, be able to solve the problems between the two
religious communities? In our case, we have also to face the
problem of radical Muslims. Our position as moderate Muslims
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is that there is a relationship, but not in a formalistic way. So
we struggle to instil Islamic ethical and moral values as we pay
more attention to the substance, rather than the forms of it.
The organization is an instrument for the cause of Islam.
But still, we need to engage in dialogue. The two biggest
Islamic organizations, the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul
Ulama, had engaged in conflicts in the past due to political
factors rooted in the Suharto era. But now with the emergence
of a new generation, cooperation at the grass-root level
is positive despite disparities in practices. For instance, the
Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama disagreed over the
date of Ramadhan or, and Syawal due to the differences
in determining the rise of the moon; for Muhammadiyah,
knowing is believing whereas for Nahdlatul Ulama, seeing is
believing.
In inter-faith dialogues we believe that instead of choosing
to agree or disagree, it is more important that we agree to
disagree. So we have started a new approach - theological
dialogue, where Muslims and Christians would exchange their
list of discontentment towards each other, and try to solve the
issues raised. Up to this point, there are only two things which
are difficult to solve, which is the spread of religion, and the
building of houses of worship. We cannot give up the concept
of Dakwah, which is the very centre of respective religious
teachings, and even justified by the Holy Scriptures, to the
free market of religion by the logic of freedom of religion, for
otherwise conflicts and tensions will arise. And that is why we
need to reconcile and solve the problems together.
There are two possible ways: Let’s agree on the ethical
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33
code of conduct on the dissemination of religion and the
building of houses of worship. Houses of worship are not merely
sacred places, but also are institutions with social, economic,
and political resonance; we cannot imagine if a mosque is
built within a majority Christian community. In the last 20 years,
the number of Churches built increased by 300%, whereas
the number of mosques built only increased by 100%. This
fact has proved that the tolerance between religious groups
superseded personal interests.
I do believe in the power of dialogue and we need to
intensify it. But dialogue must be based on sincerity, openness,
frankness, and the commitment to solve problems. Perhaps
this new paradigm of inter-faith dialogue will bring us into a
better future.
Drs H As’ad Said Ali
We have communication forum for inter-faiths in all districts.
We have Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah who gave
symbolic support to the forum. Like every Christmas, we send
our volunteers to help guard the church. This shows that we
have religious harmony in Indonesia. Unfortunately, the ones
who destroyed churches are the radical Muslims. We have
an uncontrolled union of independent churches in inter-faith
dialogue.
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Datuk Nik Mustapha Nik Hassan
First and foremost, I would like to thank the organisers for
inviting me, and I have enjoyed the discussion of the 3
panellists. They have enlightened me on what’s happening in
Indonesia, particularly on the concept of ‘Bhinneka Tunggal
Ika’. We have coined the term ‘moderation’, and in fact the
government is looking into this seriously. We embarked on
the project last year when the Prime Minister delivered the
speech at the UN General Assembly on the need for a Global
Movement of Moderates.
We are trying to address issues of religious radicalism. But
sometimes we overlooked the issue of material radicalism.
Now the world is facing severe problems in Latin America and
Europe. Anyone with common sense would identify that these
problems are a threat to human society when poverty is on
the rise and disparity is getting wider. Unemployment is also
on the rise; the debt burden is a serious problem. In the spirit of
moderation, we need to know how to manage the economy.
If Europe could not solve its own problem, it will definitely affect
the ASEAN region as well. As for the concept of ‘Bhinneka
Tunggal Ika’, how does Indonesia address this issue?
On the notion of welfare state, as presented by Dr
Hamka Haq, are you implying that the government is the
only sector playing the role and therefore side-lining the role
and position of the private sector? Are we moving towards
governmental dominance in all aspects? The secular ideology
has introduced approaches such as communism, which we
have seen that it cannot work because it is not consonant
Moderation:
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35
with human nature, and similarly the laissez-faire philosophy
which believes in absolute freedom for the individual which
would lead to greed - a self-centred approach to economic
organizations that contribute to disunity and disharmony. Why
the issue of material radicalism is not in the agenda of the
Global Movement of Moderates?
Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin
This is also our position and our opinion, and to some extent
we have started implementing the role of religion and society,
and the creation of civilization. The challenge for Muslims in
globalization is that practicing a kind of struggle against aljihad. We have witnessed the rise of China, and as well as the
rise of India. I’m quite impressed by the way China managed
the problem while maintaining a free market economy and
maintaining the role of the state and accommodating its
morals and values.
This is the time for Southeast Asia’s Muslims to perform
the duties of Islam. We should all work together to meet the
challenges of modernity and globalization. Therefore it is
our struggle to explore ethical and moral values from Islam,
and by doing so, we may solve the challenges from radical
Islam. I think the tension and conflict in Indonesia is the clash
between the two fundamentalists, and we would leave it
to the government for law enforcement. Lastly, we need to
strengthen the role of civil society organizations which should
be preserved as a heritage of Indonesia.
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We are committed to the development of the nation,
and we are quite aware of new developments. Even with
democratisation in Indonesia, we have revitalised our ethics
and ethos in order to be effective. By doing so, we need to
cooperate with Muslim communities and other communities.
In the decades to come, we may witness the new. For now,
we from the civil society had contributed sincerely to the
legislation and executive process in Indonesia. We are not
political parties, but we give the freedom to our members to join
political parties and to pursue their dreams. But nevertheless,
they have to uphold the ethical and moral values.
Associate Professor Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid
We do accept that, when we talk about moderation, it is
important that we touch on the myths of religion. We have
also identified that social, economic, and religious problems
can lead to extremism. Perhaps the three speakers today
can share the Indonesian experience in tackling the financial
extremism which could have profound impact on the society
in one way or another.
Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin
Because of the capitalistic global economy, especially in
the capital sector, the community did not have access
to the banks. So we created microfinance institutions and
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37
micro-traders. We have also helped marginalised people
through close support. Many efforts have been pursued in the
eradication of poverty. Poverty and illiteracy have been the
root cause of Islam radicalism and terrorism.
Dr Erol Aslan Cebeci
I thank the organisers of the Roundtable, especially the Global
Movement of Moderates Foundation for the opportunity that
I am personally humbled and honoured to be invited to this
Roundtable to listen to such distinguished speakers and the
discussants also. I represent a Foundation - a social, political,
and economic research foundation of Turkey. Prior to that, I
have served 10 years in the Turkish Parliament with the ruling
party. On behalf of the Turkish President Abdullah Gül, Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and the Foreign Minister,
Ahmet Davutoğlu, I convey their Salams and blessings to the
organisers and the discussants of this programme.
I am very happy to learn more about Muslims and Islamic
organizations in Indonesia. It is my ignorance and the lack
of knowledge that I did not have much detail about the
Indonesian context. Because of the things that I have listened
and learnt this morning, I am extremely impressed because the
Muslim groups in Indonesia not only could get along with each
other and cooperate (not a very commonly found commodity
in Muslim countries) but they can also find ways to cooperate
with non-Muslims in the country. This is an experience that has
to be told more to other parts of the world such as the Middle
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East, Africa, and Turkey. I would like to ask some questions:
9/11 in my observation has changed the lives and the
future of Muslims, not only of those in United States and Europe,
but also those in Asia and Middle East, and in those countries
with minority Muslims and in Muslim majority countries like Iraq
and Afghanistan. The solution to 9/11 is the Alliance led by
United States and supported by Europe, Russia, and China - in
their mind it is the people who preached and executed 9/11.
I definitely understand that the moderate Islam in the
context of Indonesia, and the moderate Islam of the Americans
are two different phenomena. But is there a chance for future
generations to mix things up? How do we differentiate the
moderate Islam practiced by our Indonesian brothers and
sisters from the concept of moderates created by an artificial
entity from a problem that they see as essential to them?
In other social phenomena, the Setan is hidden in the
details. As a nation state, you collect taxes from everybody.
But as a government if you subsidise the education of the
majority, which in this case, I collect taxes from everybody,
but I spend on the Islamic education for the majority, because
there will be a tremendous pressure if you spend tax money
on minority religions. The majority would dispute. It is very
difficult to convince the Muslims that I will collect tax money
to sponsor the churches. If you say that religion is a private
matter, and that all religions should be sponsored privately,
then the majority would be upset (on the notion of lack of
support from the government).
When it comes to practice, it is not easy to apply the norms
and concepts to daily life. The world in the current paradigm
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
39
talks about human rights, rule of law, and democracy. These
are the mottos. As for moderation, it should not be just to match
with what they have, or to accommodate what they expect
from us because that would be doing for the wrong reasons.
It should be ours, and it should be local. It should solve our
problems, written within the confines of our principles. I hope
that this Roundtable will be the beginning.
Dr Shukree Langputeh
What has been shared by the three panellists is exactly what
we are doing in Southern Thailand. But when we go back to the
rule of law, human rights, and constitutional democracy in the
country, we are still the minority and we cannot do anything
we want. And this is the problem of Thai students studying in
Indonesia, Malaysia, and Middle East countries. When they
went back to Thailand, they put away all their dreams and
the knowledge they gathered from renowned professors.
Personally, I was taught by Dr. Kamal Hassan when I was
young. When I went back to Thailand, I chose to become a
university lecturer rather than a politician, even though my
great grandfather was the first Muslim Minister in Thailand. This
is because it is very difficult to bring two things together; the
idealistic view that we share with Muslims in Indonesia and
Malaysia. I have ancestors who were from Java Indonesia
and Kwang Tong China. At the same time I have a fatherin-law who is a Buddhist, my brother-in-law who is a Christian
living together in the same country.
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I would like to learn more about how the Indonesian
model could be more or less adapted by Muslim minority
countries like Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos. As
mentioned by Professor Dr Syamsuddin that in Indonesia you
have two groups determining different dates for Hari Raya
and Ramadhan, but the President of Muslim Committee in
Laos had always called me for indications to determine the
dates because they do not have the mechanism to do so. I
would like to extend to the Global Movement of Moderates
to think on how to extend this kind of discussion in Bangkok or
in Cambodia.
Although I do believe in the vision of ASEAN viz ‘One Vision,
One Identity, One Community’, it is very difficult to make ten
countries holding one vision, one identity and one community.
But I’ve tried to explain to Thai Muslim communities in Southern
Thailand and some parts of the northern side. When you talk
about ASEAN, you would think about your own religion, which
one vision means one ideology.
One identity would mean one Ibadah, that you are
praying directly to the Kiblah, and one Ummah. Now we are
hunting for models of governance and models of financial
management in the South to help us solve problems in Southern
Thailand. We believe that the problem has many root causes.
But religion is the final destination and final mechanism we
believe is through education.
We can’t afford to wait for the government to establish
an Islamic University. As a result, we have grouped together
graduates from different countries to have one Islamic
university and work there. The role of the university is at least
Moderation:
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41
to show that Thailand is a democratic country in terms of
education. We are famous in writing Jawi, and we believe
that in the world today, Southern Thailand is the best place to
do Masters and PhD on how we could preserve the Jawi script
as compared to Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei.
How could you extend the concept of moderation?
The current government understands the importance of the
establishment of inter-religious council, which my rector is the
President. It would be the first meeting of five religions from ten
countries organized by Thailand which is a Buddhist country,
and the prime minister would officiate the programme
herself. Ultimately, we want Thai Muslim and other religious
communities to learn more from the ten countries on how
they live together.
Rev Dr Hermen Shastri
Like everybody else, I am delighted to be here and I enjoyed
all three presentations. My question is that if the distance from
the cradle of Islam helped Indonesian Islam to be moderate
(as mentioned by Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin), then what
is happening with the impact of graduates from the cradle
of Islam? Also, have the three groups that are here today
engaged with the radical Islam groups in Indonesia? If yes, do
you engage them separately or together, and how do you
handle them?
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Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin
The term ‘Indonesian Islam’ is not one that is accepted by
Muslim leaders in the Middle East. In my opinion, the Indonesian
Islam and Malaysian Islam are very much based on the
cultural setting. Islam is one, but there are also many cultural
manifestations as well. Due to the lack of strong influence of
Arab Islam, we have the freedom to develop Islam to suit us
culturally and demographically.
As the former Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Abdullah
Ahmad Badawi said, it is our task to develop Southeast Asian
Islam, which would be the holder of world supremacy in the
future. In support of the collaborative work in Southern Thailand,
we have granted 150 scholarships to Thai students to study in 6
universities in Jawa, Indonesia, and most of the recipients did
not take up Islamic studies. Instead they enrolled in courses
like management, agriculture, and medicine.
In the Mindanao crises, Muhammadiyah is included in
the group of international counter group, where we have
monthly meetings in Kuala Lumpur. Our commitment in conflict
resolution and dialogue engagement showed that Islam is the
religion of peace, progress, and modernity. Being moderate is
not to accommodate expectations, but to add credibility to
moderation.
Moderate Muslims are true Muslims, and Islamic
moderation is closely related to other characteristics of
Islam such as peace and justice. The Global Movement of
Moderates, in my opinion should not only work on how to be
moderate in the sense of interaction with other groups, but
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43
also to work on how to perform the prophetic role of Islam
as problem solver. Islam radicalism has an inferiority complex.
When the Muslims cannot compete with the Christians in the
economic and political arena, they started to find other ways
to bring themselves up, which might lead them to the path of
radicalism.
Drs H As’ad Said Ali
We have given our young Ulamas to discuss the ideological
and sociological point of view. From the Nahdlatul Ulama’s
point of view, we hope that our young Ulamas are able to
engage in dialogue with the radical Muslims. In terms of
improving the lives of the society, we have launched many
programmes such as the establishment of a kindergarten,
and provided micro-financing to the masses. This would be
a long process. The thinking of radicalism was derived from
the western attitude like the liberal activists which encourage
radicalism through an aggressive approach based on western
mentality.
Dato’ Ku Jaafar Ku Shaari
I’d like to recall that at the ICGMM, the Indonesian Foreign
Minister Dr Marty Natalegawa was invited to talk about
moderation. Not only that he supported the idea of
moderation but he also mentioned that Malaysia should be
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an equal player in promoting the idea of Global Movement
of Moderates.
I was also delighted to hear the experience of cooperation
among the religious groups in Indonesia, which I think can
be emulated by others as well. Today, having listened to the
three speakers from Indonesia, we have learnt a lot about the
principles of Islam in the context of moderation.
Professor Syamsuddin mentioned the concept of
bekerjasama (working together), religious council and other
similar manifestation of the concept of moderation. It is
not easy for a big country like Indonesia to handle its huge
population. In the context of Islam, there are already 207
million Muslims in Indonesia, and having more than 100 million
Muslims joining over 100 Islamic organizations.
Having listened to the Indonesian success stories, I would
like to suggest the idea to promote moderation as a value
system. In order to achieve that, comprehensive research work
has to be done to accommodate the efforts of promoting the
concept of moderation in all aspects. In this position, we can
establish the Foundation as a database centre, and the next
step is to identify the countries to promote moderation, I’m sure
that our ASEAN values like gotong-royong and ‘open house’
concepts would form a good foundation in the promotion of
moderation to the world.
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45
Datuk Seri Iqbal Rawther
Good morning, I am here representing the Malaysian Institute
of Management. Although this is a discussion of a very
enlightened status, there are two observations that I would like
to share with you. Firstly, on the manifestation of radicalism and
extremism - is there any moderating influence on radicalism,
whether it is in Indonesia or in Malaysia, or in any part of the
world? We should also focus our attention to prevent further
escalation or upgrading of the radicalism and those forms of
tendencies. So we must be mindful of that.
It appears that our focus of moderation is mainly centred
on Islam and its manifestations. I think that this is an inherent
weakness which we may have started. We should now look
at the element of excessiveness or radicalism, or extremism;
whether they are religiously bias, or secular bias, or materialism
bias or cultural bias. We should be painting a global picture, and
then start focusing mainly on each faith including extremism
within Islam itself. I have seen three very dominant institutions
from Indonesia here talking about equality, moderation, and
good manners. I think this is the precedent that we would like
to see being propagated elsewhere.
From a historical perspective, Indonesia has the capacity
to build that understanding. And there are documents and yet
you have not succeeded in mitigating extremism. Therefore
our focus is to look at ways to mitigate, if not eradicate, these
forms of tendencies. If we don’t give attention to these, then I
think we will be moving into a very narrow domain.
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Moderation:
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Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin
Although we may have not succeeded in mitigating
extremism, but we cannot imagine what it would be like for
Indonesia without the existence of civil society organizations
like the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama. This is the
success of the Islamic organizations to safeguard the majority
of the society, not to follow the radical way.
The agenda is to empower the moderates and how to
meet the challenges of radical groups. It is my belief that
religious fundamentalism has no future. The future is in the
hands of the moderates. How can we pursue moderation in a
concrete manner? The influence of moderation in Indonesia is
to safeguard the majority. We should include the radicals into
the dialogue of inter-faiths to avoid internal conflicts.
We may strengthen the Global Movement of Moderates
by strengthening networks and inviting the civil society to join
in the promotion of moderation. We would also need to set
up a self defence mechanism to formulate the strategy of
culture. Ultimately, we should be committed to provide to the
world an alternative civilization.
Datuk Dr William Stevenson
Good morning, my name is William. I am from the Malaysian
Institute of Defence and Security. I just want to make a point,
which is probably apt for the theme of the day which is
focused on religious extremism. I think that moderation should
Moderation:
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47
be a balanced approach, in all aspects; be it physically,
mentally, and spiritually where everything is perceived and
done in moderation, where other beliefs, values, culture, and
religion are accepted with rationality to achieve peace and
harmony. While we recognized that religious extremism can
lead to conflict, we should also probably go beyond this field
in the future.
Professor Dr Abdullahil Ahsan
I am from the Department of Political Science of the
International Islamic University Malaysia and would like to
make a point that if you really focus on religious pluralism and
dialogue among religions, then I think we are shifting the focus
to something which is just between religion and inter-religion
issues. The real issues we faced are totally overshadowed. Why
don’t we move away from religious dialogue and religious
pluralism to something fundamental which is human values?
If those can be identified by the Foundation, and
promoted and engaged different groups, not only Islamic
groups but also other religious groups that could contribute
to the Global Movement of Moderates. The focus should be
on how everyone can contribute to what is good for human
being, irrespective whether you are Christian, Hindu, or Muslim.
And I think to me, that would be great to focus on issues of
justice and equality, and see how everyone can contribute,
and that I think it would be a good contribution from Malaysia
to the world.
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Moderation:
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Dr Erol Aslan Cebeci
I may have some suggestions which might enlighten the
Foundation on religious extremism. If you were to analyse the
northern countries of Europe, these countries are known to
be the most democratically advanced countries. The racist
political parties of the far right are gaining 20-25% of the seats
in Parliament in Sweden, Norway, and Finland.
The radicalism and the need for moderation is not only a
Muslim problem. And Israel’s approach of using a maximalist
solution in everything that they faced is also deemed an
extremist position and they need moderation. If only somehow
we can include. We should make sure that everyone
understands the radicalism is not a threat or a problem among
Muslims. That direction can probably help in the promotion of
moderation in the future.
Closing Remarks
Tan Sri Razali Ismail
Chairman of GMMF
On behalf of the Global Movement of Moderates Foundation
(GMMF), we are really impressed with the contributions that
you have made today, both the discussants and the speakers.
I am hugely impressed by the Indonesian party, particularly in
the ability to make the distinction between a Muslim, and a
nationalist, and you are not confused by one or the other.
The Indonesian national ethos ensures that you would not
Moderation:
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49
have this kind of confusion, which perhaps we as Malaysians
can learn from. Patriotism and nationalism is paramount. The
priority is in determining the security and stability in Indonesia,
and I thank you for your contribution.
I agree that moderation cannot be judged as a principle
of agreeing to disagree. That notion is very passive. But at
the same time, the GMMF cannot be the one to bring about
the political nirvana in the world. We are not that ambitious.
We have to recognize what we can do with the government
and the non-governmental sector, where both parties can
collaborate on what can be enforced together.
In the attempt of doing more than to agree to disagree,
we would also need to recognize the huge intractable
problems in the world. Capitalism takes us down the path
where we try to make money. Therefore, we as GMMF have
to operationalize a thesis that can deal with the problems
raised. By doing so, we have to reach out to the mainstream.
The success we achieved in ASEAN can serve as a format for
peacekeeping and a model of moderation. With the support
of the ASEAN people and its governments, we can go out and
make a very strong compelling case.
The West is vigilant and fearful of extremism. Our role,
however, is not to help them to identify extremists. Nevertheless,
we have to seek cooperation with the Western powers on
issues of financial stability and ‘hegemonism’. And with your
support, I think we can get the job done to a certain degree.
Thank you.
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Transcript of GMR:
Regional Peace and Stability
through Moderation held in
Jakarta on 12 February 2013
Profesor Dr H. Syafiq A. Mughni
Rektor Universitas Muhammadiyah Sidoarjo
Assalamualaikum Warahmatullah Wabarakatuh.
Bapak dan Ibu sekalian yang saya hormati, khususnya dari
Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF) yang
saya cintai. Karena semua bisa saling faham menggunakan
bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Melayu, maka saya memilih
keizinan untuk menggunakan bahasa Indonesia.
Karena Pak Din tidak bisa hadir, maka saya mewakili
kepimpinan pusat Muhammadiyah dan saya akan mencoba
untuk menggambarkan pengalaman Muhammadiyah dalam
mengembangkan moderasi.
Muhammadiyah banyak dikatakan sebagai sebuah
organisasi moderat, organisasi yang wassat, yang berada
di tengah-tengah, atau bahagian dari wassatiyah. Ini bisa
dilihat dalam konteks pemahaman Islam, bagaimana
gerakan-gerakan Islam sekarang ini secara kontemporer
memperlihatkan kecenderungan untuk bersikap ekstrim
dan berfikir radikal sehingga menjadikan Muhammadiyah di
tengah-tengah.
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51
Ini kembali dari sifat gerakan Muhammadiyah yang
diletakkan oleh berdirinya 1912, atau seabad yang lalu, lebih
sedikit. Dan di dalam masa-masa awal Muhammadiyah,
kita bisa melihat beberapa mainstream pemikiran yang
dikembangkan oleh Muhammadiyah, atau yang kemudian
menjadi ‘trademark’ dari gerakan Muhammadiyah itu.
Yang pertama adalah yang disebut sebagai ‘Islam yang
berkemajuan’ atau ‘progresif Islam’.
Kemajuan itu adalah memanfaatkan ilmu pengetahuan
dan teknologi untuk mengamalkan ajaran Islam secara
lebih sempurna. Tanpa memanfaatkan ilmu pengetahuan
dan teknologi untuk melaksanakan ajaran Islam, maka
tidak mungkin Islam itu secara otentik bisa dilaksanakan
dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Maka, ini dilihat di dalam
cara menghitung dalam bulan Ramadhan menggunakan
astronomi.
Kemudian, pelbagai macam inovasi-inovasi dalam
memfasilitasi ibadah secara sempurna. Itu merupakan contoh
Muhammadiyah mengembangkan sebuah Islam dengan
Islam berkemajuan. Ini bukan berbeda dengan Islam itu sendiri, tapi Islam yang ditegaskan dengan semangat kemajuan
itu adalah Islam yang otentik dan Islam yang berdasarkan AlQur’an dan Sunnah.
Yang kedua adalah pencerahan, enlightenment. Jadi
Muhammadiyah di dalam pelbagai mazhab pertemuan
di dalam rentetan-rentetan dakwah selalu berusaha untuk
mencerahkan kehidupan ummah. Ini supaya ummah
pemikirannya terbuka, mahu menggunakan akal fikiran,
kemudian mahu mengembangkan maju, dan itu semua
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adalah sebahagian dari dakwah Muhammadiyah. Sekali
lagi, itu adalah dalam Islam, Muhammadiyah disebut sebagai
dakwah pencerahan, atau ‘al-tahlil’ dalam bahasa Arab.
Kemudian yang ketiga adalah ‘tajdid’. Jadi, Muhammadiyah selalu berfikiran untuk terus menerus memajukan,
memperbaharui kehidupan ummah ini, bukan dalam
persoalan ibadah, bukan di dalam persoalan aqidah. Maka
pembaharuan yang merupakan inovasi, modenisasi itu
terdapat di dalam aspek-aspek muamalah duniawiyah. Maka
dalam soal ibadah, Muhammadiyah menganut bahawa
ajaran itu harus sesuai dengan contoh dari Nabi Muhammad,
kemudian dalam aqidah, harus sesuai dengan ajaran AlQur’an dan Sunnah. Tetapi dalam soal muamalah, kita
diberikan kebebasan untuk terus menerus mengembangkan
kehidupan ini.
Kemudian yang keempat adalah Muhammadiyah
mempromosi ijtihad. Masing-masing warga Muhammadiyah
didorong untuk berijtihad. Bukan dalam erti bahawa Muhammadiyah sekarang sudah berada pada posisi semua mampu
berijtihad, tetapi ini merupakan sesuatu yang ideal. Sesuatu
yang didorong supaya semakin hari kita tegas, semakin
paham kita tentang Islam sehingga bisa melakukan ijtihad.
Yang kelima adalah normal orientasi. Ertinya adalah
Muhammadiyah tidak menganut satu mazhab pun dalam
teologi mahupun di dalam fiqh. Muhammadiyah bisa bersetuju dengan pendapat dari salah satu daripada mazhabmazhab itu, bisa juga tidak bersepakat. Muhammadiyah
tidak serta merta mengikut salah satu, jadi ada kebebasan
untuk berijtihad, ada kebebasan untuk memilih mazhab
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53
mana paling cocok menurut ijtihad Muhammadiyah, sesuai
dengan Al-Qur’an dan Sunnah.
Semua perangkap pemikiran ini telah menjadi mainstream
yang berkembang di dalam fikiran-fikiran Muhammadiyah
sehingga mengarah ke arah moderasi. Jadi, fikiran Islam
yang berkemajuan, kemudian pencerahan, kemudian
mendorong tajdid, mendorong ijtihad, dan tidak mengikuti
salah satu mazhab yang ada secara Islam, maka semuanya
itu mendorong bahawa Muhammadiyah lebih terbuka, lebih
berwawasan luas, dan tidak fanatik.
Maka peluang menjadi moderat itu sangat besar.
Perkembangan moderat itu subur dalam organisasi Muhammadiyah.
Kemudian akhirnya adalah sosial komitmen. Muhammadiyah diawali dengan teologi ‘al-maun’ pertama
yang dilakukan oleh pendiri Muhammadiyah adalah
memberi sumbangan kepada yang fakir dan miskin. Dan
karena itu, ‘charity’ yang terus menerus berkembang
dalam Muhammadiyah ini menyebabkan empati yang
Insyallah cukup besar untuk menolong sesama. Kemudian
Muhammadiyah pun ada komitmen untuk mendidik dan
membuat bangsa kita menjadi sihat.
Di dalam Muhammadiyah, tidak ada jarak yang terlalu
jauh antara ulama dan ummah, mungkin ada di dalam ilmu,
tapi di dalam hak, masing-masing orang itu dihargai sehingga
warga Muhammadiyah bisa memprotes, bisa berdebat fatwa
dengan ulama di dalam Muhammadiyah itu sendiri. Hal
yang sekalian adalah beberapa cara berfikir atau mindset
yang dikembangkan dalam Muhammadiyah itu menjadikan
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Muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi yang terbuka.
Kemudian hal yang sekalian, kita melihat tentang
apa yang dilakukan oleh Muhammadiyah yang kurang
lebih disambungkan bagaimana moderasi dari gerakan
Muhammadiyah.
Muhammadiyah mengembangkan demokrasi dalam
manajemen organisasi. Jadi, prinsip-prinsip demokrasi yang
berlaku di dalam sebuah organisasi, misalnya transparansi
dan akuntabilitas terus menerus dikembangkan di dalam
organisasi.
Muhammadiyah juga telah mengembangkan sebuah
tafsir tematik yang berkaitan dengan hubungan antara
agama. Ini sangat menarik karena dokumen itu menyatakan
kita tetap berprinsip Islam adalah agama yang benar,
dan hubungan antara agama itu tidak terhalang karena
perbedaan aqidah atau perbedaan agama itu. Kita harus
tetap melakukan kerjasama dengan pelbagai macam
penganut agama dalam kehidupan yang lebih harmonis.
Kemudian Muhammadiyah juga mengembangkan
apa yang disebut sebagai kultural dakwah. Dakwah yang
dilakukan dengan cara-cara yang lebih berbudaya dengan
memanfaatkan aset budaya bangsa kita - dakwah yang tidak
politis, dakwah yang jauh dari radikalisme dan kekerasan. Ini
dikembangkan oleh Muhammadiyah dan sudah menjadi
keputusan untuk menjadi salah satu cara dakwah yang
penting di dalam Muhammadiyah kontemporer.
Kemudian, berikutnya adalah keterlibatan Muhammadiyah dalam ‘interfaith harmony forum’. Jadi, Muhammadiyah aktif di dalam forum-forum antara agama. Ini adalah
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55
‘government-sponsored institution’ yang tujuannya adalah
untuk membangunkan kehidupan yang lebih harmonis di
tempat kita, dan bagaimana melakukan pengawasan,
pengawalan di dalam setiap konflik dan ketegangan yang
muncul.
Muhammadiyah juga aktif di dalam forum-forum
internasional, seperti ‘World Peace Forum’ dan ‘International
Interfaith Dialogue’. Ini merupakan contoh besar bahawa
Muhammadiyah bersama lembaga-lembaga agama lain
secara periodik mengadakan pertemuan-pertemuan yang
bertujuan membangun kehidupan yang lebih aman, lebih
damai dan lebih adil.
Muhammadiyah juga aktif di dalam gerakan-gerakan
‘humanitarian action’. Ketika ada bencana alam atau
bencana sosial, maka Muhammadiyah menjalin kerjasama
dengan lembaga-lembaga lain dari pelbagai agama. Sikap
membantu mangsa bencana ini membantu membentuk
mindset kita bahawa kita harus menolong sesiapa pun
tanpa memandang agama, menolong mereka di dalam
kemalangan.
Kemudian, menarik ini adalah sebuah buku yang ditulis
Pak Mu’ti “Kristen Muhammadiyah”.
Kenapa namanya Kristen Muhammadiyah? Karena Pak
Mu’ti telah meneliti sekolah Muhammadiyah di pelbagai
daerah, bahkan mayoritas dari siswa atau muridnya itu
adalah bukan Muslim. Bahkan Universitas Muhammadiyah
Kupang, Nusa Tenggara Timur yang karena lebih dari 65%
mahasiswanya adalah beragama Kristen, maka UMK yang
sebenarnya adalah Universitas Muhammadiyah Kupang
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disebut orang sebagai Universitas Muhammadiyah Kristen.
Jadi ini menunjukkan bagaimana usaha dari gerakan
Muhammadiyah untuk membangun dengan cara fikiran
moderat, dan membangunkan cara moderasi yang kian
berkembang di negara kita.
Tentu ada tantangan yang dihadapi oleh Muhammadiyah.
Yang pertama adalah literalisme - pemahaman harfiah
yang semata-mata berdasarkan teks tanpa pemahaman
metaforik. Tanpa pemahaman yang lebih luas ini menjadikan
pemahaman agama kita sempit, dan kemudian tidak
memberikan peluang untuk toleransi atau menghormati
pendapat yang berbeda.
Pandangan yang kedua adalah radikalisme, yang
menjadi tantangan potensi masyarakat dan budaya sosial
kita. Muhammadiyah sebagai sebuah organisasi reform
tentu tidak melakukan perubahan secara radikal. Perubahan
menurut Muhammadiyah merupakan perubahan yang
bertahap, yang sistematis, membuat masyarakat kita semakin
hari semakin baik.
Kemudian tantangan selanjutnya adalah patologi sosial
berupa korupsi, kemudian ketidakadilan sosial, yang itu
menjadikan tempat yang subur bagi tumbuhnya radikalisme
atau ekstremisme.
Kemudian yang terakhir adalah keterlibatan Muhammadiyah dalam forum-forum internasional dengan dua prinisp
iaitu ‘peace and success’. Ini dikembangkan di pelbagai
forum internasional, maka Muhammadiyah sesungguhnya
melihat ‘international injustice’ ini masih terus berkembang
dan itu menyebabkan radikalisme atau ekstremisme.
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57
Muhammadiyah ikut bersama-sama dengan lembagalembaga lain untuk berjuang menegakkan moderasi supaya
cita-cita kita untuk membangun masyarakat yang harmonis,
yang damai di atas dasar-dasar keadilan itu bisa terwujud
dalam tata dunia baru sekarang ini.
Mudah-mudahan bermanfaat.
Wabillahi taufiq wal hidayat wassalamualaikum warahmatullah wabarakatuh.
KH Masdar Farid Mas’udi
Rais Syuriyah Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama
Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh, bismillah
walhamdulillah wassolatuwassala, walhamdulillah, wa’ala
alihi, wa ashabihi wamin tabi’, am’a ba’di.
Yang berhormat Profesor Tan Sri Dr Kamal Hassan, Profesor
Syafiq Mughni dan bapak Khalek Awang.
Bicara tentang moderasi, saya kira ada dua hal. Ada
moderasi yang dicapai dengan diam dan ada moderasi
yang dicapai dengan aktif. Saya kira moderat yang pasif itu
di kalangan umat Islam, di Indonesia terutamanya, cukup
banyak.
Tapi sebenarnya, apa yang dituturkan sebagai ‘ummatan
wasatan’ saya kira harus moderat yang aktif. Moderasi sangat
penting sekarang ketika gejala ekstremisme baik kanan
mahupun kiri semakin menguat, dan kita harus semua tahu
bahawa sesungguhnya yang Islam ideal adalah umat-umat
yang wasatan.
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Akan tetapi, menjadi umat yang wasatan, umat
yang penuh kesedaran, wassat bukan karena tidak berani
memilih, tapi wassat karena pilihan itu yang menurut saya
yang kita perlu perjuangkan sebab wassat secara pasif itu
tidak ada gunanya, tapi wassat dengan pilihan yang sedar
dan pengetahuan yang kukuh itu yang saya kira yang
dimaksudkan dengan ummatan wasatan yang diharapkan
oleh Al-Qur’an sendiri.
Di dunia Islam saya kira kita semua tahu di situasi
yang menggelisahkan. Kita umat Islam di Asia Tenggara
mempunyai tradisi dan pemahaman Islam yang lebih kurang
sama meskipun kita di dalam perubahan, misalnya kalau kita
lihat Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Thailand selatan dan juga
Fillipina. Itu sebenarnya kalau kita rujuk di dalam acuan aqidah
itu kurang lebih ‘Ashaari’ dan ‘Syafie’ sebagaimana kita tahu
bahawa meskipun pada mulanya ketika dia di Iraq itu, beliau
lebih rasional, ketika beliau berada di Mesir itu, beliau sedikit
cenderung kepada ahlul hadith, dan ini tidak menghilangkan
ciri tawassul dari ‘Syafie’ sendiri, karena tradisi pemahaman
Islam di Indonesia misalnya dari kalangan pesantren sangat
popular ungkapan dari Imam Syafie bahawa “pendapat
kami benar, mungkin salah. Pendapat orang lain itu menurut
saya salah, tapi mungkin benar”.
Ini saya kira indikasi tidak ada yang ekstremisme
melainkan diri kita sendiri. Memang kita harus percaya apa
yang kita pegang itu benar, tapi kita tidak boleh pada masa
yang sama kita memutlakkan kesalahan pada pihak lain,
atau memutlakkan kebenaran bagi diri kita sendiri. Ini dari
Imam Syafie, yang mana mazhabnya berkembang pesat di
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Asia Tenggara itu boleh menjadi acuan sikap moderasi dan
tawassul kita. Begitu juga dari pemahaman aqidah yang
ada dimensi tasawwuf yang berkembang, jadi kita ada
prinsip aqidah ‘Ashaari’, fiqh itu ‘Syafie’ kemudian di dalam
tassawuf itu dari Al-Ghazali. Dan saya kira tasawwuf ini juga
ada elemen moderasi karena tasawwuf ini lebih melihat ke
dalam diri daripada melihat orang lain dan menyalahkan
orang lain, maka introspek merupakan elemen yang sangat
penting dalam moderasi Islam.
Memang kalau kita lihat pada sejarah masing-masing
negeri di Asia Tenggara ada perbedaan. Inilah salah satu
faktor mengapa walaupun mayoritas mutlak Indonesia
adalah muslim tidak mempertahankan mati-matian gagasan
negara Islam. Kalau Malaysia menerapkan konsep Negara
Islam dan Islam sebagai agama Negara, saya kira sangat bisa
dimaklumi karena pengaruh raja-raja atau kesultanan yang
juga menganut prinsip-prinsip ahli Sunnah itu sangat kuat.
Tapi Indonesia ini karena kemerdekaan Indonesia itu
diperjuangkan bukan oleh para Raja Islam tapi oleh gerakan
kemerdekaan yang umum disifatkan campuran baik dari latar
belakang agama yang berbeda, suku yang berbeda dan
juga pandangan politik dan ideologi yang berbeda sehingga
pada akhirnya Indonesia, meskipun mayoritas muslim tidak
memperjuangkan kemerdekaan negara dengan lagu Islam.
Saya kira semua sepakat terutama umat Islam sendiri bahawa
meskipun Indonesia bukan secara formal itu negara Islam,
tapi kita boleh klaim Indonesia itu negara yang sangat islamik
karena Pancasila saya kira begitu Islam.
“Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa” - Pancasila yang pertama
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- memang ini bahasa Indonesia, tapi kalau dibahasakan
dalam Islam itu juga dari ‘tauhid’, dan ‘tauhid’ itu begitu jelas
sekali keislamannya.
“Kemanusiaan yang Adil dan Beradab” - Pancasila yang
kedua - juga bahasa Indonesia, tapi dalam bahasa Islam,
ini juga ‘ukhuwah insaniyyah’, dan ‘ukhuwah insaniyyah’ ini
adalah prinsip untuk membangun esteem kemasyarakatan
termasuk kumpulan politik yang fundamental.
Begitu juga “Persatuan Indonesia”, ‘ukhuwah wataniah’,
kita menyebutnya dari seluruh elemen masyarakat yang
berbeda suku bahasa dan agama. Itu menjadi satu ‘ummatan
wahidah’, saya kira itu juga Islam.
Dan yang keempat itu “Kerakyatan yang dipimpin
oleh Hikmah Kebijaksanaan dalam Permusyawaratan dan
Perwakilan”. Itu adalah juga ‘shura’ sebenarnya, dan ‘shura’
itu adalah sesuatu yang sangat islamik.
Dan muamalatnya adalah untuk “Keadilan Sosial bagi
Seluruh Rakyat Indonesia”. Ini juga islamik. Saya mencari
konsep Islam dalam Negara itu apa? Saya berpendapat
konsep Negara Islam itu yang paling penting - dua.
Yang pertama, tujuannya mestilah keadilan, dan
keadilan itu sesuatu prinsip yang tidak sektoral - prinsip yang
sangat inklusif dan universal. Apakah orang itu suku seagama
atau bukan, dia harus diperlakukan secara adil, jangan
sampai sentimen kita berkelompok itu menjadikan kita tidak
berbuat adil terhadap orang lain. Apakah sentimen agama,
sentimen suku tidak boleh menghalang kita bertindak adil,
dan keadilan saya kira juga jelas.
Keadilan adalah perihal ‘hak’. Sebagai manusia, kita
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punyai hak yang sama. Sebagai rakyat, kita punya hak
yang sama. Negara yang dapat menjaga seluruh hak
manusia, rakyat yang tinggal di dalamnya, maka itu negara
yang islamik meskipun zahirnya bukan Islam. Itu prinsip yang
pertama berkaitan tujuan Negara dalam hal ‘al-adl’. Saya
kira bapak-bapak juga sering mendengar bahawa di dalam
hadith ada tujuh orang yang dilindungi Allah, yang pertama
disebut ‘Imam al-adl’, pemimpin yang adil. Pemimpin yang
adil inilah yang pertama-tama dilindungi Allah.
Prinsip yang kedua adalah manhajnya – ‘shura bainahum’. Negara yang mengadopsi prinsip adil dan ‘shura
bainahum’ adalah sudah islamik. Dan kebetulan keadilan itu
diletakkan di dalam sila yang kelima. Tempat itu mungkin tidak
cocok, sila keempat ‘shura bainahum’ itu persis dibawahnya.
Jadi dari sudut konsepnya, Pancasila dari bahasa memang
bukan bahasa Arab, memang itu bahasa Indonesia. Tapi dari
sudut substansi, itu Islam, apatah lagi ditambah dengan tiga
sila yang lain.
Bagi konsep Indonesia itu tidak ada masalah bagi umat
Islam karena yang difahami adalah essensinya dan bukan
formalitas bahasanya, dan saya kira kita bisa memahami lebih
essensi dan bukan sekadar kulit, mungkin karena tradisi Islam
sufistik yang lebih lama berkembang di negara ini sehingga
pesan pertama bukan dari formalitasnya tapi pesan essensi.
Mungkin itu memudahkan Indonesia tidak terlalu sulit
untuk menerima konsep Pancasila yang tidak menyebut
negara Islam, tapi difahami dari negara yang secara konsep
itu sungguh islamik. Ini menurut saya adalah modal yang
sangat penting dan sangat pokok bagi kita umat Islam
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Indonesia untuk menerima moderasi.
Di dalam tradisi kami di pesantren misalnya, negara
itu adalah fenomena duniawi, di akhirat tidak ada negara.
Negara itu dalam bahasa lain disebut penguasaan ‘alSultan’. Sultan itu di dalam hadith banyak disebut sebagai
‘payung Allah di muka bumi’.
Sebagai ‘payung Allah di muka bumi’, Allah yang alRahman mengasihi semua makhluknya yang al-Rahim,
tinggal akhirat buat orang yang beriman. Maka al-Rahman
ini universal, orang itu beriman atau tidak, kalau dia jujur pasti
sukses. Negara ini, fenomena duniawi, dunia itu tertakluk
kepada sifat al-Rahman Allah. Oleh karena itu, negara itu
sebagai expresi Allah yang al-Rahman harus universal apa
pun agamanya.
Saya kira ini mungkin difahami dengan lumayan baik
di masyarakat kita walaupun umat Islam itu mayoritas tapi
tetap menerima negara yang seperti kita punya, meskipun
kebelakangan muncul percikan-percikan harus dirubah
negara ini menjadi negara yang sangat formal, pemimpin Islam
dan negaranya dipimpin khalifah, barangkali mulanya dari
kekecewaan yang mengimpikan sesuatu yang berbeda.
Terima kasih.
Assalamualaikum warahmatullah wabarakatuh.
Moderation:
The Indonesian Experience
63
Profesor Tan Sri Dr Kamal Hassan
Profesor Ulung, Universiti Islam Antarabangsa
Malaysia
Bapak pengerusi majlis, bapak-bapak dan ibu-ibu dari sahabat
karib Malaysa - Indonesia, bapak-bapak dari Malaysia.
Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim, alhamdulillahi rabbil alamin,
wassolatuwassala wa’ala ashrafil ambiyaa wal mursalin,
saidina muhammadin, wa’ala alihi wasahbihi ajmain. Subhana
fil alamin wa ila a’lamtana inna anta a’lim wal haqim, walaa
haula wala qouwata ila billa hil azeem.
Assalamualaikum warramatuhu hiwabarakatu, izinkan
saya menyampaikan pandangan saya dalam bahasa Melayu
yang mirip keindonesiaan. Sudah lama tidak menggunakan
loghat Indonesia, jadi ini peluang saya untuk mengasah
kembali apa yang pernah saya lakukan semasa di Indonesia
40 tahun yang lalu.
Saya akan menyampaikan pandangan saya ini secara
peribadi, dan bukan pandangan wakil-wakil Malaysia yang
terdiri dari pemerintah, senat, ahli parlimen, parti politk oposisi
dan bapak-bapak yang lain. Saya mewakili diri saya sendiri
untuk menyampaikan pandangan saya secara objektif dan
saya fokus kepada Malaysia. Begitu sekali ini kerana sikap saya
sebagai Muslim mungkin saya tidak akan berlaku adil dengan
pandangan-pandangan bukan Muslim tentang Malaysia.
Saya akan menyentuh tiga perkara. Yang pertama saya
akan bincang tentang rukun moderasi atau keseimbangan di
Malaysia. Yang kedua, moderasi sosio-politik dan sosial religius
di Malaysia. Yang ketiga, tantangan-tantangan dari dalam
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dan dari luar Malaysia. Itulah tiga perkara yang saya akan
sentuh, dan saya berharap teman-teman dari Malaysia akan
turut sekali membantu pandangan-pandangan saya, dan
juga melakukan koreksi ke atas sebarang kesilapan saya.
Perkara pertama iaitu tentang rukun atau dalam istilah
Melayunya tiang-tiang. Kita akan membicarakan tujuh tiang
yang menampung kualiti dan budaya masyarakat Malaysia
yang moderat. Yang pertama ialah budaya bangsa Melayu.
Pada saya, budaya bangsa Melayu sangat akomodatif,
sangat toleran dan menghargai perbezaan-perbezaan
pandangan dan penyelesaian secara aman tanpa gunakan
kekerasan. Dan budaya Melayu ini ditunjangi oleh nilai-nilai
Islam dan juga sistem raja Melayu yang dinobatkan sebagai
pelindung-pelindung keagamaan, dan budaya Melayu itu
yang saya kira pilar yang pertama.
Pilar kedua ialah perjuangan mendapat kemerdekaan
dan sistem politik yang wujud darinya, iaitu untuk mencapai
kemerdekaan dari Inggeris hingga bangsa terbesar dari
Malaysia bersetuju untuk bekerjasama untuk mencapai
kemerdekaan tanpa perjuangan berdarah itu menjadi
suatu basis untuk kerjasama, seterusnya yang melahirkan
‘kontrak sosial’ yang begitu penting, yang dikeluarkan dalam
perlembagaan, dalam konstitusi negara dan sistem politik
yang dikembangkan iaitu sistem Inggeris – ‘Westminister
system with government and loyal opposition’, dan juga
mempunyai raja – ‘the king reigns but not rules’.
Jadi, sistem itu diguna pakai di Malaysia – ‘parliamentary
democracy and constitutional monarchy’. Itu juga merupakan
basis untuk kelangsungan cara hidup moderat antara kaum
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65
sebab Malaysia dengan tiga kaum besar dan bangsa Melayu
lebih kurang 60% Islam, orang Melayu dalam 51%. Ertinya
perimbangan antara kaum itu begitu sensitif sekali. Andai
kata tiada institusi yang dapat jaga perimbangan ini yang
bisa membawa kepada krisis dan keadaan huru-hara yang
pernah diandaikan oleh pemerhati-pemerhati dari barat
bahawa Malaysia itu sesuatu keadaan sosio-politik yang
menunggu kehancuran.
Pilar yang ketiga ialah konstitusi atau perlembagaan
yang meletakkan agama Islam sebagai agama rasmi
federasi - Islam sahaja tetapi agama-agama lain dibenarkan
untuk diamalkan dengan cara aman dan damai. Ertinya
kedudukan Islam yang unggul tetap terjamin dan itu juga bagi
saya merupakan sesuatu jaminan kelangsungan moderasi di
Malaysia kerana agama lain mempunyai kebebasan untuk
wujud dalam batas-batas yang telah ditentukan. Konstitusi
ini juga merupakan sesuatu daya mengimbangi antara dua
dorongan primordial di Malaysia.
Yang pertama, dorongan ke arah negara yang berdiri di
atas syariah Islam. Pengalaman di Indonesia jauh lebih awal
dari Malaysia dengan Darul Islamnya dan segala macam. Di
Malaysia tuntutan primordial Islam ini juga wujud di Malaysia
atas nama mewujudkan Negara Islam. Di pihak yang lain
juga wujud kelompok yang perjuangkan negara sekular
total. Begitu yang punya keistimewaan bukan satu agama,
malah semua agama dan bangsa diberi kesamarataan yang
absolut.
Maka Perlembagaan Malaysia itu meletakkan duduknya
Islam itu tinggi dan tidak bisa dicabar atau ditantang oleh
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agama lain, tetapi kebebasan diberikan, malah pemerintah
memberi biaya untuk pembinaan bukan sahaja masjid tetapi
juga gereja, tempat-tempat ibadah orang Hindu dan segala
macam.
Dan semakin dekat dengan pilihanraya ini semakin
banyak wangnya dicurah ke situ. Ini suatu hal yang sangat
penting kerana kalau di Indonesia sudah selesai dengan
Pancasilanya, kalau di Malaysia masih lagi ada semakin kuat
perjuangan untuk mewujudkan negara Malaysia negara
sekular begitu, sedangkan di pihak Islam ingin mengekalkan
negara yang berteraskan Islam sebagai agama yang unggul
meskipun tidak atas nama Negara Islam.
Malah, pakar yang memperjuangkan Negara Islam juga
menukar lagunya dari Negara Islam ke negara berkebajikan.
Kemudian, pilar yang keempat ialah posisi Islam dan
umat Islam. Umat Islam kebetulan itu boleh dikatakan satu
bangsa Melayu dan ini memudahkan mengekalkan moderasi.
Melayu yang berpegang pada dasarnya mazhab Sunnah
Waljamaah tetapi tidak fanatik, tidak ekstrim dengan ahli
Sunnah Waljamaahnya, malah dalam pembuatan fatwanya
dan kita pernah ada mantan President Fatwa Malaysia, Datuk
Dr Ismail Ibrahim, mengambil pandangan-pandangan yang
baik dari mazhab lain. Tetapi adanya ahli Sunnah Waljamaah,
diskursus ahli Sunnah Waljammah, wawasan ahli Sunnah
Waljamaah juga menstabilkan keadaan di Malaysia. Cuma
sekarang ini tantangan yang datang dari luar ialah dorongan
mengembangkan sektor syiah di Malaysia.
Tetapi kedudukan Islam itu tetap unggul dan ini
ditunjangi lagi dengan wujudnya sembilan orang Raja yang
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67
berperlembagaan yang dianggap oleh Perlembagaan
Malaysia sebagai pelindung agama (custodian of Islam) dan
ketua agama. Jadi mereka bisa buat keputusan-keputusan
untuk mengekalkan kestabilan sekiranya ada percubaanpercubaan untuk mengugat kestabilan, Raja bisa tampil untuk
menyampaikan titah yang dijadikan hukum oleh negara dan
ini juga menjamin moderasi di Malaysia.
Dan yang kelima ialah kedudukan demografi yang
majmuk itu dengan juga berlakunya urbanisasi sesudah
beberapa tahun sehingga berlakunya rakyat pelbagai
kaum bisa hidup secara damai sebelah menyebelah dan
menikmati suatu ekonomi yang memberikan kemajuan dan
juga kepuasan untuk semua kaum dan barangkali ini juga
satu hal. Profesor Syamsul bisa menerangkan lebih detil
bagaimana wujudnya suatu ‘middle class’, hasil daripada
‘nation building’, modernisasi dan urbanisasi.
Perancangan ekonomi yang baru - ‘new economic
policy’ - membawa kepada wujudnya satu ‘middle class’
yang juga merentasi bangsa yang akan menjamin moderasi
itu. Dan juga ‘new economic policy’ yang wujud dari
pemerintah akibat satu peristiwa yang ngeri pada 1969. Dasar
Ekonomi Baru mewujudkan satu perubahan struktur sosial
di mana umat Melayu, Cina dan India bisa hidup bersama
merentasi bangsa.
Kemudian yang keenam ialah kemajuan ekonomi yang
dapat dinikmati oleh pribumi di samping bangsa India dan Cina
yang menguasai ekonomi sejak 50-an lagi yang mempunyai
kekuatan ekonomi, tetapi orang Melayu juga mendapat
sebahagian daripada kuota ekonomi itu. Di situ tidak lebih
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lagi 30%, barangkali belum sampai 30% orang Melayu
memegang kuota ekonomi yang biasanya dipegang oleh
orang Cina yang memang kuat dalam perekonomian dan
juga perniagaan. Tetapi ekonomi ini yang terus berkembang
meskipun sekarang ini agak sedikit menurun juga menjamin
kelestarian moderasi itu.
Dan akhir sekali faktor atau pilar ketujuh, ini barangkali
orang sains sosial tidak akan menyebut ini. Oleh kerana saya
yang berlatarbelakangkan pengajian Islam menyatakan
‘taufiq dan rahmah daripada Allah’ merupakan tiang yang
ketujuh, yang biasanya dalam analisa sosio-politik ini tidak
dimasukkan kerana ini nggak bisa dibuktikan secara empiris.
Tetapi saya sebagai seorang Muslim yakin bahawa
tanpa taufiq dan hidayah, rahmah dari Allah, tidak mungkin
Malaysia bisa kekal begitu kerana faktor-faktor pembicara itu
lebih besar daripada faktor-faktor yang boleh mengekalkan
kestabilan. Kemudian pergi kepada yang kedua - kelestarian
sosio-politik.
Moderasi ini saya kira bergantung banyak kepada
kedudukan Islam, keupayaan golongan Kristian untuk
menjaga batas-batas adab di dalam hidup kerana ada
bukti-bukti bahawa mereka juga ingin mengembangkan
pengaruh mereka di Malaysia. Bagaimana kita mengekalkan
‘middle class’, keadilan sosial, dan saya kira yang paling
penting institusi keluarga Melayu, Cina, India dan lain-lain
bisa mewujudkan suatu kehidupan kekeluargaan yang
berdasarkan hormat-menghormati dan juga menghormati
perbezaan agama dan bangsa dan segala macam. Institusi
keluarga ini cukup penting.
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69
Saya cukup bimbang dengan masa depan, adakah
institusi keluarga juga akan turut menjadi korban dunia. Akhir
sekali ialah ‘challenges’ ataupun tantangan-tantangan.
Kita mempunyai tantangan dari golongan radikal. Itu tidak
menjadi masalah kalau di Malaysia. Mungkin di Selatan
Thailand masih ada elemen-elemen itu. Kalau di Malaysia
saya kira tidak ada. Ini juga taufiq daripada Allah. Ada desusdesus yang kecil begitu tapi saya tidak anggap ini mewakili
satu trend.
Tapi yang wujud sekarang ialah usaha golongan
yang bukan Islam yang menuntut hak mereka yang agak
melampaui batas-batas yang disediakan oleh konstitusi. Ini
satu tantangan, dan ini muncul akibat perpecahan orang
Melayu sendiri. Muncul akibat kecilnya jumlah orang Islam
atau mayoritas tidak begitu besar, dan juga dukungan dari
luar negara atas nama hak-hak asasi manusia.
Atas nama pluralisme, liberalisme, atas nama demokrasi
juga memberi dorongan kepada bukan Islam untuk menuntut
hak mereka, dan sekiranya ini tidak diuruskan dengan baik, ini
menjadi tantangan yang merosakkan moderasi. Itulah yang
saya sampaikan. Saya ingin menyentuh yang eksternal bagaimana America dengan China, India dan ASEAN, ASEAN
Community 2015 akan memberi impak kepada moderasi di
Malaysia.
Aqulikauli haza waastagfirullahi walakum, assalamulaikum
warahmatullah hi wabarakatuh.
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YAB Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin
Timbalan Perdana Menteri Malaysia
Assalamulaikum Warahmatullah Wabarakatuh.
Bismillahirahman alrahim, alhamdulillah rabbil aalamin,
wassola tu wassala wa’ala ashrafil anbiyaa wal mursalin,
waalaa alihi wasahbihi ajmain.
Yang Berhormat Senator Tan Sri Abu Zahar Ujang, Yang
Dipertua Dewan Negara yang dapat bersama-sama dengan
kita, Dato’ Syed Munshe, Duta Malaysia ke Jakarta, Encik
Khalek Awang, Ketua Pegawai Eksekutif Global Movement
of Moderates Foundation, Yang Berhormat Bapak Profesor
Dr Syafiq Mughni, wakil Kepimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah,
Yang Berhormat Bapak Masdar Farid, Rais Syuriyah Nahdlatul
Ulama, sahabat-sahabat saya dari Malaysia yang ada di sini,
rakan-rakan di Indonesia, tuan-tuan dan puan-puan yang
saya hormati sekalian.
Pertamanya, saya memanjatkan rasa syukur kepada Allah
subhanahu wata’ala, kerana dengan izin dan limpah kurniaNya dapat bersama-sama di dalam ‘Global Moderation
Roundtable’ di Jakarta ini yang dianjur bersama dengan
kerjasama Muhammadiyah. Saya ingin mengucapkan terima
kasih kerana ini sesi pertama saya hadir dalam satu inisiatif
yang dilakukan oleh Global Movement of Moderates (GMM)
yang diasaskan oleh Dato’ Seri Perdana Menteri tahun lalu.
Tentulah pertemuan ini sangat bermakna di kota Jakarta
yang sangat istimewa, dalam usaha kita menggembleng
tenaga, usaha-usaha yang boleh kita lakukan bersama,
khususnya di antara Malaysia dan Indonesia dalam
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71
mewujudkan keamanan dan kesejahteraan di peringkat
rantau, selepas itu ke peringkat global, dan saya ingin
mengucapkan terima kasih kepada GMM Foundation kerana
telah mengambil inisiatif untuk mengadakan meja bulat.
Saya dimaklum bahawa sebentar tadi baru selesai
dibacarakan dengan panjang lebar oleh warga kita di
Malaysia. Saya percaya perbincangan yang diadakan ini
adalah amat bertepatan dengan usaha kedua-dua buah
negara untuk mengekalkan keamanan dan kestabilan
serantau. Ini juga selaras dengan konsep ataupun deklarasi
ZOPFAN atau ‘Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality’ yang
kita tahu adalah antara tonggak utama dasar hubungan luar
negara-negara ASEAN, yang saya kira adalah masih relevan
pada hari ini.
Lebih-lebih lagi dalam usaha negara-negara ASEAN
dalam merealisasikan Komuniti ASEAN menjelang tahun 2015,
waktu Malaysia akan menjadi pengerusi. Ini untuk kita samasama berusaha mengekalkan keamanan dan kestabilan
serantau yang kita percaya merupakan antara tonggak
utama kejayaan kita untuk memacu kemajuan ekonomi dan
sosial yang lebih pesat di kedua-dua buah negara dan di
rantau ini.
Selain itu sidang meja bulat ini juga dikatakan sejajar
dengan hasrat Yang Amat Berhormat Perdana Menteri
Malaysia Dato’ Seri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak yang telah
pun mengasaskan penubuhan GMM sebagai satu gerakan
mempromosi prinsip dan amalan kesederhanaan di peringkat
global.
Dalam ucapan beliau di Perhimpunan Agung Bangsa-
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bangsa Bersatu beberapa tahun lalu, ini telah pun dijadikan
teras ucapannya di situ. Gerakan Kesederhanaan Global
ini yang melangkaui batas agama dan negara bagi kita
adalah satu pandangan yang paling tepat mengekang
ancaman ekstremisme di peringkat antarabangsa dan untuk
mengekalkan keamanan sejagat.
Sebagaimana yang disebut oleh Yang Amat Berhormat
Perdana Menteri Malaysia semasa merasmikan Persidangan
Antarabangsa Gerakan Kesederhanaan Global di Kuala
Lumpur pada tahun yang lalu, beliau mengatakan garis yang
sebenar bukanlah antara orang Islam dan bukan Islam, atau
antara negara maju dan negara membangun, tetapi antara
golongan moderat dan ekstremis.
Teks saya ada juga dalam bahasa Inggeris walaupun
saya mahu gunakan bahasa Indonesia. It’s written in both
English and Bahasa.
Southeast Asia is politically stable and economically
vibrant despite being one of the most culturally diverse regions
in the world. Southeast Asia has never experienced a ‘clash
of civilizations’ but has enjoyed peaceful civilizational coexistence. Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and people of
other faiths have lived alongside each other for centuries and
have learnt how to respect and accept each other as fellow
citizens in democratic nations across Southeast Asia. Within this
harmonious setting, Southeast Asia continues to enjoy peace
and stability which in turn helps to sustain a steady economic
growth in the region.
Currently Southeast Asia’s growth rate is twice that of the
developed world according to the International Monetary
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73
Fund. Despite the current global economic slowdown,
Southeast Asia is expected to grow at a rate of about 4 to 9
percent until 2016. Of course, Malaysia recorded 5.3% growth
last year. This year we are expecting something slightly better.
Indonesia, as I was informed this morning, has a 6-7% growth.
These are the current figures and I think it is a known fact that
to sustain growth, political stability and peace are important
preconditions for economic success.
Malaysia is set to develop and become a high-income
nation by 2020. This deadline was set by Tun Dr Mahathir when
he was the Prime Minister. We have another 7 years to go.
The per capita income of Malaysia now is USD 9,700 and is
projected to rise to USD 15,000 in 7 years. Indonesia too has
emerged as one of the most vibrant economies in the region.
It is here that the potential for future growth resides which will
ultimately benefit the region. I remember we had a session
last year in Kuala Lumpur organized by ISIS where many
ideas were mooted. One of the things I mentioned there was
the combination of Malaysia and Indonesia as the axis of
growth.
Kombinasi Malaysia dan Indoesia kuat sekali, tapi ada
pra-syarat untuk jadi begitu. Kalau kita dapat teruskan sesi
sebegini sepanjang masa, maka bukan sesuatu yang mustahil.
Terdapat sumber tenaga manusia yang ramai di Indonesia,
Malaysia 27 juta, di sini lebih 200 juta. Jadi kombinasi sebegini
seperti yang saya sebutkan kepada bapak Hatta, itu sudah
hampir separuh dari warga ASEAN.
Indonesia dengan pelbagai sumber yang kaya, apa
lagi dengan jumlah manusianya, dengan sedikit kombinasi
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Malaysia, boleh menjadi kuasa paksi ekonomi dan penentu
utama di rantau ini. Tetapi, mesti wujud satu kesatuan yang
saya sebut sebagai ‘wahdatul fikr’, ‘wahdatul qalb’ iaitu
penyatuan pemikiran dan hati serta hala tuju yang sama.
Kalau kita dapat sepakati, itu bukan suatu yang mustahil. Hal
itu boleh dikecapi dalam tempoh masa yang tidak terlalu
panjang.
Kejayaan ekonomi dan politik Malaysia dan Indonesia
adalah bukti yang terbaik untuk menyangkal ramalan ‘clash
of civilizations’. Saya tidak berapa suka gunakan istilah ini
– ‘Huntington’s clash of civilizations’ – yang biasa digunakan
dalam disertasi, akademi dan perbincangan. Semata-mata
kerana Malaysia dan Indonesia adalah negara majoriti Islam
dan dipimpin oleh pemimpin Islam, dan Islam telah menyatukan
kedua-dua negara. Di Malaysia adalah termaktub dalam
Perlembagaan, Islam sebagai agama persekutuan. Di sini
walaupun Islam tidak dinyata dalam Pancasila, tapi ternyata
Islam juga adalah asas kukuh pembinaan bangsa.
People of all races not only enjoy the freedom to practise
their religions, but also the freedom to exercise their political
and economic rights as guaranteed by the Constitution. In
Malaysia, even though Islam is the religion of the Federation,
the Constitution guarantees the right of non Muslims to profess
and practise their religions in peace and harmony. People
from different religions conduct their religious obligations or
celebrate religious festivals without tragic incidents. To further
acknowledge the importance of religions in enriching the
lives of the people, the government declares the days of
celebration of various religions as public holidays.
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75
More than this, it is the spirit of mutual respect and tolerance
that is shared by all people irrespective of race and religion
that allows religious harmony to flourish. We practically avoid
any forms of clash of cultures and that makes peaceful coexistence possible. In peaceful co-existence of course there is
moderation which is the basic principle in Islam that has been
set by Allah in the Quran - “And thus we have made you a just
community (middle nation) that you will be witnesses over the
people and the Messenger will be a witness over you”, Surah
al-Baqarah 143.
Sebagai agama yang menegakkan keamanan dan
keadilan, Islam menyeru umatnya supaya sentiasa berlaku
adil dalam segala urusan dengan mengamalkan prinsip
kesederhanaan atau wassatiyah yang boleh diertikan
dengan adil, seimbang dan terbaik. Umat Islam akan
dijadikan contoh lambang kebaikan negara. Dalam konteks
ini, prinsip kesederhanaan yang bermakna menolak segala
amalan yang melampau, keterlaluan dan ekstrem, bukan
sahaja dalam ajaran agama, bahkan di dalam segenap
aspek kehidupan kita.
Dalam mengamalkan prinsip kesederhanaan, umat
Islam akan menghayati nilai-nilai keadilan, kesaksamaan,
hormat-menghormati antara satu sama lain yang merupakan
asas utama keamanan dan keharmonian sejagat. Ini juga
bermakna sebuah negara Islam haruslah berlaku adil dengan
menolak permintaan melampau di dalam perhubungan
dengan negara-negara lain. Untuk mengamalkan prinsip
kesederhanaan ini, kita mestilah tampil ke hadapan
memperjuangkan keamanan dan kemakmuran. Ini sejajar
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dengan sifat Islam sebagai agama rahmatan lil ‘alamin iaitu
agama yang membawa rahmat ke seluruh alam.
Kita akui masih terdapat konflik-konflik yang mengancam
keamanan dan kemakmuran rantau, faktor yang
menyebabkan berlakunya konflik bukanlah agama, tapi
sebahagian besarnya adalah budaya ataupun ekonomi
dan tentu sekali politik. Di atas semangat memperjuangkan
keamanan dan kemakmuran, inilah Malaysia baru-baru
ini bertindak sebagai orang tengah untuk membantu
menyelesaikan konflik antara kerajaan Filipina dengan Barisan
Pembebasan Islam Moro. Alhamdulillah, dengan persetujuan
yang dicapai kedua-dua pihak, keamanan dan kestabilan
dapat dikembalikan semula kepada masyarakat khususnya
kepada masyarakat Islam di selatan Filipina.
Sesungguhnya mengurus dan menyelesaikan konflik
secara berterusan ataupun lebih penting lagi menidakkan
konflik daripada tercetus adalah amat penting dalam
usaha mengekalkan keamanan dan kestabilan serantau.
Malaysia dan Indonesia sebagai negara Islam telah lama
mengamalkan prinsip kesederhanaan, telah mengekalkan
keharmonian dan keamanan masyarakat majmuk di
negara masing-masing yang mempunyai kelebihan untuk
mempelopori usaha mewujudkan kestabilan dan keamanan
berkekalan di rantau ini.
Oleh itu, kerajaaan dan rakyat kedua-dua negara
wajar meneruskan kerjasama dalam mempromosi amalan
kesederhanaan menerusi dialog, forum dan juga persidangan
yang dianjurkan sama ada kerajaan pemerintah mahupun
badan pertubuhan bukan kerajaan di kedua-dua negara.
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Perbincangan meja bulat pada hari ini yang saya lihat disertai
oleh ramai tokoh intelektual, ahli politik, pegawai kerajaan,
pemimpin pertubuhan Islam di Malaysia dan Indonesia,
saya kira ialah platform yang terbaik untuk kita meletakkan
kesederhanaan sebagai satu prinsip penting di dalam
hubungan antara kedua-dua negara tetangga.
Peranan mengekalkan keamanan, kestabilan dan
hubungan antara kedua-dua negara ini terletak tidak
saja di bahu pemerintah, tetapi juga digalas oleh individu
dan masyarakat sivik, dan oleh sebab itu saya berharap
agar menerusi perbincangan sebegini, kesefahaman dan
kerjasama yang lebih mantap dapat dibentuk di peringkat
negeri dan pemimpin pertubuhan bukan kerajaan di Malaysia
dan Indoesia.
Dari wujudnya persefahaman dan kerjasama di
peringkat ini, maka saya percaya usaha kerajaan keduadua buah negara untuk mengekalkan hubungan yang
harmonis dan mesra akan dapat dicapai Insyallah. Saya
yakin dengan hubungan erat yang sedia terjamin antara kita
dapat diteruskan pada masa yang akan datang. Kemudian,
saya juga berharap GMM Foundation dan Muhammadiyah
dapat meneruskan dialog mengenai kesederhanaan ini, dan
bersama-sama memperkukuhkan kerjasama antara keduadua buah negara.
Sekali lagi, saya mengucapkan tahniah kepada GMM
Foundation dan Muhammadiyah yang telah menjalinkan
kerjasama untuk mengadakan Global Moderation Roundtable
pada hari ini. Saya ucapkan setinggi-tinggi penghargaan
dan terima kasih kepada semua peserta dari Indonesia
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dan Malaysia yang telah pun mengambil bahagian dalam
Roundtable ini.
Terima kasih saya ucapkan, wal taufiq wal hidayah,
assalamualaikum warahmatullah wabarakatuh.
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79
Coexistence in the
Perspective of the Islamic
Law – Dealing with
non-Muslims as a Model,
Professor Ahmed Reda
Al-Rashidi, Nahdlatul Ulama
Higher Institute for Islamic
Studies, Jakarta
Summary
In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful
All praise be to Allah and all blessings and peace be
upon the Messenger of Allah, his family, companions, and his
followers.
This research paper entitled “Coexistence in the
Perspective of the Islamic Law – Dealing with non-Muslims as a
Model” addresses a key issue: exposing the unfair claims made
by malicious persons, who consistently strive to defame our
great Islam in their writings branding it as a religion of violence
and terrorism that neglects non-Muslims in Islamic states.
In this paper the researcher unveils the bright face of
the Islamic Shari’a that deals with non-Muslims. The paper is
divided into the following parts:
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Introduction: Including reasons behind the subject and
plan of the research.
Part One: The Concept of Coexistence and Citizenship
and How Islamic Jurisprudence Enjoins Muslims to abide by
them.
Section One: Definition of Coexistence and Citizenship.
Section Two: Islam’s Tolerance and Zeal for Peaceful
Coexistence.
Section Three: Principles of Coexistence.
Part Two: Dealing with non-Muslims in an Islamic
Perspective.
Section One: Aspects of Dealing with non-Muslims in
Islam.
Section Two: Contemporary Scholars’ Stance Regarding
the Imposition of Jizya (a tax that early Islamic rulers collected
from their non-Muslim subjects) on non-Muslims in the Modern
Islamic States.
Finally I ask Allah to help and guide us all to be true and
forthright both in word and deed.
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In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most
Merciful
Introduction:
Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Universe, prayer and
peace upon our Prophet Mohammed and his family and
companions.
Allah, the Most High, sent Islam as a law and a way of life,
and covered everything benefiting worshippers in the World
and Hereafter. Consequently, His Shari’a gathered the interests
of worshippers and put an end to sources of corruption as well.
Indeed, it was a grace in full and a complete religion having
the adequate answer and the best cure.
Islam is known for its tolerance, justice and mercy and
this is probably manifested in its dealings with followers and
opponents as well. This is clear for everyone to see, but a group
of people are bent on insulting Islam due to their grudge and
enmity against it.
They launched an unwise and wild campaign against Islam
claiming that it is a religion of violence, murder, persecution
and denial of freedom. This is a lie as Islam came down only
to establish the principles of justice, equality, tolerance and
humanity.
This modest research tries to address this issue by
presenting facts to negate the wild accusations made by
these hate-mongers. It seeks to bring out facts that prove
Islam’s tolerance and fair treatment of non-Muslims.
Its unadulterated Shari’a and jurisprudence prove that
Islam is the only religion that establishes the principles of
peaceful coexistence.
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Part One: The Concept of Coexistence and Citizenship
and How Islamic Jurisprudence Enjoins Muslims to abide by
them
Section One: Definition of Coexistence and Citizenship
Al-Mu’jam Al-Wasiit defines ‘Aasha’, ‘Aisha’, ‘Eishah’
and ‘Maasha’ as ‘becoming alive’. ‘A’ashahu’ as ‘to give
life to somebody’, it is said that Allah gave him a pleasant
life. ‘Aayashah’: to live with him. ‘Ayyashahu’: to make him
live. ‘Al-Taayosh’: to coexist and live together peacefully and
peaceful coexistence is derived from it.1
‘Peaceful coexistence’ can be regarded as being
synonymous with ‘citizenship’ a term commonly used nowadays. Hence I find it would be pertinent to expound its
meaning in Lisan al-Arab (The Arab Tongue).
Al-watan is the home in which you live and the hometown
and residence of the man. Its plural: Awtaan. A person
‘watana’ in a place means he/she took it as a residence and
a dwelling in which he/she lives. ‘Awtana’: taken them as a
place of living. ‘Mawaten of Mecca’: its positions and places.
‘Awtaan of Sheep and cattle’: their emplacements and
places to which they resort. ‘Al Mitaan’: the place from which
the horses are sent to the race, and ‘Al-Miateen’: squares.
‘Al-Mawten’: one of the war’s scenes, nation, each place in
which the man live and congregation. ‘Awtanto’, ‘wattant’
and ‘estawtant’ the land: I took it as a nation and also ‘Al-
Al-Mu’jam Al-Wasiit, V. 2 – p 639 – a group of scholars, Publisher:
Dar Al-Dawa: Tahqiq: Academy of the Arabic Language.
1
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Ettetan’. ‘Mawaaten’: every place in which the man resides
for a certain matter. ‘Watanahu’ about something: he keeps
it secret with him and says ‘Watantu’ a person about such
thing, if yourselves desired to do. And ‘Tawteen’ the soul to do
something, it is a preparation for them.2
‘Al-Wataneyya’: attributing to the hometown so ‘AlWatan’: is the residence home. And the hometown is the
place and town in which the man grew up in.
‘Watan’ of “residence” is the town and village of the
traveler having no family without taking them as a permanent
home. ‘Watan’ of “domicile” is the place the traveler intends
to live in permanently.3
Section Two: Islam’s Tolerance and Zeal for Peaceful
Coexistence
Since its dawn Islam was built upon a foundation of
simplicity. The Messenger (pbuh) once said: “Religion is a simple
matter and anyone who complicates it cannot go very far.”4
This religion is inclusive of tolerance, ease and mercy which
are consistent with its universality and immortality which make
it suitable for all people of all times and places. So tolerance is
consistent with the universality of Islam, and all textual passages
of the Quran and Sunnah (Prophetic Traditions) affirm this fact
through inviting people for being under one umbrella and for
See: Lisan al-Arab, Ibn Manzour (Watana) 13/451.
See: definitions of Gerjani P. 327, and al-kulleyyat-al-Kafawi
5/42, 43.
4
Narrated by Bukhari, Belief Book, “Religion is Easy”, Hadith
Number: 39.
2
3
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competing for the key standard of Islam which is “Piety”, Allah,
the Exalted, says: “O mankind, indeed We have created you
from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that
you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in
the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you.”5 Islam came in a
period of ignorance and degeneration which eroded human
dignity and freedom, that is why Islam was curious to build
a new system for mankind and to organize the relationship
between the man and his Lord and others as well.
Islam established complete principles and guidelines for
all walks of life in one’s relationship with his Lord, gender and all
creatures. Such principles and guidelines are in line with one’s
natural disposition including ease, tolerance and flexibility
which are of the intrinsic traits in Islam and relate to the origin
of the faith with no restrictions to be applied. At the height of
the strength of Muslims, tolerance was the religion’s motto and
there are many aspects of this that will be indicated later on.
The textual passages of the Holy Quran state that the dispute
will remain with the survival of the man on this earth.
The one who reads the Holy Quran knows that Islam is
tolerant in one of the key issues of Islam which is “Monotheism”.
The Quran addresses this issue in a simple way with no difficulties
in understanding it and deduces the truths of the faith to be
realized in a method full of ease and tolerance.
Throughout the history of the Islamic state, in its strengths
and weaknesses, non-Muslims resided in the state without
5
Soorah - Al-Hujurat – 13.
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being forced to discard their beliefs and accept Islam. The
greatest rule in Islam is that “There shall be no compulsion in
(acceptance of) a religion. Thus the People of the Book and
others coexisted in the Islamic states without violating each
other’s beliefs and religions.6
Islam is not built upon persecuting its opponents,
confiscating their rights, forcing them into Islam, or depriving
them of their wealth, dignity or life. The history of Islam is the
brightest ever in this respect.7
It has been established by Muslim scholars that if somebody
was forced into Islam, this would be rendered null and void.
It is stated in Al-Mughni: “If one whom it is not permissible to
compel is compelled to enter Islam, such as a dhimmi (nonMuslim living under Muslim rule) or a non-Muslim who has been
granted security, he is not deemed to be a Muslim unless he
shows signs of having become Muslim voluntarily.”8
Therefore, If he reverted to his religion once the
compulsion has been removed, he would not be considered
as an apostate, and hence it would be unlawful to kill him
or force him to adopt Islam. Ibn Qudaamah reported, with
scholarly consensus, that if a dhimmi or a non-Muslim who
See: Inadmissible Delusion of Real Issues, Saleh Ben Hemaid,
Al-Manarh Liberary, Mecca, edition 1, 1412 AH, p.30.
7
See: Fanaticism and Tolerance between Christianity and
Islam, Mohammed al-Ghazali, Dar Eltawzi’e, Cairo, edition 1, 1409
AH, p.6.
8
Al-Mughni, Ibn Qudaamah, Dar Hajr, Cairo, Tahqiq: Pro.
Abdullah Al-Turki and Abdel-Fattah El-Hallout, 2, 1412, V. 12 - p.291.
6
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has been granted security complies with all covenants, it is
not permitted for a Muslim to breach such covenants or to
compel them to do things that they have not complied with.9
Islam is tolerant in allowing Muslims to give money for
needy non-Muslims. Islam allows Muslims to give charity for
non-Muslims and to exchange gifts with them. Islam also
makes it lawful for Muslims to convey their condolences to
non-Muslims and to visit them when they are sick. It is also
lawful to congratulate them on occasions such as the birth of
a child or a wedding; and to address them by their favourite
names when meeting them.10
Islam’s tolerance manifests itself in a way deserving
respect and admiration for the greatness of the Islamic
humanitarianism, when we know that it calls for being friendly
with non-Muslims who have been granted security. The
veteran Islamic jurist Imam Al-Shaybaani (May God have
mercy on him) says: “There is no harm if a Muslim maintains
good relations with non-Muslims whether related to him
or not, a fighter or dhimmi; for the hadith of Salama Ibn AlAkwaa reports: “I prayed the morning prayer with the Prophet
(pbuh) who asked me, Can you grant me the daughter of
Umm Qerfah? I said, yes, and granted her to him. Then, he
(pbuh) sent her (a non-Muslim daughter) to his uncle Hozn
See: Ibid, V. 12, pp.291-292.
For more details, See: Invitation for Non-Muslims to Islam,
Abdullah Lehaidan. Homaidi Printing Press, Riyadh, edition 1, 1420AH,
PP.148-178.
9
10
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Ibn Abi Wahb (a non-Muslim man). “And the Messenger
of Allah (pbuh) sent five hundred dinars to Mecca though
suffering from drought and ordered the money to be given to
Abi Sufian Ibn Harb for distribution to the needy of Mecca.”11
Are there concessions and privileges granted to a foreigner
under a system or law similar to that of Islam? It was not mere
philosophy – it was down-to-earth application of it in a Muslim’s
life i.e. maintaining ties and relationships with others – and it is
an integral part of the faith. The failure to comply with12 or fulfill
any covenant is considered treacherous and Allah does not
condone the treachery.
Can there be any coexistence and recognition of rights
better than that of Islamic Shari’a?13
Section Three: Principles of Coexistence
The first principle: Justice
One of the greatest principles of coexistence is the justice
accorded to non-Muslims which is considered to be proof of
the one’s piety to be richly rewarded in the Hereafter. Allah,
the Exalted, says: {O believers, be persistently firm in standing
See: Kitab Al-Siyar Al-Kabir, V. 1, p.69.
See: The Principles of the International Relations in Islam: Umar
Ahmed El-Ferjani, p.131, Tripoli, Dar Al-Jamahiriya for Publishing,
Distributing and Advertising, 1393 AH, The International Relations in
the Islamic Wars / p.87.
13
See: The Civil Society in the Prophethood Era. Its Characteristics
and First Organizations: Akram Al-Umary, p.7, the Scientific Council,
the Islamic University.
11
12
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for Allah, witnesses in justice, and do not let the hatred of a
people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to
righteousness. And fear Allah; indeed, Allah is acquainted
with what you do}14
Any scholar of the history of Islam and Muslims will find
that there is no other society in which rights and privileges are
respected as in an Islamic state. At the height of its glorious
rule the Islamic empire had room for non-Muslim scholars,
writers, physicians and geniuses various arts and disciplines.
How can this be true if not for the tolerance and non-violence
found in Islam?
Islamic rule calls for the maintenance of rights and
privileges and justice for all citizens and aspires to give the
best for the individual as well as for the nation as a whole both
for the present and the future. Of course, this includes nonMuslims too, so the Islamic political system is based on the rule
of law operating as a trusteeship.15
The concept of justice must be understood in the context
of the Islamic Shari’a. Allah, the Exalted, says: “Verily, Allah
commands that you render back the trusts to those to whom
Soorah - Al-Maa’idah – 8.
See: Islam and Equality between Muslims and Non-Muslims:
Abdel Moneim Ahmed Barakah, p.85, Shabab El-Jame’ah Institution,
1410 AH. Pillars and Guarantees of the Islamic Rule: Mohammed
Mofti, p.110 – Shari’a and Islamic studies magazine, Kuwait, edition 12,
1409 AH. The Islamic Division of the World: Mohie El-Din Mohammed
Qassem, p.99, the Higher Institute for the Islamic Thought, 1417 AH.
14
15
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they are due; and that when you judge between men, you
judge with justice.”16
There is no doubt that the existence of the fair and
independent judiciary17 is one of the greatest guarantees for
a fair and independent trial.18 It calls for the application of
equality and justice in the government’s justice system i.e.
to hear out the non-Muslim party without anger or bias19 as
stated in the Islamic judicial system guidelines.
The second principle: The maintenance of rights and
freedom
Based on the foregoing, it is clear that the Islamic Shari’a
adopted the principle of amicable human relation between
Muslim and non-Muslim nations and established respect for
freedom since fourteen centuries ago. The Islamic Shari’a also
has not tightened its rules on non-Muslims or terrorized them.
Hence there is no basis for the argument by the hate-mongers
of the Islamic system that Islam was spread by the sword
because Islam was spread by beautiful preaching, intellectual
discourse, constructive dialogue and tolerance. The sword
Soorah – An-Nisaa – 58.
See: The Judiciary and the Judge’s Character in the Islamic
System: Mohammed El-Bakr, p.652, Dar El Zahraa For Arab Mass
Media, 1408 AH.
18
See: Enlightening Rulers: Ibn Farhoun, V. 1, p.15; Very Helpful
for Rulers: AL-Trabolsi, p.9.
19
See: Judiciary in Islam and the Judge’s Ethics: Jabr Mahmoud
EL-Fodailat, p.119 – Amman, Dar Ammar, 1412 AH.
16
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was only used to defend its sacred and holy places from the
enemies of Islam. There are two types of jihad in Islam.
First: Jihad in which you repulse attacks to protect
Muslim sacred places and homelands from being invaded or
usurped.
Second: Jihad in which you take the message of Islam to
others as similar to al-Fatūhāt al-Islāmiyya (Islamic conquests)
as during the times of Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq, Umar Ibn Al Khattab
and the Orthodox Caliphs.
All this affirm the fact that the Islamic rules and regulations
concerning international relations and coexistence with nonMuslims had preceded the rules pertaining to international
relations since fourteen centuries ago.20 One of the
distinguishing aspects of safeguarding rights and ethics is
the privileges and protection granted by Islamic Shari’a to
foreigners under the Islamic state.
The Muslim jurists hold that the security granted to
foreigners shows that the Islamic state provided protection
for those who had sought it.21 It has been defined by Maliki
scholars that “the harbi must not be killed, enslaved, or stolen
See: The Rules of the International relations in the International
Law and Islamic Shari’a: Ga’afar Abd El-Salam, p.315, El-Salam
International Liberary, Cairo, 1401 AH
21
See: Islam and the International Relations: Mohammed ElSadek Afifi, p.317, Dar Al Raed Al Arabi, Beirut, 1406 AH
20
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in war while permanently living under the Islam’s Rule for
period of time.”22
Islam has set the finest examples of the security granted
to foreigners under Islamic rule. Imam Hafez Ibn kathir (May
Allah have mercy on him) says in his commentary on the verse:
{And if anyone of the Mushrikin seeks your protection then
grant him protection so that he may hear the Word of Allah
(the Qur’an) and then escort him to where he can be secure,
that is because they are men who know not}23 In other words
those who come from a land at war with Muslims to areas
under Islamic rule as messengers, merchants, peace seekers
or to pay the Jizyah and so forth, and request safe passage
from Muslim leaders or their deputies, should be granted safe
passage, as long as they remain in Muslim areas and until they
return to their homeland.24
Imam Al-Qurtubi (May Allah have mercy on him): “The
disbelievers have asked to meet the Messenger of Allah
(pbuh) to talk about reconciliation and other matters of
their life, there is scholarly consensus that if someone sought
security to hear the Words of Allah and to get acquainted with
the teachings of Islam, they must be granted in accordance
with the verse which will remain to the Judgment Day. Jihad
See: El-Hattab, V. 3, p.360; El-Adawi Ali El-Khorashi’s Marginal’s
Note – V. 3, p.141.
23
Soorah – At-Tawbah/6.
24
Tafsir Ibn Kathir, V. 2, p.127.
22
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in Islam was legitimized only to enable everyone in the world
to hear Allah’s Words safely and freely.”25
The faqih scholar, Hasan Al-Basri and Mujahid, (May Allah
have mercy on them) indicated that this verse is one of explicit
clear verses to the Judgment Day.26
Through these Islamic texts and jurisprudential viewpoints,
it is clear that those who have been granted security are able
to protect themselves and their wealth under Islamic rule. They
are treated as human beings as long as they maintain and
understand Islamic ethics and behavior as well as international
relations. In addition to the security granted to the foreigner
under the Islamic shari’a, there is scholarly consensus that a
person who has been granted security shall be considered as
a dhimmi living in our homeland.27
Imam Al-Sarakhsi indicated in Kitab al-Mabsut: “As their
wealth has become safe in accordance with security ruling,
therefore they are not permitted to be taken, and their
freedom of belief, movement and residence shall not be
restricted. Under such security ruling, it is not lawful to imprison
them and that such security shall be guaranteed as long as it
remains valid.”28
25
p.211.
26
p.398.
27
28
Al-Jaam’e Le Ahkaam Al-Quran: Imam Al-Qurtubi, V. 5,
See: Tafsir Al-Zamakhshari – V. 2 – p.29, Tafsir Al-Razi, V. 4,
See: Kitab Al-Siyar Al-Kabir – V. 2 – p.226.
See: Bada’i al-Sana’i: Al-Kassani - V. 7 – p.107.
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There is no doubt that such privileges available under
Islamic Shari’a far exceed the international law. Based on
these privileges, Muslim jurists have implied that it is not lawful
for Muslims to extradite one who has been granted asylum
to his country unknowingly and unwillingly even if he is in
exchange for a Muslim captive.29
Part Two: Dealing with non-Muslims in the Islamic
Jurisprudence
Section One: Aspects of Dealing with non-Muslims in the
Islamic Jurisprudence
First: Marriage with Non-Muslims
The Muslim jurists have unanimously permitted marriage to
a non-Muslim People of the Book (Kitabia). Allah, the Exalted,
says: {Made lawful to you this day are At-Tayyibat} All kinds
of Halal (lawful) foods, which Allah has made lawful (meat of
slaughtered eatable animals, milk products, fats, vegetables
and fruits). The food (slaughtered cattle, eatable animals) of
the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) is lawful to you
and yours is lawful to them. (Lawful to you in marriage) are
chaste women from the believers and chaste women from
those who were given the Scriptures (Jews and Christians),30
the chaste women in the verse are: Those decent and chaste
women: whom Muslims are encouraged to marry because it
achieves friendliness and harmony between the spouses and
promotes tranquility and reassurance.
See: Sharhu Al-Siyar Al-Kabir, p3, p.300; The International
Relations in Islamic Wars: Sheikh Ali Qera’ah, p.86, Dar Misr for Print.
30
Soorah - Al-Maa’idah/5.
29
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The companions, (May Allah be pleased with them)
married from the People of the Book; Ottoman (May Allah be
pleased with him) married Na’elah Bent Al-Frafsah Al-Kalbiah
– a Christian woman who converted to Islam in his home.
Hudaifah (May Allah be pleased with him) married a Jewish
woman from the people of Al-Madaen. Jaber (May Allah be
pleased with him) was asked about the legitimacy of marrying
a Jewish or a Christian woman, he said that: we married them
at the time of Kufah’s conquest at the era of Sa’ad Ibn Abi
Waqqas.
The reason behind the legitimacy of marriage with a
non-Muslim Kitabiah, not Al-Mushrikah (idolatress) is that she
believes in some of the basic principles adopted by Muslims
including the Oneness of God and faith in the Messengers and
the Last Day (its reckoning and punishment). So the existence
of these aspects of harmony and bridge of communication
often ensures a peaceful married life. She is encouraged to
convert to Islam because she believes in the Prophets and
Messengers as a whole. The wisdom behind the legitimacy of
the Muslim male’s marriage with Jewish and Christian women,
but not vice-versa, is that a Muslim man believes in all the
Prophets and religions in its first proper origins. Thus, there is
no danger of him interfering with his wife’s doctrine or faith.
On the other hand since a non-Muslim does not believe in
Islam, there would be a real risk that he would force his wife
to follow his religion as woman by nature is vulnerable and
impressionable, and her husband will rule over her. Thus, such
a marriage would hurt her faith and doctrine.
Concerning the marriage to Magian women: the majority
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of Muslim jurists say31: Magians are not from the People of the
Book and the evidence for that is the previous verse {Let you
(pagan Arabs) should say: ‘’The Book was sent down only to
two sects before us}32 Based on the verse, the People of the
Book are two sects and if the Magians are included, there will
be three sects.
Besides, the Magians do not believe in any of Allah’s
Books sent down to His Prophets. The belief in their Zoroastrian
Book that is false and forged, hence they are not considered
People of the Book.
Further evidence for this: Umar mentioned the Magians
concerning the imposition of Jizya saying: “I don’t know how
to deal with them”, then ‘Abd Ar-Rahman bin ‘Auf said, “I
testify that I heard the Prophet (pbuh) saying: {Do with them
as you do with the ahl al-kitab}33
Quran Judgments (Ahkaam al-Quran) for Al-Jassas 2/327 Bada’i al-Sana’i: 2/271 – Al-Mugni: 6/591.
32
Al-An’am/156
33
Nail Al-Awtar: 8/56, Sufyan narrated on account of Al-hassan
Ibn Mohammed, saying “the Prophet - pbuh - sent a message to the
Magians of Hajar inviting them for Islam, saying if you enter Islam, you
will have the same rights and comply with the same obligations and
the one who rejects this, he must pay Al-Jizyah, excluding eating
from their slaughtered meat or marrying their women.
31
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As for Samaritans and Sabians: Samaritanism: a Jewish
sect and Sabianism is a Christian sect.
Abu-Hanifa and al-Hanabilah said: They are from the
People of the Book, and it is lawful for a Muslim to marry their
women, because Sabians believe in a Book, and read Zabur.
Sabians do not worship planets or stars but they glorify them
similar to Muslims who glorify Al-Ka’bah by coming to it. Though
some of their beliefs go against the People of the Book but this
does not prevent marriage ties as is the case between Jews
and Christians.
In fact Abu Yusuf and Mohammed [Abu Hanifa’s two
top students] said: it is not permitted to marry them, because
the Sabians are a group of people who worship planets and
stars. As worshippers of planets are considered pagans it is not
lawful for Muslims to marry them.
It is said that there is in fact no disagreement in this respect
but the disagreement manifests itself in the uncertainty and
suspicion over its doctrine. Hence those who regard the
Sabians as pagans who worship planets do not marry them,
while those who regard them as believers in a Book consider
marriage with them lawful.
And that is the truth which is in line with shafi’i jurists who
said: If the basic beliefs of the religions of the Jewish Samaritans
and Christian Sabians contradict Islam, it is forbidden to marry
them; otherwise there is no obstacle. If the Jewish Samaritans
and Christian Sabians adopt Islamic principles, it is permissible
to marry them. This was established by Al-Kadduori in AlKitab which is considered by Abu Hanifa as an authoritative
source. It says, it is permissible for a Muslim to marry Sabian
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women provided they believe in a Prophet and a Book, but
if they worship planets and do not believe in a Book, it is not
permitted for Muslims to marry them.34
The ruling on marrying the son or daughter of a paganKitabi couple: since one of the non-Muslim woman’s parent is
a kitabi (a Jewish or a Christian) while the other is a pagan, it
is not lawful to marry her, since she is not a pure Kitabia and
is born of parents, one of whom is declared to be unlawful
to marry from, so it is not permitted to marry her, based on
the rule, if there is a dispute between Al-halal (lawfulness) and
Al-Haram (unlawfulness), al-Haram (the unlawfulness) shall
prevail.35
Second: Meat slaughtered by non-Muslims
As for the People of the Book, there is a consensus that
meat slaughtered by them is lawful.36 Allah, the Exalted, says:
{The food of the people of Scripture (Jews and Christians)
means their slaughtered cattle and eatable animals is lawful
to you and yours is lawful to them}37 The permissible thing is
that what they believe lawful in their Shari’a as the Pork even
if it has not been known whether they mentioned the Name
34
35
2/44.
See: Al-Libab 3/7.
Mughni Al-Mohtaj 3/18; Al-Mughni: 6/592; Al-Muhaddab:
Clarifying facts (Tabiin al-haqa’eq): 5/28; Bedayet AlMugtahed: 1/436; Al-Sharh al-Kabir: 2/99; Al-Montaqa Ala Mowatt’a
2/112; Mughni Al-Mohtaj 4/266 and hereinafter ; Al-Mughni 8/567
and hereinafter.
37
Soorah - Al-Maa’idah/5.
36
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of Allah or not, or if they slaughter for their churches and Eids
even if they thought it forbidden as camels. Ibn Abbas said:
“Jews and Christians’ slaughtered meats were lawful because
they believed in Torah and the Gospel.”38
But Imam Malik said: their slaughtered meats that are
unlawful for them are disapproved for us as camels and pure
skins full of fat which are mentioned in the verse: Allah, the
Exalted, says: {And those who are Jews, We forbade every
(animal)39 with undivided hoof, and we forbade them the fat
of the ox and the sheep except what adheres to their backs
or their entrails or is mixed up with a bone}40 And they are
permitted by the Muslim Scholars because the matters that
are not mentioned in our Shari’a remain permissible.
They are disapproved in the Maliki and Shafi’ school of
thought as well as a narration reported by Ahmed who said
the animals that have been slaughtered for churches and
Eids are not permissible because this includes a glorification of
their polytheistic belief as meat is intentionally slaughtered by
the butcher as a sacrifice for other than Allah and on which
Allah’s Name has not been mentioned while slaughtering.
And this is a better argument.
If it is known that the butcher mentioned a name other
than Allah’s name, such as the name of Christ by a Christian
Narrated and declared authentic by Al-Hakim.
Qatadah said in his commentary on “with undivided hoof”:
camels, ostrich, duck and every animal with undivided hoof.
40
Al-An’am/146
38
39
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99
butcher or the name of Uzair by a Jewish butcher, the
majority of Muslim scholars agree that it is forbidden. Allah, the
Exalted, says: {And that on which Allah’s Name has not been
mentioned while slaughtering}41 and {Eat not (O believers) of
that (meat) on which Allah’s Name has not been pronounced
(at the time of the slaughtering of the animal)}42 because
that is greater reason for the ruling of the permissibility of their
slaughter because the validity of their slaughter means that
they slaughter the animals in line with its terms and provisions
as Muslims do.
Maliki scholars say this is properly disapproved based
on the general meaning of the verse {The food (slaughtered
cattle, eatable animals) of the people of Scripture (Jews
and Christians) is lawful to you}43 because Allah knew that
they would say about their slaughters something like that.
While mentioning of Allah’s Name is not done for the sake of
worshiping, there is no effect whether they mention the Name
of Allah or not.
The permissibility of eating from Kitabi’s slaughtered meat
and marrying a non-Muslim Kitabia is relied on the following
term according to Shaafa’is44: If this non-Muslim Kitabi is an
Israelite: The more correct ruling is that it is lawful if he knew
of his people’s convert (His first Fathers to be entered) to such
Al-Maa’idah/3
Soorah - Al-An’am/121.
43
Soorah - Al-Maa’idah/5.
44
Mughni Almohtaj: 3/187 and hereinafter.
41
42
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religion (i.e. Moses and Jesus’ religion, peace be upon them)
before becoming forged and distorted due to their adherence
to such religion when it was the true one.
If Sabians are in line with the People of the Book
concerning the main principles of their beliefs, their slaughters
are permitted to be eaten. On the contrary, if they have
not agreed and their religion is fluctuated within Magianism
and Christianity or they believe in the influence of stars, their
slaughters are forbidden to be eaten.45
Third: Scholars’ attitudes towards violence against NonMuslims
It is one of the greatest plagues faced by the Muslim
ummah today - the issue of violence, fanaticism and extremism
which grips the minds of laymen and ignorant people of the
ummah and championed by zealots on the wrong path. The
inevitable consequence is constant feud between these
zealots who divide themselves into factions. Their only goal is to
compel, by whatever means, their rivals to accept their point
of view. Some of them pass judgment and commit crimes, by
blowing up other Muslims they regard as non-believers and
thus create much distress all around. The excessive violence
and extremism found among them, by Allah: It is blind discord
which calls for thinking and deliberation of its roots in the life
of contemporary Muslims. This is the most important factor in
See: The Jurisprudential Laws: p.180; Bedayet Al-Mugtahed:
1/438; please see the subject of the Non-Muslim Agency: the NonMuslim in the Islamic Society, Dr. Youssef AL-Karadawi pp.5-70,
Samahet El-Essm, Dr. Umar Ibn Abdel-Aziz, p.75.
45
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101
removing the disorder that burdens the ummah, weakens
it and disperses its word. It must be known that the issue of
violence and bloody conflicts in the life of human societies is
not something new; nothing is expected to occur in the life of
societies, civilizations and their pushing. However, the major
changes and turning points often associated in minds with
bloody events and conflicts, they are rooted beyond the limits
of recorded history! The polytheists were exaggerating and
extremists in their idolatrous evil beliefs.
They falsified the truth when they know it, and contradicted
the facts when they believed in illusions and misgivings. Thus
we find people of whims approach a Jahili (before Islam) root:
Either by denial or opposition, and if he survived these two
abominable acts, he tends to injustice and ignorance: Injustice
is in order to reach great haughtiness and unawareness of the
truth of this religion. The gatherings of evil are injustice and
ignorance and the gatherings of good deeds are knowledge
and justice. When beholding the fanatics and extremists, in
all times, you will find a common ground between them, they
have specific characteristics, and you know them by a clear
standard description.
The unquestionable fact is that everything in the world
has a destiny estimated by knowledge and wisdom of Allah:
(And everything with Him is by due measure) {Surat Ar-Ra’d
“The Thunder”} which means no excess or negligence in the
creation of Allah, therefore, no excessiveness by advancement
or retardation in Allah religion by dependence, as narrated
that one of the Arab Nomads said to Hasan Al-Basri (may
mercy and blessings of Allah be upon him): “O Aba Saeed,
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teach me a moderate religion, not excessive by advancement
or retarded by dependence which means, moderate
religion, not excessive by advancement or retarded by
dependence.” Hasan replied: Well done O Arab Nomad, the
best of dealings are the ones done in moderation.46 Imam Ibn
Qayyim al-Jawziyyah (may mercy of Allah be upon him) said:
“There is no command ordered by Allah unless devil has two
approaches regarding it: Either extremism or negligence and
excessiveness or exaggeration, however, the religion of Allah
is medial between keeping away from it and exaggerating it,
like a valley between two mountains, guidance between two
misleading acts and median between two obnoxious parties.
While keeping away is an act of losing it, exaggerating is also
an act of losing it too; first of them is because of his negligence
and the other is because of excessiveness.47 It is suitable in
this regard to mention the meaning of excessiveness, violence
and their ruling. Scholars worked hard to put a definition to
exaggeration in brief phrases, here are some definitions.
Sheikh-ul-Islam ibn Taymiyyah (May mercy of Allah be
upon him) said: “Exaggeration: Overstepping the limit, to
See: Taj Al-Arous min jawaher Al-Qamus, Dar El Fikr, Beirut,
1994 / 1414, Item: (Farata). Lisân al-Arab – Dar Sader.
47
madarej-salekeen, V. 2 / 517, Book of ala’zlah, by Abu Suleiman
Khattabi Al Basti, part 1 / 97, edition 2, Al Matbaa Al Salafya in Cairo,
(whatever command God gives, Satan trys to have it influence over
it by making people exaggerate it or underestimate it and each of
which is a success to him).
46
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103
increase praising or belittling what it is worth and so on.”48
Sheikh-ul-Islam ibn Taymiyyah (May mercy of Allah be upon
him) said: “exaggerating something and insisting in it by
overstepping its limit.”49
On the authority of Ibn Masud (May Allah bless him) who
said: The Messenger of Allah (pbuh) said “They are losers; those
who make religion strenuous.” He (the Holy Prophet) repeated
this thrice.50
Imam Al-Nawawi said: ‘They are losers; those who
make religion strenuous’ means those who are exhausting,
exaggerating, overstepping the limits in their sayings or
deeds.51
It is notable in this Hadith and the one before that they
specified destruction as the consequences of extremism and
violence. This includes destruction of religion and the world
life, which is the greatest loss, and it is enough penalty.52
As for violence: it is harshness and solidity against
leniency.53
Iqtida’ al-Sirat al-Mustaqim, V.1, p.328, 329.
Fath al-Bari, V.13, P. 278
50
Narrated by Muslim, in his book, Sahih Muslim: The Book of
Knowledge, chapter of “They Are Losers, Those Who Make Religion
Strenuous”, V.4, p. 5055, Hadith No. 2670.
51
Sahih Muslim Sharh Nawawi, Book: Knowledge, Chapter:
Prohibition of Following the Allegorical Verses In the Qur’an, Part 16,
P. 22.
52
Islamic Awakening between Rejection and Extremism: Dr.
Yusuf al-Qaradawi, p.26
53
Al-Nihayah li-Ibn al-Athir: Violence item.
48
49
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The approach of Islam based upon tolerance and
leniency, not upon violence, harshness and rudeness.
On the authority of Aisha (May Allah bless her) who said:
“A group of Jews came to Allah’s Messenger and sought
his audience and said: As-Sam-u-’Alaikum. A’isha said in
response: As-Sam-u-’Alaikum (death be upon you) and curse,
also, where upon Allah’s Messenger said: ‘A’isha, verily Allah
likes kindness in every matter. She said: Did you bear what
they said? There upon he said: Did you not hear that but I
said (to them): Wa ‘Alaikum”54 It is known that the meaning of
terrorism related to exaggeration and violence.
The Islamic ruling of violence and terrorism is very clear, it
is not permissible intellectually or legally to terrify and frighten
civilians, cut off roads and frighten the wayfarer or threaten to
do, whether Muslims or non-Muslims, secured or a contracted
(dhimmi) by a covenant or security of the governor.55
Fourth: Scholars’ attitudes towards Diplomatic immunity
Diplomacy is “arts and methods of cooperation and
transaction between countries to regulate their different
relationships i.e. political, commercial, cultural, military,
Narrated by Al Bukhari in Fath al-bari, Part 12, P. 280, Hadith
No.: 6927
55
See The Holy Mecca issued by Islamic Fiqh Academy of Muslim
World League in the Holy Mecca in its seventeenth session, which
held in the Holy Mecca on 19-23/10/1424 AH corresponding to 1317/12/2003 AD, as mentioned in Muslim World League newspaper.
54
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105
scientific, to settle any crisis or weakness in these relationships,
whether these countries are friends or not.”56
Since its beginning, Islam knew sort of these relationships
with the tribes and communities that Islam was surrounded
by.57 The diplomatic relationships in Islamic states have
developed and improved in a brighter face thanks to the
rules and disciplines adopted by the Prophet (pbuh) as well
as the various aspects of protection and care provided for
delegates and diplomats. The diplomatic relations between
Islamic state and other states accompanied by significant
civilization relations, which contributed to the progress of
mankind in all aspects, including providing protection for
delegates and diplomats.
Arab people have recognized the sanctity of delegates
and diplomats who are envoys of other states.58 When Islam
came with its fair system and legislations, based on respect,
equality and human dignity. The systems of Islamic state
assured the security and peace of delegates, ambassadors
and diplomats during their stay in the country until they
return to their homeland safely. The Islamic state, since its
establishment, has been known for paying its full attention to
give delegates and ambassadors what is known in the new
See: Diplomacy In Islam, P. 17, studies: Ali Yossof Nor, AL Sharq,
edition 10476, October 1991 AD.
57
See: Diplomatic Relationship Law: Abdul Aziz Mohammed
Sarhan, P. 18, printing office of Ain Shams University, Cairo, 1974.
58
See: International Systems in Law and Share’a: Abdul Hamid
Al Haj, P. 112, Islamic Studies Institute, Cairo, 1975 AD.
56
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contemporary terminology of the General International Law
“personal immunity”.59
It is known in Islamic jurisprudence that the proof of safety
provided for the delegate from his people or state to Islamic
state is in force as soon as he entered the Islamic territories if
he proved that he is a messenger from his people, then there
is no need to establish the evidence, so, the scholars settled
for the mark of holding a letter from the governor of his state.
If he shows the letter, it is evident of his honest, and building
on the evident shall be a must in this case, which we could
not stand for its reality. In this case, no harm may be imposed
upon him until his return to his state. The commands of fighting
and reconciliation take effects through messengers. Therefore,
safety shall be achieved to fulfill the purpose of sending them.
It is mentioned in the book of “Al-Siyar Al-Kabir” of Mohammed
Hassan Al Al-Shaybaani “if the governor finds a messenger,
he shall ask about his name. if the messenger says I am the
messenger of the king who sent me to the king of Arab people
and this is his letter, and those livestock, luggage and servants
are a present from him, he must be believed with no one can
stop or harm him, or take his luggage, weapons, servants and
money. As well as if Muslims captured a ship in sea, and one
of the captures said: we are the messengers of the king, so no
one may approach them.”60 The apparent meaning of the
See: Security Authorities and Diplomatic Immunities: Fadi AlMaleh, p.685, Monchaat Al Maaref, Alexandria, 1981 AD.
60
See: Sharhu Al-Siyar Al-Kabir, Al-Sarakhsi, v. 2, PP. 471, 473,
Institute of Manuscripts edition, the League of Arab States.
59
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107
jurisprudence text that messengers whether come from land
or sea, they shall be safe and secured and no one may harm
them.
Fourth: Scholars’ attitudes towards the prohibition of killing
delegates and diplomats
The scholars (may mercy of Allah be upon them) tackled
the concept of care and protection of messengers, so the
clear cut proofs of prohibiting killing messengers, delegates
and diplomats and protecting them from any harm has been
proved even if they have different views in the negotiations,
and if the envoy, delegates and diplomats who are coming
to the land of Islamic state speak in words not consistent with
the respect of Muslim beliefs, which may subject them to the
penalty of killing, or the failure politic envoys in their mission,
they still have the right of protection and immunity till they
return to their homeland safely. Our Prophet (pbuh) is the
best example in good treatment, protection and great care,
when the messengers of Musaylimah al-Kadhab (Musaylimah
the Liar) Ibn Al Nawaha and Ibn Athal came to the Prophet
(pbuh), the Prophet asked them: “Do you attest that I am the
messenger of Allah?” They replied: “We attest that Musaylimah
is the messenger of Allah.” The Prophet (pbuh) replied: “I
believe in Allah and his messenger. If I were a messenger’s
killer, I would kill you.”61 This became the norm - not to kill
messengers62 and the Muslim rulers followed the guidance of
the Prophet (pbuh) for centuries to come.
61
62
Nail Al-Awtar: Shawkani, V. 8, p.29.
See: Islam and International relationships, P.122
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Narrated by Abu Rafi’: The Quraysh sent me to the
Apostle of Allah (pbuh), and when I saw the Apostle of Allah
(pbuh), Islam was cast into my heart, so I said: Apostle of Allah,
I swear by Allah, I shall never return to them. The Apostle of
Allah (pbuh) replied: I do not break a covenant or imprison
messengers, but return, and if you feel the same as you do just
now, come back.63
Imam Shawkani said: This Hadith constitutes evidence
that one must fulfill his obligations even for disbelievers. Any
message should have a reply through the messenger, which
is a covenant in itself. It was also to avoid any claim that the
Prophet (pbuh) detained the messenger or that the messenger
of Quriash converted to Islam to save his life.64
The humane approach of Prophet Mohamed (pbuh)
in preserving the lives of messengers and diplomats was
followed by the Muslim caliphs, sultans, kings, emirs and great
rulers. Said bin Jubai said: “A man from the disbelievers came
to Ali bin Abu Talib (May Allah show him His Mercy) and said:
Oh Caliph of Muslim, if one of us attends to you to carry out
a task, will he be killed?” Ali said: “No! Allah, the Almighty,
said in the Qura’n: And if any one of the polytheists seeks your
protection, then grant him protection so that he may hear the
words of Allah. Then deliver him to his place of safety.”65
63
Narrated by Abi Dawud in his book, Sunan Abi Dawud, V. 3,
64
See: Nail Al Awatr, Ash Shawkani, V 8, p 30.
Al Jame’ li Ahkam Al Qura’n, Qurtubi, V 8, p 139.
P.83.
65
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109
Ali bin Abu Talib deduced from this Quranic verse that it is
not allowed to kill a non-believer who comes to a Muslim country
requesting a favor. One of the tasks that push disbelievers to
come to a Muslim country is to convey a message. The Hanafi,
Shafi’i, Zaidi and Hanbali schools maintain that messengers
should not be killed.66
Islam respects the legal status of other states’ messengers.
All messengers of non-Muslim states are shown respect and
given protection even if they break the international protocols
of addressing the head of state. However, the messengers of
Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) to non-Muslim countries used to be
treated in a very bad way. For example, King of Persia cut and
footed on the message of Prophet Mohamed (pbuh). Even
the Prophet’s messenger hardly escaped death. Also, the
Prophet’s messengers to the Emir of Ghasasinah were treated
very badly. Likewise, the Romanian ruler of Baswara killed the
Prophet’s messenger.67
On the contrary, Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) treated
the messenger of Al Muqawqis, the King of Copts, as well as
the messenger of Hercules with all deference. This decent
treatment by Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) was a cause that
some messengers converted to Islam, where the good
treatment was an indication of tolerance, peace and
66
Al Sarkhasi, V 10, p 92; Al Mughni, V 8, p 400; Ikhtilaf Al Fuqahaa,
67
See: Zad Al Maad, V 1, p 30; Law of Diplomatic Relations, p
p 33.
19.
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protection shown by Islam, the religion of justice, mercy and
respect of covenants and honor of humanity.68
Imam As-Sarkhasi said: “The messengers and envoys used
to be safe in both the pre-Islamic era and after Islam. The
reason is that the messages of wars and peacemaking were
sent through messengers. So safety of the messengers was the
only way to deliver the message.”69 Securing the messengers
is firmly established in the Islamic Shairah.
Sixth: Other Aspects of good treatment of non-Muslims in
Islam
The non-Muslims in the Islamic state are not neglected;
they participate and interact with Muslim society. A nonMuslim may even be assigned a job related to Islam. Al-Kharqi
says it is lawful for an unbeliever to be a Zakah collector, and
said in Al-Mughni that there are two narrations from Ahmad
concerning that, as Allah, the Exalted, says: {And those
employed to collect (the funds)}70 and this is a general term
which includes any employer in any capacity whatsoever,
because what is taken as wages for his work, validly taken like
other rents.71
See: Rulings of International Law in Islamic Shariah, p 200.
See: Al Mabsout, As-Sarkhasi, V 10, p 92-93, Dar Al Ma’rifah,
Beirut, edition 2.
70
Soorah – At-Tawbah/60.
71
See: Al-Mughni, Ibn Qudaamah, V. 3, p.107.
68
69
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However, Imam Al-Mawardi said that a dhimmi is
permissible to assume an executive, not mandate ministry.72
Islam called non-Muslims as ahl al-dhimmah (dhimmis)
and dealt with them on this basis because they have agreed
to a contract by Allah. This term means the pledge, security,
guarantee, right and contract73 which are basically attributed
to Allah, the Most High and to the Messenger – pbuh. Ibn AlAthir said: They are called ahl al-dhimmah (dhimmis) because
they have agreed to live under the guarantee and sponsorship
of Muslims.74
The strength of this religion, the integrity of its rules and
adversity of its approaches has created a fertile ground for
dialogues, freedom and creativity in Muslim society.75 There
are people who rely on certain verses of the Quran and
Sunnah and insist that these be applied in the treatment of
non-Muslims. They are mistaken in their understanding of the
methodology and nature of Islam as it is obligatory to take
the texts of the Qur’an and Sunnah as a whole; only then can
one determine the treatment of others by Muslims. We cannot
See: Al-Ahkam al-Sultania (The Ordinances of Government),
Dar El Kitab Al-Arabi, Beirut, edition 1, 1410AH, please see details of
the scholars’ sayings in the issue of a dhimmi’s undertaking to the
executive ministry in the book of Dhimmis and Public States in Islamic
Jurisprudence, Nimr Al-Nimr, the Islamic Library, Amman, edition 1,
1409 AH, pp.197-214.
73
See: An-Nehayah fi gharib Al-hadith, Ibn Al-Athir, V. 2, p.168.
74
Ibid, V. 2, p.168.
75
See: The People of the Book in the Islamic Society, Hassan AlZain, Beirut, edition 1, 1402 AH, p.53.
72
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limit ourselves to Quranic verses that command Muslim to
deal justly and kindly with others, as well as adhering to AlIhsan, justice, equity and fulfillment of the covenants. In this
respect, the textual passages are absolute and applicable to
everyone, while the textual passages of Ihsan deal with Ihsan
(excellence) towards animals. It is narrated from the Prophet
(peace be upon him) saying: “Allah has prescribed Al-Ihsan
(excellence) in all things. So if you kill, then kill properly, and if
you slaughter, then slaughter properly. Let one of you sharpen
his blade and spare suffering to the animal he slaughters.”76
Allah, the Exalted, says {And do good Truly Allah loves AlMuhsinin (those who do good)}77 and {And speak good things
to people}78
The Second Topic: The Contemporary Scholars’ Stance
Concerning the Imposition of Jizya (a tax that early Islamic
rulers demanded from their non-Muslim subjects) on nonMuslim Citizens under Modern Islamic States
The First Issue: The Jizya Definition
Narrated by Muslim, Book of hunting and slaughters and
what is eaten from the animal, Chapter of a Good Attitude even in
slaughter and killing and sharpening of large knife, Hadith No.1955.
77
Soorah – Al-Baqarah/195.
78
Soorah – Al-Baqarah/83.
76
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First: From a linguistic perspective
Persian-Arabized term comes from Persian words “Kazayt”
or “Kazaid”.79
Jizya has two meanings in Arabic: The land’s revenue and
what is taken from a dhimmi and its plural: Jizyas.80
Second: Scholars’ viewpoints on Jizya
Defined by Imam Nawawi as: “Derived from “Jazaa”
as a compensation for accommodating him (a dhimmi) in
our state, and protecting his life, wealth and children,81 Jizya
substitutes for the killing which is considered as a punishment
for the blasphemy, and it is called “Jizya” despite bearing the
See: Persian - Arabic Dictionary, Abdel Moneim Mohammed,
Dar Al-Kotob, Beirut, edition 1, 1402 AH, 1982 AD, p. 570, alma’jm
alfarsi alkbir, Ibrahim Dessouki, Madbouly Library, Cairo, 1992 AD,
V.3 / p. 2433, (Persian – Arabic Dictionary), Alob, Abdul Wahab, AlWaa’d, Library of Lebanon, the Egyptian International Publishing
Company, Cairo, edition 1, 1996 AD, p. 343.
80
Al-Moheit Dictionary: Muassasat al-Risalah, Beirut, edition 6,
1419 AH, 1998, p.1270; Al-Mosbah Al-Moneir fi gharib al-sharhu alKabir for Al-Rafe’i, Dar Al-Qalam, Beirut, 138/1, item: Jizyas.
81
See: Tahzeeb al-Asmaa wa Allughat: Al-Nawawi, Scientific
Book House, Beirut, V.3/p.51.
79
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same meaning of “Jazaa” because it is a compensation for
the killing punishment.”82
The following are the views of contemporary scholars on
this issue.
First: Dr. Mustafa Al-Seba’ei
Dr. Mustafa Al-Seba’ei views that non-Muslims living in
the Islamic states are not obliged to pay Jizya. Dr. Mustafa
bases his opinion on the fact that Jizya is imposed only on
people in times of war. He says, “In the pre-Islamic era, Jizya
was imposed on everyone whether there was war or not,
irrespective of ethnicity, country or religion. But in Islam, Jizya
is only imposed on the enemies of the ummah who are at war.
So it should not be imposed on non-Muslim citizens who are not
at war with the Islamic state. This ruling is clearly stated in verse
relating to Jizya: {Fight those who believe not in Allah nor the
last Day, nor hold that forbidden which hath been forbidden
by Allah and His Messenger, nor acknowledge the Religion of
Truth, from among the People of the Book, until they pay the
Jizya with willing submission, and feel themselves subdue}83, so
Radd al-Muhtar ala Ad-Durr al-Mukhtar (Ibn Abdin footnote),
Dar Alam Al Kotob, Riyadh, a special edition, 1423 AH/2003, V. 6/
pp.316-317; for more contemporary definitions for Jizya, please see:
Glossary of the Economic and Islamic Terms, Ali Ben Mohamed AlGomaa, Obeikan Library, Riyadh, edition 1, 1421 AH, 2000, p.204
and hereinafter. The Economic-Islamic Glossary, Al-Sharbassi, Dar
El-Geel, with no edition number, 1401AH, 1981, p.90 and hereinafter.
Mu’jam lughat al-Fiqahaa (Scholar’s Language Dictionary), Dar AlNafaes, Beirut, edition 1, 1405 AH, 1985, p.164.
83
Soorah - At-Tawbah/29.
82
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115
it makes Jizya as a purpose for fighting the People of the Book
when we achieve victory over them. We are not permitted
to fight all the People of the Book but permitted to fight those
who fight us and pose a danger to the state. This is clearly
stated in the following verse: {And fight in the Way of Allah
those who fight you but transgress not the limits. Truly, Allah
likes not the transgressors}84, so we have only been ordered to
fight those who fight against us; Allah does not love Muslims
who are aggressive towards those who do not oppose us. It
is supported by the verse: {Allah forbids you not, with regard
to those who fight you not for (your) Faith nor drive you out of
your homes, from dealing kindly and justly with them: for Allah
loves those who are just}85. There is no doubt that non-Muslims
who live in the Islamic state together with the People of the
Book, and share the sincerity and loyalty for the same state,
they are not ordered to pay Jizya which is considered as a
consequence of achieving victory in the fight.”86
Second: Dr. Abdel-Karim Zidan’s view
Dr. Abdel-Karim Zidan holds that Jizya is not permissible to
be taken from dhimmis living in Islamic states.87
Soorah - Al-Baqarah/19
Soorah - Al-Mumtahanah/8
86
The Islamic System in Peace and War, Al-Seba’ei, Dar Al
Waraq, Riyadh, edition 2, 1998, 1419 AH, pp 57-59.
87
Ahkam al-Dhimmiyyan wa al-Mustamanin fi dar al-Islam, Dr.
Abdel-karim Zidan, Al-Quds Library, Baghdad, Muassasat al-Risalah,
Beirut, with no edition number, 1982 AD, 1420 AH, p.157.
84
85
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Dr. Abdel-Karim relies upon the reason behind the
imposition of Jizya on dhimmis. Jizya, in Abdel-Karim’s view, is
a compensation for or in lieu of defence and protection. But in
the modern age dhimmis join Muslims in defending the Islamic
state. Depending on their contributions in such defense, they
exempt from the payment of Jizya which is not permitted to
be taken or basically forbidden to be taken from them in this
case. The standards of participation in defending the Islamic
state are not relied upon the requirement of actual defense,
but it is enough to prepare and get ready for such defense,
and to fight the enemy.88
This ruling that Jizya is not imposed on dhimmis who defend
the Islamic state is supported by some historical events which
explicitly show that dhimmis who participated in defending
the Islamic state were exempted from paying Jizya.
First: The letter of Utbah Ibn-Farqad89 to the people of
Azerbaijan which reads: “In the Name of Allah, the Most
Gracious, the Most Merciful, ‘This is what Utbah Ibn Farqad
the agent of Umar Ibn Al-Khattaab has given the people of
Ibid, p.157.
Utbah Ibn Farqad Ibn Yarbou’a Al-Salami from Bani Mazen,
Abu Abdullah, one of the companions who witnessed the Battle of
Khaybar and appointed by Umar Ibn Al-Khattab in Fotouh (Islamic
conquests). See his biography in El-Issabah fi Tamyiiz Al-Sahabah,
cared by Hassan Abdel-Mannan, International Ideas Home, Riyadh,
2004 AD, with no edition number, p.833, Biography No.:6028; Assad
El-Ghabah fi Ma’refat Al-Sahabah, Tahqiq: Khalil Shiha, Dar Al
Marefa, Beirut and Almoayyad House, Riyadh, edition 1, 1418 AH,
1997 AD, V. 3/p.202, Biography No.:3557.
88
89
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117
Azerbaijan - its plains, mountains, borders, routes and the
people of its religions, that their souls, possessions, religions and
laws will be protected in return for the tax of Tribute (Jizya),
each according to his ability. But who ever among them is
recruited to the army for a year, he will be exempted for that
year.”90
Second: Reported by At-Tabari, when the King of “Bāb
al Abwab”91, whose name was Shahr Baraz asked Suraaqah
Ibn Amr92, the governor of these areas for exempting him
and his people from paying Jizya in return for fighting against
the enemies of the Muslims. Suraaqah agreed to the request
saying “I agree to your proposal as long as you comply with
your obligations and Jizya will be imposed only on those who
do not participate in the fighting.” He agreed upon this idea
The History of Nations and Kings, Tabari, cared by: Abu Soheib
Al-Kormi, International Ideas House, Amman, Riyadh, p.690, the year
events (22), Azerbaijan’s Conquest.
91
As stated by Al-Hamawi in Kitāb mu’jam al-buldān (“Dictionary
of Countries”), (Al-Bab) and called “Bāb al Abwab” is a city near of
Azerbaijan. It is in the Republic of Dagestan, north of the Azerbaijani
border, located on the Caspian Sea and also called as “Darband”..
See: Kitāb mu’jam al-buldān (“Dictionary of Countries”), Dar Ihyae Al
Turath Al Araby, Beirut, 1399 AH, 1979 AD, V. 1/p.303; Encyclopedia
of Islamic and Arab Cities, Dar El Fikr El Araby, Beirut, edition 1, 1993
AD, pp.423-424.
92
Suraaqah Ibn Amr, a companion, was a prince of conquests,
who made the reconciliation between the people of Armenian, and
died there. See his biography in: Al-Asabah, pp. 476-477, biography
No. 3253, Asad Al-Ghabah, V. 2 / p 280, biography No. 1953.
90
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becoming a norm concerning those who fight against the
enemy as well as those who do not have Jizya while having
the ability to fight. As a consequence, they are exempted
from paying Jizya. When Suraaqah wrote to Umar relating to
him the details of his letter, Umar praised him and rewarded
him for what he had done.93
Third: The letter of Soweed Ibn Moqrin94, one of Umar’s
army leaders in Persia, to the king of Jarjan95 - it reads as
follows: “This is Soweed Ibn Muqrin’s letter to Zarban Soul the
son of Zarban and the people of Dahistan and the rest of
people of Jarjan, that for you is security, and upon us is your
protection in return for your payment of Tribute ..... And that
whosoever’s assistance we require will be exempted from the
tax in exchange for his efforts.”96
Fourth: When Jarajams97 did not fulfill their covenant, Abu
Ubaidah Ibn Al-Jarrah came to Antakya and conquered it and
Tarikh al-Umam (the History of Nations), At-Tabari, p.690, the
year events (22), Al-Bab Conquest.
94
Soweed Ibn Moqrin Ibn A’aez Al-Qarni, Al-No’aman Ibn
Moqrin’s brother, also known as: Abi A’aez. It was reported that
he lived in Kufa, See his biography in: El-Issabah, p.562, Biography
No.:3927; Assad El-Ghabah, V. 2/p.406, Biography No.:2361.
95
Gorgan: an Iranian city located between Sharoud and
Bandar Shah, formerly known as Tarabad. It lies approximately 300
km to the north east of Tehran. See: Encyclopedia of Arab Cities,
p.262 and hereinafter.
96
Tarikh al-Umam (the History of Nations), p.689, the year events
(22), Jarjan’s conquest.
97
Jarajams: the people of Al-Jorjomah city.
93
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119
appointed Habib Ibn Maslamah Al-Fihri as a governor.98 Habib
conquered Al-Jorjomah city99 whose people refused to fight
Muslims, and made alliance with Muslims on the mountain of
Likam in return for exempting them and others living in their
city from paying Jizya.100
Dr. Zidan’s view in relation to the previous incidents. Dr.
Zidan gives his views on the previous historical events, the most
prominent of which are the following.
In the course of the above-mentioned historical events
which occurred during the era of the honorable companions,
I think they substantiate the stand that non-Muslim who fights
for and defends the Islamic state are exempted from the
payment of Jizya.
Consequently, this became familiar with and applicable
to those who helped Muslims in fighting the infidels.
It has not been reported other than the above-mentioned
and Umar Ibn Al-Khattab (Allah is pleased with him) rewarded
Habib Ibn Maslama Ibn Malik Al-Fihri, Abu Abdul-Rahman, a
Companion, also known as: Habib Ar-Rum, Romans’ beloved man
due to the large number of Jihad’s activities he carried out in their
lands. See his biography in El-Issabah, p.251, Biography No.1735;
Assad El-Ghabah, V. 1/p.424, Biography No.1065.
99
Al-Jorjomah: a town near to Antakya, whose people are
known as Jarajams. Antakya is a Syrian town. See: Mu’jam al-buldân
(“Dictionary of Countries”), v 2/p.123; Encyclopedia of Arab Cities,
p.308 and hereinafter.
100
Fotouh Al-Boldan (Countries’ Conquests), Blazri, commented
and explained by: Abdullah Al-Tabba’a and Umar Al-Tabba’a, Dar
Al-nashr lil-jame’en, 1957 AD, 1377 AH, p.217.
98
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Suraaqah for what he had done, which proves that such norm
was agreed upon in the era of the honorable companions.101
His opinion is followed by Pro. Youssef Al-Qaradawi who
says: “However, Islam requires non-Muslims to contribute in
defense expenditures and protection of the homeland through
the so-called Islamic term, Jizya. In fact, Jizya is considered as
a financial compensation for the military service imposed on
Muslims.” He also says that this tax will be cancelled if nonMuslims who are under the dhimmah conditions participate
with Muslims in defending the Islamic state against its
enemies.102
His opinion is endorsed by Prof. Wahba Al-Zoheily who
says: “Dhimmis currently living in Islamic states who perform
military service by participating in wars against enemies or
getting ready to do so, are exempted from paying Jizya.”103
Ahkam al-Dhimmiyyan, p.157.
Non-Muslims in the Islamic Society, Dr. Qaradawi, Muassasat
al-Risalah, Beirut, edition 4, 1405 AH, 1985 AD, p.33 and p.35.
103
Athar Al-Harb fi Al-Fiqh Al-Islami: Dirasah Muqaranah, Dr,
Wahba Al-Zoheily, Dar El-Fikr, Damascus, edition 3, 1401 AH/1981 AD,
p.699. Dr Zoheily attributed this opinion to Al-Hadawyia and Hanifis
depending on kitab sobol assalam, written by Imam San’aani. While
revising kitab sobol assalam, I found that Imam San’aani addresses
the issue of asking help from the infidels and did not address the
cancellation of Jizya. See, Al-Zoheily, Athar Al-Harb, p.699; Sobol
Assalam Sharh Bolough Al-Moraam Men Addellat El-Ahkaam, Dar
El-Fikr, Beirut, V. 4, p.49, Jihad Book, Hadith No.(15) “go back, I will
ask help from an infield”.
101
102
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121
His opinion is also endorsed by Prof. Ali Al-Sawwa who
commenting on Dr. Zidan’s viewpoint observes: “This is correct.
Dhimmis are obliged to defend the Islamic states under the
laws enacted. They are also committed to pay different
financial taxes and Allah knows best.”104
This is also supported by Dr. Abdel-Aziz Kamel who says,
“The participation in the defence is a replacement for Jizya
and protection.”105
His view is endorsed by Dr. Fahmi Huwaidi: “... the Jizya
issue is no longer relevant in the modern Islamic society. The
main argument in favour of the Islamic ruling has gone out
of the window since all citizens participate in defending and
protecting the state.”106
He is also supported by Dr. Edward Ghali Al-Dahabi who
in his book ‘Treatment of Non-Muslims in Islamic Society’ says,
“There is general consensus among Muslim jurists that Jizya
should be done away with. Given the current situation where all
citizens – both Muslims and non-Muslims – together participate
in defending their homeland, Jizya issue is no longer relevant
Islam’s position on non-Muslims in the Muslim community, a
research within the book: Treatment of the Non-Muslims in Islam, Ali
Al-Sawwa, The Royal Academy for Islamic Civilization Research (Aal
al-Bayt Institute), Amman, Jordan, 1989 AD, V.1, p. 189.
105
The Human Rights in Islam, Abdel-Aziz Kamel, a research
within the book: Treatment of the Non-Muslims in Islam, The Royal
Academy for Islamic Civilization Research (Aal al-Bayt Institute),
Amman, Jordan, 1989 AD, v.1, pp.94-95.
106
Citizens, Not Dhimmis, Fahmi Huwaidi, Dar El Shorouk, Cairo,
Beirut, edition 3, 1420 AH, 1999 AD, p.144.
104
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in modern Islamic society, as the main argument in its favour
has gone out of the window.”107
Dr. Talib Abu Soufi also holds this opinion: “If sons of the
People of the Book voluntarily participate in defending the
Islamic state, they are exempted from paying Jizya.”108
Based on what has clearly been mentioned, Jizya is not
imposed for maintaining human rights and the relationship
between the Islamic state and others.
Conclusion:
At the conclusion of this research, I praise Allah the
Almighty who guided me to complete it. I wish to reiterate the
tolerance exhibited by our great faith, Islam, the eternal religion.
This tolerance is manifested in all its aspects: legislation, ethics
and dealings in Islam. This research has brought out evidence
that Islam has specifically enacted legislation to deal with
non-Muslims. This shows the magnificence and universality of
this religion, and the principles it enjoins in dealing with nonMuslims. This research has also highlighted the following key
points.
1. Simplicity and forgiveness constitute a great part of Islam.
All standards related to this are established in the Holy
Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet.
Treatment of Non-Muslims in the Islamic Society: Edward
Ghali, Gharib Library, Egypt, first edition, 1993 AD.
108
The Islamic -Christian Dialogue is a necessity for alleviating the
Conflict, Talib Abu Soufi, an article in AlBayan Newspaper, Friday 19
Shawwal 1419 AH, 5 February 1999 AD, published on website: www.
albayan.co.ae/albayan/1999/02/05/mnw/3.htm.
107
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123
2. Forgiveness in Islam is in conformity with its universality and
pragmatism. No religion can hope to have much impact
upon this world unless it shows a great deal of forgiveness
and simplicity that harmonize with the nature of human
beings of different cultures and living habits.
3. Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) was very tolerant and fair
when dealing with non-Muslims. All his companions (May
Allah show them His Mercy) followed his example and
brought peace and justice to a world filled with injustice
and tyranny.
4. The research proves that all those who have read the
history of Islam without bias would testify that the history
of humanity has never witnessed such a great tolerance
and justice as shown by the Muslim states when dealing
with non-Muslims.
5. Finally, all praise be to Allah, and peace and blessing
of Allah be upon His Prophet Mohamed, his family,
companions, and all those who follow his example.
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Beirut, 1393, 1973, edition 2, Tahqiq: Mohammed Hamed
Al-Feki.
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129
58. Al-Mosbah Al-Moneir fi gharib al-sharhu al-Kabir, Al-Rafe’i,
Dar Al-Qalam, Beirut.
59. Treatment of the Non-Muslims in the Islamic Society:
Edward Ghali, Gharib Stationery, Egypt, edition 1, 1993
AD.
60. The Economic-Islamic Glossary, Al-Sharbassi, Dar El-Geel,
with no edition number, 1401 AH, 1981 AD.
61. Kitāb mu’jam al-buldan (“Dictionary of Countries”), Dar
Ihyae Al Turath, Beirut, 1399 AH, 1979 AD.
62. Persian Mu’jam: Al-Kabir Ibrahim El-Desouki, Madbouly
Bookshop, Cairo, 1992 AD.
63. Glossary of the Economic and Islamic Terms, Ali Ibn
Mohamed Al-Gomaa, Obeikan Library, Riyadh, edition 1,
1421 AH, 2000 AD.
64. Al-Mu’jam Al-Wasiit: Ibrahim Mustafa / Ahmed Zayyat /
Hamed Abdel Kader / Mohammed Al-Najjar, Publishing
House: Dar Al-Dawa: Tahqiq: Academy of the Arabic
Language.
65. Al-Waa’d Persian-Arabic Dictionary, Abdel-Wahhab
Alloub, Library of Lebanon, the Egyptian International
Publishing Company, Cairo, edition 1, 1996 AD.
66. Mu’jam lughat al-Fiqahaa (Scholar’s Language Dictionary), Dar Al-Nafaes, Beirut, edition 1, 1405 AH, 1985.
67. Al-Mughni: Ibn Qudamah, Dar Hajr, Cairo, Tahqiq: Dr.
Abdullah Al-Turki, Dr. Abdul Fattah Al-hellow, edition 2,
1412 H.
68. Mughnī al-muhtāj ilá ma’rifat ma’ānī alfāz al-Minhāj:
Mohammed Al-Khatib Sherbini, Publisher: Dar Al Fikr –
Beirut.
130
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69. al-Muntaqa al-Muwatta: Az Zarkani al-Maliki, e-Almasia.
70. Muhadhdhab fī fiqh al-imām al-Shāfi’ī: Ibrahim bin Ali bin
Yusuf al-Shirazi Abu Ishaq, Publisher: Dar Al Fikr – Beirut.
71. Muwatinoun La Dhimmiyoun, Fahmi Howeidi, Dar ElShorouk, Cairo, Beirut, edition 3, 1420 H, 1999 G.
72. Encyclopedia of Arab and Islamic cities, Dar AL Fekr AL
Arabi, Beirut, edition 1, 1993.
73. Status of non-Muslims in the Islamic state, a research
within the book: Dealing with non-Muslims in Islam, Ali
Alsoa, Royal Academy for Islamic Civilization Research,
Al al-Bayt Foundation, Amman - Jordan, 1989.
74. al-Nuzum al-dawlīyah fī al-qānūn wa-al sharīah: Abdul
Hamid al-Haj, the Institute of Islamic Studies, Cairo, 1975.
75. An-Nehayah fi gharib Al-hadith, Magd Al-Din Ibn Al-Athir,
Dar Ansar Al-Sunnah, Lahore.
76. Nail Al-Awtar Men Ahadith Sayyed Al-Akhiar Sharh
Montaqa Al-Akhbar: Mohammed Ibn Ali Ibn Mohammed
Al-Shawkani, Publishing House: Dar El-Geel, Beirut, 1973.
Moderation:
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131
Membumikan Toleransi,
Meredam Redikalisme:
Pergulatan Kultural Nahdlatul
Ulama Jawa Barat dalam
Membumikan Nilai-nilai
Moderasi Islam di Indonesia,
Dr H. Sulasman M. Hum,
State Islamic University of
Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung
ABSTRAK
Pengurus Wilayah (PW) Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Propinsi Jawa
Barat mengintensifkan kembali upaya toleransi (tasamuh)
dan kerukunan umat beragama, melalui berbagai program
dan kegiatan yang digulirkannya. Salah satu programnya
adalah tadarus aswaja (Ahli Sunnah wa al-jama’ah) bagi para
pengurus dan warga Nahdliyin. PW NU Jawa Barat juga aktif
dalam melaksanakan kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan
(diklat) aswaja yang diperuntukkan bagi generasi muda NU.
Tadarus aswaja ini tidak hanya untuk konsolidasi internal, tetapi
dimaksudkan pula sebagai upaya pemantapan aqidah dan
paham keagamaan mereka yang nota bene bersumber
132
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dari paham ahl al-sunnah wa aljama’ah. Upaya NU ini pun
dilakukan sebagai respon terhadap dinamika perubahan
sosial yang cepat. Secara khusus, upayanya dimaksudkan
sebagai respon terhadap upaya yang dilakukan oleh kaum
radikalis.
Kata Kunci: NU, Jawa Barat, Nahdliyin, Toleransi,
Radikalisme
PENDAHULUAN
Secara institusional dan personal, salah satu elemen NU Jawa
Barat, yakni Lembaga Bahts Basail (LBM) gencar memproduk
wacana dan dipublikasikan dalam bentuk buku, diproyeksikan
untuk mengcounter berbagai wacana yang diproduksi
kalangan Islam garis keras yang berusaha menyingkirkan
praktek keagamaan warga Nahdliyin yang selama ini dinilai
sesat, bid’ah, khurafat, sinkretik, dan bertentangan dengan
kemurnian syari’at Islam. Tidak ketinggalan pula, kalangan
intelektual muda NU Jawa Barat mengambil peran aktif
dalam melakukan kajian, dialog, dan diskusi, dalam forum
ilmiah, halaqah-halaqah, dan lingkar diskusi terbatas (limited
discussion), yang mengkritisi fenomena radikalisasi agama
yang kian berkembang di Jawa Barat.
Upaya NU ini pun dilakukan sebagai respon terhadap
dinamika perubahan sosial yang cepat. Secara khusus,
upayanya dimaksudkan sebagai respon terhadap upaya yang
dilakukan oleh kaum radikalis, disebabkan mesjid, lembaga
pendidikan, dan jama’ah pengajian kaum Nahdliyin dibajak
oleh kalangan radikalis. Konsolidasi juga dilakukan sebagai
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respon terhadap surat keputusan PBNU yang menginstruksikan
warganya agar bersikap kritis terhadap setiap kegiatan
organisasi ataupun partai politik yang mengatasnamakan
agama dan mengklaim diri mengembangkan sayap dakwah.
Instruksi PBNU ini dibuat sebagai respon NU atas infiltrasi yang
dilakukan kelompok garis keras yang mulai mereduksi ajaran
dan jama’ah NU di berbagai tempat.
Apabila dicermati, berbagai kegiatan kalangan
Nahdliyin ini dimaksudkan untuk mengarusutamakan kembali
sikap “moderat” organisasi maupun warganya. Hal ini dapat
dimaknai sebagai bagian dari proses pergulatan (kontestasi)
mereka, baik dalam memperjuangkan dan mempertahankan
paham keagamaan Islam moderat, melindungi jama’ahnya
dari serangan kalangan Islam radikal, ataupun counter atas
gerakan infiltrasi keagamaan yang dilakukan Islam garis
keras, yang dinilai potensial merusak tatanan formasi sosial
Jawa Barat yang plural dan multikultural. Kalangan nahdhiyin
yang moderat ini pun sadar sepenuhnya bahwa dalam
ranah kehidupan publik yang sarat dengan keragaman dan
perbedaan, maka setiap interaksi yang mereka lakukan akan
melibatkan proses-proses pergulatan sosial yang bercorak
negosiatif.
Bagi kalangan NU Jawa Barat, berbagai fenomena Bom
(Bunuh diri) di Mesjid al-Dzikro di kompleks Mapolresta Cirebon
(pada tanggal 15 April 2011)1, yang kemudian disusul dengan
Pelaku bom ini dilakukan oleh Muhammad Syarif, aktivis pada
beberapa ormas Islam, asal Cirebon.
1
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Bom Bunuh diri di depan Gereja Bethel Injil Sepenuh Keputon
Solo (25 September 2011)2, serta menguatnya isu tentang
rekrutmen kader-kader NII yang marak di kampus-kampus
dan mesjid-mesjid, merupakan indikator dari menguatnya
kembali gejala radikalisme Islam di Indonesia masa kini.
Penilaian ini bukanlah asumsi belaka, karena fenomena
serupa dapat dibaca dalam berbagai penelitian misalnya
dalam “Benih-Benih Islam Radikal di Mesjid: Studi Kasus
Jakarta dan Solo” (CSRC UIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta,
2010), laporan penelitian The Wahid Institute dalam Ilusi
Negara Islam (2009), A.M. Hendroprioyono dalam Terorisme
Fundamentalis Kristen, Yahudi, Islam (Jakarta: Kompas, 2009),
serta buku dari Abdul Munir Mulkhan dan Bilveer Singh dalam
Demokrasi di Bawah Bayangan Mimpi NII: Dilema Peran Politik
Islam dalam Peradaban Modern (Jakarta: Kompas, 2011).
Adalah menarik untuk dikaji mengenai pergulatan NU
untuk mengarusutamakan Islam moderat dan upayanya
meredam radikalisme di Jawa Barat. Karena, bagaimanapun
kelompok Islam garis keras yang ada di Jawa Barat khususnya
dan umumnya di Indonesia dan dunia, secara potensial
dan aktual, mengancam tatanan pluralitas kehidupan
sosial, tidak saja bagi umat Islam, melainkan juga umat
beragama pada umumnya dan masyarakat bangsa. Penting
dikemukakan bahwa setiap perbincangan mengenai per-
Pelaku bom bunuh diri ini dilakukan oleh Ahmad Yosepa
alias Hayat, teman dari Muhammad Syarif; keduanya dari Cirebon
(Kompas, 28 September 2011:1).
2
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gulatan (kontestasi) yang dilakukan suatu kelompok sosial,
hampir dapat dipastikan, akan melibatkan berbagai proses
sosial yang kompleks.3 Salah satu proses sosial yang penting
diungkap adalah masalah pergulatan kultural kalangan
Nahdliyin dalam berkontestasi dengan kalangan Islam
radikal. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka masalah yang
menjadi fokus tulisan ini adalah pergulatan kultural NU untuk
mengarusutamakan nilai-nilai moderasi Islam dan meredam
radikalisasi agama, serta upayanya mengawal tatanan
kehidupan sosial plural dan multikultural di Jawa Barat.
METODOLOGI
Setiap perbincangan mengenai multikulturalisme dan
pluralisme, hampir dapat dipastikan, melibatkan diskusi
tentang radikalisme. Meski banyak studi yang menempatkan
keduanya secara berhadap-hadapan, vis a vis atau oposisi
biner, keduanya terjalin dalam dialektika yang sulit dipisahkan;
karena keduanya seperti dua sisi ekstrim yang paradoksal,
bukan karena terdapat sejumlah kesamaan, tetapi karena
perbedaan yang terdapat dalam kedua konsep tersebut.
Perbincangan mengenai pluralisme itu sendiri telah
Dalam proses pergulatan (baca: Interaksi) tersebut tentu
terjadi suatu model yang selama ini popular dalam kajian cultural
studies, yakni kontestasi, resistensi, konvergensi, dan seterusnya.
Lihat M. Nur. Khoiron, “Agama dan Kebudayaan: Menjelajahi Isu
Multikulturalisme dan Hak-Hak Minoritas” dan Hikmat Budiman, Hak
Minoritas: Dilema Multikulturalisme di Indonesia, Jakarta: Yayasan
Interseksi dan TIFA, 2005, hlm. 50.
3
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menghasilkan pemaknaan yang beragam. Namun secara
umum dapat ditarik mengandung pengertian sebagai
paham keagamaan dalam kehidupan sosial yang empirik.
Seorang yang menganut paham pluralisme dituntut untuk
terlibat aktif dengan orang yang berbeda agama (the other
religions) dalam menjaga aneka perbedaan dan keragaman
agama dalam kehidupan sosial.4
Paham pluralisme tersebut dapat diidentifikasi lahir
dari suatu cara pandang keagamaan yang bersifat inklusif,
tidak tekstualis, dan dogmatis yang memisahkan dimensi
teks dengan konteks. Pluralisme dengan corak pandangan
keagamaan inklusif inilah yang dinilai telah melahirkan
ekspresi keagamaan yang toleran, moderat, ramah, dan
mencintai perdamaian dalam realitas kehidupan sosial yang
sarat dengan keragaman dan perbedaan. Keragaman dan
perbedaan dianggap bukan sebagai petaka yang perlu
disingkirkan, melainkan sebagai sunnatulllah yang mutlak
dikelola dengan baik untuk dapat melahirkan tatanan
kehidupan sosial yang ramah dan toleran.
Paham pluralisme keagamaan dan moderat semacam
itulah yang selama ini diusung oleh kalangan nahdliyin. Dalam
konteks ini, suatu organisasi, kelompok dan/atau seseorang
umat beragama itu dapat dikatakan moderat, sudah barang
tentu jika mereka menerima dan menghargai pandangan
Muhammad Ali, Teologi Pluralis-Multikultural: Menghargai
Kemajemukan Menjalin Kebersamaan, Jakarta: Kompas, 2003, hlm.
4-10
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dan keyakinan yang berbeda sebagai fitrah, tidak mau
memaksakan kebenaran yang diyakininya kepada orang lain,
baik secara langsung atau melalui pemerintah, menolak caracara kekerasan atas nama agama dalam bentuk apa pun,
menolak berbagai bentuk penghargaan untuk menganut
pandangan dan keyakinan yang berbeda sebagai bentuk
kebebasan beragama yang dijamin oleh konstitusi Negara,
tidak memaksakan agama sebagai identitas ideologi Negara
menggantikan Pancasila.5
Berbeda dengan pluralisme, radikalisme dikonsepsi
sebagai paham yang menganut pemutlakan (absolutism)
paham keagamaan, bersikap tidak toleran terhadap
pandangan dan keyakinan berbeda, berperilaku atau
menyetujui perilaku dan/atau mendorong orang lain atau
pemerintah berperilaku memaksakan pandangannya sendiri
kepada orang lain, memusuhi dan membenci orang lain
yang berbeda pemahaman dan keyakinan orang lain.6
Dalam dimensi yang menyeluruh, setidaknya, terdapat
tiga model kekerasan yang melekat pada diri kalangan Islam
radikal, yakni kekerasan doktrinal, kekerasan kultural, dan
kekerasan sosiologis. Pertama, kekerasan doktrinal berupa
pemahaman literer tertutup atas teks-teks keagamaan sepihak
Abdurrahman Wahid (ed), Ilusi Negara Islam, Ekspansi Gerakan
Islam Transnasional di Indonesia, Jakarta: The Wahid Institute, Maarif
Institute, dan Gerakan Bhineka Tunggal Ika, 2009, hlm. 46-47
6
Abdurrahman Wahid (ed), Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm. 45-46
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dan hanya menerima kebenaran sepihak versi kelompoknya.
Kedua, kekerasan kultural atau kekerasan tradisi dan budaya
merupakan kebenaran sepihak yang dijunjung tinggi
membuat mereka tidak mampu memahami atau toleran
terhadap kebenaran lain yang berbeda; misalnya, praktekpraktek keagamaan umat Islam yang semula diakomodasi
kemudian divonis sesat, dan pelaksananya divonis musyrik,
murtad, dan/atau kafir. Ketiga, kekerasan sosiologis, yakni
aksi-aksi anarkis dan destruktif terhadap pihak-pihak lain yang
dituduh musyrik, murtad, dan/atau kafir.7
Salah satu kata kunci utama untuk mengidentifikasi
apakah kelompok umat itu dikategorikan sebagai kelompok
Islam radikal terletak pada dimensi radikalisasi (baca:
kekerasan) dan/atau militansi agama yang mereka lakukan.
David Little mengidentifikasi empat tipe militansi agama
sebagai berikut; 1) intoleransi dengan kekerasan (violent
intolerance), tipe ini memakai kekerasan secara paksa
(forcible action) sering melibatkan perwujudan suci atas
makna keharusan dan emergensi publik serta mendefinisikan
the other berhak hancur demi penegasan diri sebagai satusatunya yang berhak eksis dan lestari (kami versus mereka);
2) intoleransi beradab (civic intolerance), tipe kedua ini
mengambil saluran politik yang sah, berorientasi kekuasaan
(negara) karena Negara dianggap sebagai satu-satunya
Lebih lanjut dapat dibaca dalam Abdurrahman Wahid (ed),
Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm.88-89.
7
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139
institusi yang berhak menggunakan legitimate violence,
melalui civic enforcement yang berkaitan dengan sistem
politik dan hukum yang telah berjalan sebagai cara yang
tepat untuk mewujudkan cita-cita mereka; 3) toleransi tanpa
kekerasan (non-violent tolerance), tipe ini menggunakan
komitmen keagamaan yang lebih halus yang memiliki
implikasi yang sangat berbeda dalam memperlakukan the
others; 4) toleransi beradab (civic tolerance), tipe terakhir
ini mengambil jalan toleransi yang lebih tegas (enforced)
melalui jalur negara, mengadopsi hukum-hukum yang sesuai
dengan norma-norma toleransi dan non-diskriminasi, serta
menegakkan hukum-hukum tersebut meskipun dengan cara
legitimate violence.8
Dalam perspektif konstruktivisme, kedua pemahaman
keagamaan tersebut merupakan sebuah konstruksi sosial
yang tidak dapat dilepaskan dari pengaruh relasi kuasi
di antara para subyek yang bermain (intersubjectivity).
Menurut Peter L. Berger dan Thomas Luckman, realitas sosial
itu dikonstruksi melalui proses eskternalisasi, obyektivikasi,
dan internalisasi. Menurut mereka, konstruksi sosial tidak
berlangsung dalam ruang hampa, namun sarat dengan
kepentingan-kepentingan.9
Muhammad Ali, Teologi Pluralis-Multikultural, hlm. 120-121.
Peter L. Berger, Langit Suci: Agama sebagai Realitias Sosial,
Jakarta: LP3ES, 1991, hlm. 4-5; lihat pula Alex Sobur, Analisis teks
Media: Suatu Pengantar Untuk Analisis Wacana, Analisis Semiotik,
dan Analisis Framing, Bandung: Rosdakarya, 2002, hlm. 91.
8
9
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Secara metodologis, usaha untuk memahami konstruksi
sosial atas fenomena pergulatan kultural NU dengan
kalangan Islam radikal ini menggunakan metode kualitatif
fenomenologis. Pada tataran teknis aplikatif, langkah-langkah
untuk membongkar konstruksi sosial tersebut dilakukan
pertama-tama dengan pengumpulan data lewat observasi,
wawancara, dan dokumentasi.
Observasi langsung digunakan untuk menangkap realitas
kegiatan sosial-keagamaan yang dilakukan kalangan NU dan
relevansinya dengan agenda pergulatan wawasan Islam
moderat di lingkungan jama’ah NU maupun publik lebih luas.
Wawancara digunakan untuk mengungkap pandangan
atau pendapat informan dari kalangan elit NU dan akar
rumput (jama’ah).
Sedangkan dokumentasi digunakan dalam menggali
data-data terkait, buku-buku, dan dokumen pribadi yang
relevan dengan persoalan yang diangkat. Setelah itu, data
dianalisis secara induktif dengan mengikuti pola Miles dan
Huberman, dimulai dari pengumpulan data, reduksi data,
display data, dan penarikan konklusi.
PEMBAHASAN
Jawa Barat: Rumah Bagi Beragam Agama, Keyakinan,
dan Kebudayaan
Jawa Barat, sejatinya, merupakan sebuah kawasan
cukup unik, luas, dan salah satu penyangga ibu kota
Indonesia (Jakarta) dengan berbagai kompleksitasnya.
Wilayah ini merupakan rumah bagi berbagai agama yang
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diakui Negara10 dan beberapa keyakinan lokal,11 etnis, dan
budaya. Sekalipun secara etnis dan budaya, wilayah ini
mempunyai etnis dan budaya dominan (dominant majority
ethnics and culture), yakni etnis dan budaya Sunda (sebagai
indigenous people), tetapi etnis dan budaya lainnya, seperti
Jawa, Minang, Batak, Madura, dan Bali dapat hidup tenang
dan mengembangkan diri secara kondusif.
Dengan demikian, dapat dikatakan, struktur masyarakat Jawa Barat terdiri dari multietnik, multikultur, dan
multilanguage. Bermula dari arus urbanisasi yang deras ke
wilayah ini, multietnik pun berlangsung bermotif ekonomi.
Pembukaan perkebunan oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda
dan industrialisasi pada masa Orde Baru diidentifikasi
sebagai pemicu arus urbanisasi besar-besaran orang-orang
di luar Jawa Barat.
Dalam perkembangan berikutnya, proses-proses perubahan sosial di Jawa Barat telah membawa daerah ini
menjadi kawasan urban yang paling dinamis dan terbuka
dengan konfigurasi etnis yang kompleks dibanding daerah
lainnya di Indonesia, kecuali Jakarta, dan termasuk wilayah
pengembangan industri utama. Perlu dicatat bahwa
Islam, Katolik, Kristen, Hindu, Budha, dan Konghucu.
Beberapa keyakinan lokal dimaksud adalah keyakinan
Sunda Wiwitan, Paguyuban Adat Cara Karuhun Urang (PACKU;
atau dikenal sebagai Madraisme atau ADS [Agama Djawa-Sunda],
Aliran Perjalanan.
10
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keragaman etnik di Jawa Barat, dalam sejarahnya, tidak
banyak memunculkan ketegangan sosial yang dipicu oleh
sikap etnosentrisme. Barangkali, sikap dari etnik dan budaya
Sunda yang egaliter, ramah, dan terbuka, sebagai etnis dan
budaya dominan, mampu menjadi katalisator bagi proses
integrasi etnik, sebagaimana diteliti oleh Bruner.12 Keragaman
etnik dalam proses interaksinya telah mampu melahirkan
sebuah konstruksi budaya popular dengan sebutan hybrid
culture yang dicirikan oleh keterbukaan, ketegasan,
keramahan, dan toleransi. Nilai-nilai inilah yang selama ini
menjadi sistem - atau meminjam istilah Coser sebagai savety
Hasil penelitian Edward M. Bruner yang menggunakan konsep
kebudayaan mayoritas dominan (dominant majority culture) dalam
memahami pola relasi antar kelompok etnis di Bandung [dan
Medan) berpandangan bahwa ada-tidaknya suatu kebudayaan
mayoritas dominan menentukan bentuk hubungan antar kelompok
di suatu wilayah. Di Bandung, sebagai Ibu Kota Jawa Barat, etnis dan
budaya Sunda merupakan etnis dan budaya dominan, sehingga
pendatang harus menyesuaikan diri dengan kebudayaan tersebut,
namun hubungan etnis dan kebudayaan di wilayah Bandung ini
lebih terbuka dan santai. Lihat Edward M. Bruner, “The Expression
of Ethnicity in Indonesia”, dalam A. Cohen (ed.), Urban Ethnicity,
London: Travistock, hlm.251-280.
12
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143
valve - yang menjamin koeksistensi dan kerjasama dalam
kemajemukan sosial masyarakat Jawa Barat tersebut.13
Kalau pun dalam sejarahnya, di wilayah Jawa Barat
pernah terjadi beberapa kasus ketegangan dalam skala
masif, baik konflik vertikal dan horizontal, hal itu lebih dipicu
oleh persoalan politik dan ekonomi. Kasus pemberontakan
DI/TII Jawa Barat dibawah pimpinan Kartosuwiryo terhadap
Pemerintah Pusat (Soekarno) lebih bermotif politik, dibanding
etnik dan agama.
Beberapa konflik bernuansa sosio-religius pun muncul di
Jawa Barat seperti kekerasan terhadap jamaah Ahmadiyah di
Parung dan Tasikmalaya, penyegelan GBK Yasmin di Bogor.
Selain keragaman etnik dan budaya, daerah Jawa
Barat diwarnai juga oleh keragaman agama dan keyakinan.
Tidak saja agama-agama yang diakui Negara yang tumbuh
berkembang di Jawa Barat, tetapi ragam aliran keagamaan
dan keyakinan lokal juga mewarnai dinamika pluralitas
masyarakat Jawa Barat.
M. Atho Mudzhar mengemukakan bahwa dalam masyarakat
yang semakin plural dan multikultural, setiap elemen sosial
memerlukan tampilan identitas dan eksistensinya masing-masing,
yang boleh menjadi tampilan dan perkembangan satu akan
mengganggu atau bahkan mengancam tampilan identitas dan
eksistensi yang lain. Kesemuanya itu memerlukan suatu sistem yang
dapat menjamin koeksistensi dan kerjasama dalam kemajemukan
itu. Lihat M. Atho Mudhzar, “Tantangan Kontribusi Agama dalam
Mewujudkan Multikulturalisme di Indonesia”, dalam Harmoni, Jurnal
Multikultural dan Multireligius, vol.III, no.11, Juli-September 2004,
hlm.11.
13
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Posisi agama Islam sendiri cukup istimewa di tengah
kehidupan masyarakat Jawa Barat. Sebagaimana di
wilayah lainnya, Islam menjadi agama mayoritas yang
dianut oleh masyarakat Jawa Barat. Meskipun Islam menjadi
agama mayoritas dan memosisikan diri sebagai mainstream
tidak lantas menjadi mayoritas dominan yang menafikan
keberadaan agama-agama lain. Keberadaan agamaagama selain Islam tidak dapat dipandang sebagai agama
liyan (the others), atau sekedar diposisikan sebagai agama
komplementer, pelengkap agama Islam. Selain agama
memiliki eksistensinya masing-masing yang memiliki hal untuk
dapat hidup dan berkembang serta dapat berdampingan
secara setara dengan agama Islam. Kenyataannya, setiap
agama dan aliran keagamaan di luar Islam dapat tumbuh
subur. Semua itu tidak akan dapat terjadi tanpa adanya
toleransi yang besar dari masyarakat Jawa Barat dalam
menghadapi perbedaan.14
Pandangan Elit dan Warga Nahdliyin tentang
Keberadaan dan Aktivitas Islam Radikal di Jawa Barat
Siapa sebenarnya yang dikategorikan ke dalam kelompok
Islam radikal itu? Betulkah di Jawa Barat terdapat kelompok
Islam radikal? Jangan-jangan hal tersebut hanya sekedar
wacana ilusi/fiksi belaka? Sederet pertanyaan ini mencuat
Ahmad Syafi’i Maarif, Islam dalam Bingkau Keindonesiaan
dan Kemanusiaan, Sebuah Refleksi Sejarah, Bandung: Mizan
bekerjasama dengan Ma’arif Institute, 2009, hlm. 46
14
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145
dalam berbagai diskusi dengan beberapa informan. Dalam
kenyataannya, tidak semua informan memiliki informasi dan
pandangan seragam tentang “Islam radikal” yang ada di
Jawa Barat dan Indonesia. Dalam hal ini, pandangan sejumlah
informan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi dua kelompok, yakni
yang tidak mengakui adanya kelompok Islam radikal dan
kelompok yang menegaskan adanya kelompok radikal.
Kelompok pertama adalah sebagai informan di kalangan
elit NU dan warga Nahdliyin secara tegas mengatakan bahwa
“Islam radikal” itu tidak ada, atau hanya “wacana fiktif”
belaka yang dihembuskan segelintir kelompok “anti-Islam.”
Bahkan di antara mereka menyebutkan bahwa terorisme
dan Islam radikal hanya merupakan wacana stigmatisasi
konspiratif dunia internasional sebagai respon kebangkitan
dunia Islam, yang faktanya tidak ada.
Bagi informan kelompok pertama ini, gerakan keagamaan
yang dilakukan kaum salafi, Forum Pembela Islam (FPI), dan
Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) di Jawa Barat dapat dikatakan
tidak keras atau masih dalam batas-batas kewajaran. Sikap
keberagamaan dan aktivitas mereka dapat dikontraskan
dengan kelompok teroris yang meledakkan Hotel J.W. Marriott
dan Ritz Carlton, atau bom Bali.
Dalam aksi demonstrasi, misalnya, HTI Jawa Barat tidak
pernah melakukan aksi anarkis. Kelompok FPI Jawa Barat
tidaklah terlalu terdengar gerakannya dan aktivitasnya.
Sementara itu, kelompok salafi di Jawa Barat memang
terdengar cukup keras dan militant dalam seruan dakwahnya,
namun yang mereka serukan sebatas mengkritisi tradisi-tradisi
lokal dalam praktek keberagamaan sebagian umat Islam
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yang dinilai mereka bid’ah dan khurafat.15 Semua fakta
tersebut tidak cukup mengatakan bahwa di Jawa Barat
terdapat Islam radikal.
Kelompok kedua adalah sejumlah elit dan warga
Nahdliyin yang menyatakan bahwa keberadaan kelompok
Islam radikal di Jawa Barat bukanlah hanya “isapan jempol”
atau fiksi belaka, melainkan riil adanya. Bagi informan yang
berpandangan bahwa Jawa Barat merupakan wilayah
persemaian Islam radikal yang siginifikan, seperti gerakan
bawah tanah dari DI/TII baru, Jamaah Qur’ani (inkar
sunnah), dan terorisme. Secara institusional, cara pandang
dan gerakan keagamaan radikalisme Islam sebagiannya
merupakan produk lokal Indonesia, yakni Lembaga Dakwah
Islam Indonesia (LDII), dan sebagiannya merupakan hasil relasi
transnasional, yakni salafi, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Majelis
Cara pandang ini sesungguhnya mengidentifikasikan dirinya
sendiri (self identification) pada apa yang diklasifikasikan Ernest
Gellner sebagai great tradition atau high tradition, yang memandang
agama secara skripturalis, menurut aturan puritan, harfiah, dingin,
dan antiekstase [Lihat Aswab Mahasin dalam “Masyarakat Madani
dan Lawan-Lawannya: Sebuah Mukaddimah (Pengantar)” dari
Ernest Gelner, Membangun Masyarakat Sipil Prasyarat Menuju
Kebebasan, Bandung: Mizan, 1995, hlm. xi]. Sementara Talad Asad
menyatakan bahwa pembagian tradisi rendah dan tradisi tinggi
mengasumsikan adanya sebuah esensi, khususnya tradisi tinggi
yang bersifat universal [Talad Asad, The Idea of an Anthropology of
Islam, Washington: CCAS, Georgetown University, 1986, hlm. 21-22].
15
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Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), dan Front
Pembela Islam (FPI). Perbedaannya, LDII cenderung tertutup,
radikal secara doktrinal, tidak radikal dalam tindakannya,
serta tidak ofensif terhadap kelompok lain. Sedangkan salafi,
HTI, FPI, JI, dan MMI dapat dikatakan radikal secara teologis
dan praksis serta cenderung ofensif terhadap kelompok lain.
Bagi kalangan ini gerakan radikalisme Islam tidak hanya
sebatas ditunjukkan oleh aksi kekerasan dalam arti fisik
sebagaimana diekspresikan oleh kalangan terorisme yang
meledakkan bom Bali, Bom Mega Kuningan, aksi kekerasan
terhadap jama’ah Ahmadiyah di Parung Bogor dan
Tasikmalaya, serta sederetan aksi teror dan kekerasan lainnya.
Keberadaan mereka pun dapat diperhatikan dari cara
pandang keagamaan mereka yang cenderung dogmatik,
rigid, dan tekstualis dalam memahami teks-teks keagamaan.
Cara pandang demikian berdampak pada sikap dan
perilaku keagamaan mereka yang eksklusif, mengidentifikasi
paham keagamaan kelompoknya yang paling benar (truth
claim), memandang perbedaan ekspresi keagamaan pada
diri kelompok lain sebagai keliru, bid’ah, sinkretik, dan tidak
otentik. Sebagai konsekuensinya, mereka juga memandang
penting melakukan tindakan pelurusan pemahaman dan
praktek keagamaan kelompok umat berbeda paham
agama walaupun dengan kekerasan.
Bahkan sebagian kelompok umat yang sementara ini
diidentifikasi radikal di Jawa Barat seperti HTI, MMI, dan JI tidak
sebatas berkepentingan meluruskan akidah umat yang dinilai
menyimpang dari kemurnian ajaran Islam, melainkan tetap
berusaha merubah tatanan kehidupan sosial-politik melalui
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sistem khilafah.16 Tidak sebatas itu, kelompok yang diidentifikasi Islam radikal itu juga memiliki imaginasi keagamaan
dan berusaha merealisasikannya pada tataran realitas
dengan beragam cara. Sebagai contoh, kelompok salafi
memiliki imaginasi untuk melakukan gerakan pemurnian Islam
(puritanisme), sebagaimana Islam Arab (baca: Arabisasi) dan
menolak ritual lokal. Usaha untuk mewujudkan imaginasinya
itu, kaum salafi Jawa Barat terlihat begitu getol (intensif)
melakukan syi’ar agama melalui berbagai media seperti
khutbah Jum’at, ceramah keagamaan melalui halaqahhalaqah (kelompok pengajian), serta ceramah melalui media
massa dan televisi.
Bagi kelompok informan kedua ini, semua karakteristik
di atas menjadi bukti bahwa radikalisme Islam di Jawa Barat
bukan hanya ilusi atau isapan jempol. Dengan demikian,
Islam radikal tidak hanya dikaitkan dengan gerakan
praksis mereka dalam bentuk tindakan anarkis, perusakan,
pengusiran, penganiayaan, ataupun pembunuhan yang
Meskipun HTI Jawa Barat dalam aksi-aksi keagamaannya
tidak menampilkan wajah yang sangar, garang, dan melakukan
tindakan anarkis, namun mereka tetap memiliki imajinasi untuk dapat
menegakkan syari’at Islam di dalam seluruh sektor kehidupan. Bagi
mereka, khilafah merupakan sistem sosial-politik Islam yang tetap
menjadi cita-cita yang mereka perjuangkan dalam kerangkan
merubah tatanan sosial-politik yang sekarang ini didominasi oleh
sistem perpolitikan model Barat yang dipandang sekularistik. Sistem
perpolitikan sekuler ini dipandang mereka sebagai biang keladi
bagi kerusakan tatanan sosial politik bangsa Indonesia.
16
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dilakukan seseorang/kelompok atas orang/kelompok lainnya,
melainkan terkait erat pula dengan dimensi cara pandang
dan/atau ideologi.
Kalangan HTI, misalnya, sekalipun akhir-akhir ini mulai
menampilkan wajah simpatiknya, namun tetap saja mereka
memimpikan syari’at Islam dapat tegak di Indonesia,
khususnya Jawa Barat, dan mereka berimajinasi di kemudian
hari, syari’at Islam benar-benar dapat diterapkan dalam
semua sektor kehidupan, sosial, ekonomi, politik. Pada misi
seperti ini, HTI memiliki visi yang sama dengan beberapa
partai Islam, khususnya PKS, sebagai saluran politik mereka
untuk penegakan syari’at Islam dalam kehidupan bangsa
dan Negara. Semua itu menjadi penanda bahwa semangat
purifikasi, puritanisme, dan radikalisasi Islam tidak hanya saja
hadir dalam bentuk pergulatan ide dan gagasan, tetapi
telah mewujud dalam gerakan praksis. Mereka mencoba
menghadirkan alternatif nyata bagi warna Islam Indonesia
yang umumnya toleran, ramah, dan santun menjadi eksklusif,
hegemonik, dan militan.
Pada tingkat ideologis dan praksis, manifestasi gerakan
radikal Islam telah memunculkan konflik manifest pada tingkat
radikalisme sosial. Horace M. Kalen memerinci karakteristik
radikalisme sosial dengan tiga kecenderungan umum.
Pertama, radikalisme merupakan respon terhadap kondisi
yang sedang berlangsung. Kedua, radikalisme tidak berhenti
pada upaya penolakan, melainkan terus berupaya mengganti
tatanan yang ada dengan suatu bentuk tatanan lain. Ketiga,
kuatnya keyakinan kaum radikalis akan kebenaran program
atau ideologi yang mereka bawa. Sikap ini pada saat yang
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sama dibarengi dengan penafian kebenaran sistem lain yang
akan digantinya.17
Bagi kalangan elit dan warga Nahdliyin, kelompok radikal
Islam tidak hanya ada di kalangan eksternal NU. Mereka juga
mengidentifikasi sejumlah elit dan warga Nahdliyin yang
memiliki cara pandang dan sikap keagamaan yang dapat
dikatakan radikal. Dari kalangan NU sendiri, terdapat sejumlah
anggotanya yang memiliki selera hampir sama dengan selera
kalangan garis keras dalam menyikapi beberapa masalah
sosial-keagamaan. Dalam isu-isu moralitas masyarakat,
sebagian kader NU getol memperjuangkan Peraturan Daerah
(Perda) Syari’ah. Wacana Jawa Barat dan sebagian Kota/
Kabupatennya bersifat religius merupakan salah satu wacana
yang digulirkan oleh sebagian kader NU yang diperjuangkan
melalui legislatif (DPRD TK I dan TK II), yang memimpikan Jawa
Barat sebagai Propinsi yang religius, kota santri, dan benarbenar bersih dari berbagai hal yang selama ini dinilai sebagai
perusak moral masyarakat.
Bak gayung bersambut, wacana Jawa Barat religius yang
disuarakan beberapa kader NU mendapatkan legitimasi
dan dukungan dari kalangan kelompok garis keras, seperti
HTI dan FPI, baik melalui dukungan parlementer maupun
ekstraparlementer. Hanya saja bedanya, kalau kalangan
Horace M. Kallen, “Radicalism”, dalam Edwin R.A. Selingman,
Encylopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. XIII-XIV, New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1972, hlm. 51-54. Lihat pula dalam Bahtiar
Effendi dan Hendro Prasetyo, Radikalisme Agama, Jakarta: PPIMIAIN, 1998, hlm. xvii-xviii
17
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radikalis dari warga NU sebatas mengimajinasikan formalisasi
syari’at dalam bentuk Perda Syariah sebagai prasyarat
bagi tatanan kehidupan sosial yang benar-benar religius,
sementara organisasi-organisasi Islam garis keras transnasional
seperti HTI, JI, dan MMI, mereka mengimajinasikan tegaknya
khilafah Islamiyyah di seluruh dunia, dengan menempatkan
Indonesia sebagai salah satu bagian di dalamnya.18
Aneka gerakan keagamaan yang dilakukan kalangan
Islam garis keras tersebut dirasa mulai menggelisahkan
sebagian warga Jawa Barat, khususnya kalangan Nahdliyin.
Apa yang dilakukan kalangan salafi, misalnya, yang terus
menerus melakukan pentakfiran (mengganggap “kafir”)
bagi perilaku keberagamaan kalangan Nahdliyin dipandang
tidak hanya tidak etis dalam konteks interaksi sosial sesama
muslim, melainkan mulai mengaduk-aduk perasaan dan
keyakinan warga Nahdliyin. Kalangan salafi, secara terbuka,
menyerang berbagai tradisi keberagamaan kalangan
Nahdliyin melalui mimbar khutbah, pengajian, ceramah di
radio, dan penyebaran bulletin di kalangan warga Nahdliyin.
Bahkan, intelektual salafi mulai masuk kampus menjadi
tenaga pengajar yang dalam tugas akademiknya juga tidak
alpa menyuarakan purifikasi Islam versi salafi. Model dakwah
provokatif yang dilakukan kaum salafi semacam itulah yang
potensial menciptakan ketegangan, memancing emosi
warga, dan apabila dibiarkan akan dapat memicu konflik
horizontal.
18
Abdurrahman Wahid (ed.) Ilusi Negara Islam…, hlm 78.
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Beberapa kasus pun muncul terkait persitegangan antara
kalangan salafi dengan kalangan Nahdliyin.
Sementara PKS, walaupun statusnya sebagai partai politik,
namun gerakan yang dilakukan PKS tidak sebatas gerakan
politik ansich, sebagaimana parpol-parpol lainnya. Sebagai
parpol Islam, PKS memiliki misi politik keagamaan, dalam
artian, di samping melakukan kontestansi untuk melakukan
perebutan sumber daya di parlemen, PKS juga memiliki
kepentingan memperjuangkan Islam lewat parlemen. Salah
satu di antaranya adalah syari’at Islam. Sebagai parpol Islam,
PKS butuh dukungan massa yang riil, untuk mewujudkan
semua itu PKS membangun jaringan basis massanya melalui
gerakan tarbiyah baik lewat kampus-kampus, mesjid-mesjid,
halaqah-halaqah, kelompok pengajian yang sudah ada ini
terbilang cukup efektif. Terbukti kader PKS yang direkrut dan
dibina media tarbiyah ini dari tahun ke tahun mengalami
peningkatan signifikan. Hal ini berdampak signifikan terhadap
pemilihan legislatif dan gubernur, terbukti pada periode 20082013 dan 2013-2018, gubernur Jawa Barat berasal dari kader
PKS, yakni H. A. Heryawan.
Salah satu yang mengkhawatirkan bagi kalangan
Nahdliyin adalah gerakan politik yang dibingkai melalui
aktivitas keagamaan oleh PKS, seringkali, memunculkan
ketegangan dan konflik laten dengan organisasi-organisasi
Masyarakat Islam yang sudah ada, khususnya NU. Pasalnya
adalah kader-kader PKS yang memiliki militansi dakwah
Islam mulai mengambil alih aset keagamaan seperti mesjid,
kelompok pengajian, lembaga pendidikan, dan lainnya yang
selama ini dikelola oleh NU, dan ormas Islam lainnya.
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Pergulatan Kultural NU dalam Meredam Radikalisme
dan Membumikan Toleransi
Bagi kalangan Nahdliyin, potensi radikalisme agama di
Jawa Barat pada masa kini dan masa yang akan datang
dapat menjadi ancaman yang sangat serius. Betapa tidak,
sekarang saja gerakan yang dilakukan kalangan Islam garis
keras sudah mulai meresahkan tidak saja umat Islam, tetapi
juga umat beragama lain. Sebagai kelompok minoritas
dalam Islam, komunitas Islam garis keras justeru memiliki
militansi yang sangat tinggi dalam memperjuangkan ideologi
agamanya. Boleh jadi, para kader dan aktivis Islam radikal
cukup sadar bahwa mereka tengah terlibat “perang ide-ide”
untuk meyakinkan umat Islam bahwa ideologi mereka adalah
satu-satunya interpretasi yang paling benar tentang Islam.19
Dihadapkan pada ekspansi gerakan Islam radikal
yang melanda kawasan urban ini, NU Jawa Barat dalam
kapasitasnya sebagai ormas Islam moderat merespon dan
menyikapi tidak melalui jalan-jalan kekerasan, melainkan
tetap dalam koridor cara penyikapan yang moderat. Berikut
ini beberapa respon praksis yang dilakukan NU Jawa Barat
dalam pergulatannya dengan kalangan Islam radikal
di Jawa Barat, yakni 1) Memperkuat basis dan kritisisme
terhadap dominasi, 2) Reaktualisasi Aswaja dan Revitalisasi
Khazanah Lokal, 3) Reproduksi wacana moderasi Islam dan
Pengarusutamaan Dialog Kebudayaan, 4) Kontekstualisasi
19
Abdurrahman Wahid (ed.) Ilusi Negara Islam…, hlm 43.
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Keagamaan dan Keberagamaan dalam konteks kebangsaan dan kemanusiaan.
1. Memperkuat Basis dan Kritisisme terhadap Dominasi
NU berpandangan bahwa kelompok umat yang
memiliki paham keagamaan berbeda apakah yang liberal
ataupun yang radikal sekali pun, tidak dipandang sebagai
the other yang harus dijauhi, dikucilkan, dibenci atau bahkan
diperangi dengan cara-cara kekerasan. NU sangat sadar
bahwa keragaman yang ada dalam kehidupan masyarakat
itu merupakan sebuah keniscayaan, atau dalam bahasa
al-Qur’an dikenal sebagai Sunnatullah yang tidak mungkin
dinafikan.20 Terlebih secara konstitusional Negara Indonesia
sendiri jelas-jelas menjamin keagamaan dan perbedaan
yang ada dalam kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia melalui
UUD 1945.
Bagi NU Jawa Barat, kelompok umat yang melakukan
demikian itu dianggap sebagai umat yang memiliki semangat
berlebihan namun tidak ditunjang oleh pemahaman
dan pengetahuan keagamaan yang memadai. Pada
kenyataannya, tidak sedikit dari pengikut garis keras yang
memiliki pandangan dominan literalis sebatas memahami
Islam dari segi kulitnya dan tidak sampai menjangkau
pemahaman pada tataran substantifnya. Pun sulit untuk
disangkal adanya fakta bahwa di balik gerakan keagamaan
Husein Muhammad, “Prolog Pluralisme Sebagai Keniscayaan Teologis”, dalam Abdul Moqsith Ghazali, Argumen Pluralisme
Agama, Membangun Toleransi Berbasis al-Qur’an, Jakarta: KataKita,
2008, hlm. xvi.
20
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mereka yang sarat memakai simbol-simbol formal keagamaan
berjalan sesuai dengan kepentingan ideologis dan politis
mereka. Dalam situasi demikian, identitas dan simbolsimbol keagamaan menjadi bagian terpenting, bahkan
lebih penting dari substansi pesan agama itu sendiri, untuk
diperjuangkan. Mereka asyiq-masyuq dengan simbol-simbol
bukan mengamalkan substansi ajaran Islam.21
Berbasis prinsip-prinsip moderatisme yang bersumber
dari ajaran aswaja, yakni tasâmuh (toleransi), tawâsuth
(moderat), tawâzun (adil), serta amar ma’rûf nahy
munkar, NU Jabar terus berusaha mengarusutamakan
dan mengedepankan pendekatan-pendekatan kultural
dalam rangka membentengi jama’ahnya dan umat Islam
secara umum dari pengaruh radikalisme agama. Usaha
untuk membendung paham radikalisme Islam ini sekaligus
diorientasikan pada pengawalan tatanan sosial keagamaan
di Jawa Barat yang plural dan multikultural. Dengan demikian,
NU berupaya untuk menciptakan check and balance,
sehingga tidak melahirkan kekuatan mayoritas dominatif,
atau minoritas radikalistik. Bagi NU, setiap elemen sosial yang
beragam berhal hidup di Indonesia, khsusunya di Jawa Barat,
sembari realitas ini seyogyanya juga menginspirasi semua
elemen sosial agar dapat hidup bersama dalam satu rumah
besar bernama Jawa Barat. Setiap kelompok sosial didorong
untuk mengembangkan sikap toleransi, tidak egois, dan tidak
menyalah-nyalahkan kelompok lain. Kalau mulai muncul
21
Abdurrahman Wahid (ed), Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm. 43
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benih-benih kekuatan dominatif dari mana pun sumbernya,
tidak sebatas dari kalangan Islam radikal, mutlak untuk
dikritisi.22
2. Reaktualisasi Aswaja dan Revitalisasi Khazanah Lokal
Keberadaan Islam radikal dengan gerakannya yang
kian ekspansif justeru melahirkan titik balik kesadaran NU
Jabar untuk melakukan refleksi atas gerakan keagamaan
yang dilakukannya selama ini, dan sekaligus berbagai hal
utamanya politik praktis yang telah memalingkan dirinya
dari pelaksanaan khidmat yang sebenarnya. NU Jawa Barat
sekarang ini tampil lebih serius menyikapi gerakan radikalisme
Islam dengan pertama-tama membentengi jama’ahnya dari
pengaruh paham radikalisme yang disemaikan kalangan
garis keras. Berbasis pada paham moderatisme aswaja
yang dimilikinya, NU Jawa Barat serius melakukan redefinisi,
revitaslisasi, dan kontekstualisasi paham keagamaannya
tersebut, baik di kalangan PW NU dan berbagai wilayah
Pengurus Cabang NU maupun jama’ahnya yang umumnya
berpendidikan rendah, khususnya kalangan muda Nahdliyin.
Proses reinterpretasi atas paham aswaja kemudian dibarengi
dengan reproduksi wacana yang lebih kontekstual dan
menginternalisasikannya ke dalam lingkungan jama’ah, umat
Islam pada umumnya, dan umat beragama lain di Kawasan
Jawa Barat.
Wawancara dengan Dudang Ghozali dan Tatang Astarudin,
pengurus Lakpesdam PW NU Jawa Barat tanggal 23 Januari 2013.
22
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Sedangkan ikhtiar untuk membumikan (baca: internalisasi
dan transformasi) paham moderatisme Islam yang digali dari
nilai-nilai aswaja tersebut dilakukan dengan memanfaatkan
berbagai media kultural seperti pesantren, madrasah, majelis
taklim, dan berbagai lembaga pendidikan yang dimiliki, mulai
dari tingkat dasar sampai tingkat pendidikan tinggi, serta
media seni dan budaya lainnya. Beragam media lokal yang
menjadi khazanah NU dan warisan leluhur didayagunakan
pula untuk melakukan reinternalisasi paham moderatisme
Islam di antara jama’ah pengajian, kelompok yasinan,
tahlilan, diba’an, muslimatan, bahtsu masail, dan berbagai
media lokal lainnya.
Secara lebih sistematis, NU Jawa Barat melakukan
pembekalan melalui diklat aswaja dan tadarus aswaja secara
rutin setiap minggunya. Kegiatan ini terbukti cukup berhasil
memberikan dampak konstruktif bagi proses internalisasi
paham moderatisme Islam. Kegiatan diklat maupun tadarus
mampu melahirkan rekonstruksi wacana tentang aswaja
yang semakin kontekstual. Di kalangan muda, misalnya, lahir
pemahaman tentang aswaja yang diposisikan bukan hanya
sebatas identitas ideologis yang membutuhkan ketundukan
dari para pengikutnya, tetapi juga menjadi manhaj dalam
memahami Islam secara kontekstual dan pemberdayaan
ummat.
3. Reproduksi wacana moderasi Islam dan
Pengarusutamaan Dialog Kebudayaan
Reproduksi wacana, baik lisan maupun tulisan, tidak
ketinggalan dimanfaatkan oleh kalangan intelektual NU
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Jawa Barat sebagai media kultural untuk mendialogkan dan
sekaligus mengcounter wacana dan praksis agama yang
dilakukan oleh kalangan Islam radikal. Intelektual NU Jawa
Barat juga sadar penuh bahwa dalam tatanan kehidupan
yang plural dan multikultural di mana setiap elemen sosial
memiliki kebebasan untuk mengartikulasikan identitas dan
bahkan ideologinya tanpa ada satu pun elemen sosial,
termasuk NU sebagai ormas mayoritas dapat memaksakan
kehendaknya.
Maka cara yang tepat dilakukan NU Jawa Barat untuk
mengartikulasikan ide-ide moderatismenya tidak lain kecuali
melalui produksi wacana. Bagi kalangan intelektual NU
Jawa Barat, ruang publik (public sphere) merupakan arena
kontestasi bagi beragam kelompok dengan aneka identitas
dan kecenderungan ideologisnya masing-masing. Wacana
(discourse) sendiri dipahami sebagai alat yang cukup efektif
untuk mengasosiasikan kepentingan setiap kelompok sosial.
Lembaga di bawah struktural PW NU Jawa Barat yang
cukup aktif mereproduksi wacana antara lain adalah
Lembaga Bahtsul Masail (LBM). Misalnya, LBM PW NU Jawa
Barat menghasilkan beberapa karya untuk mengcounter
radikalisme Islam, selain juga masalah-masalah keagamaan
dan sosial lainnya. LBM PW NU Jawa Barat juga intensif
mendiskusikan dan merespon sejumlah wacana yang
mendiskreditkan berbagai tradisi dan perilaku keberagamaan
kalangan Nahdliyin, seperti mengkaji dan merespon buku K.H.
Mahrus Ali yang bertajuk Mantan Kyai NU menggugat Tahlil,
yang mengkritik tradisi tahlilan di kalangan Nahdliyin.
Apabila dicermati, apa yang dilakukan NU Jawa
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159
Barat, baik secara organisasional maupun personal, dalam
memproduksi wacana moderasi Islam, dapat dikatakan
cukup strategis sebagai siasat kultural untuk membumikan
dan mendialogkan Islam yang inklusif dan moderat tanpa
banyak melahirkan ketegangan fisik yang destruktif.
Strategi ini sekaligus berperan menjadi filter dan counter
wacana dalam membatasi ruang gerak kalangan Islam
radikalis, maupun kelompok umat yang paham agamanya
kontraproduktif dengan Islam pribumi. Strategi ini berperan
dalam memunculkan alternatif atas kebuntuan pendekatan
dialog langsung yang selama ini dilakukan NU Jawa Barat
terhadap kalangan radikalis.
Kalangan NU Jawa Barat seringkali mengambil inisiatif
untuk menyelesaikan berbagai persoalan yang potensial
melahirkan konflik dengan berbagai kalangan, khususnya
terkait dengan radikalisme Islam. Mereka seringkali mengajak
kalangan Islam radikal untuk mendialogkan dan mendiskusikan
berbagai persoalan umat, serta mencari kesepahaman
dan solusi damai dari persoalan-persoalan umat, termasuk
persinggungan dan persitegangan dengan kalangan Islam
radikal.
Hanya saja, ajakan kalangan diskusi, dialog, dan
musyawarah dari kalangan NU ini tidak selamanya
mendapatkan sambutan baik atau direspon secara baik.
Melalui produksi dan publikasi wacana, masing-masing umat
dapat belajar mendengar dan memahami jalan pikiran
dan paham keagamaan kelompok lain yang berbeda.
Belajar mendengar dan memahami orang lain yang memiliki
perbedaan, bagi kalangan NU Jawa Barat, merupakan modal
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sosial sangat berharga yang dapat menghantarkan interaksi
sosial yang kondusif dan menciptakan kerukunan beragama
dan berbangsa secara solid.23
4. Kontekstualisasi Keagamaan dan Keberagamaan
dalam konteks kebangsaan dan kemanusiaan
Satu hal yang penting untuk dikemukakan adalah
bahwa reinterpretasi dalam internalisasi paham moderatisme
Islam berbasis aswaja senantiasa ditempatkan dalam konteks
keumatan, keindonesiaan, dan kemanusiaan. Bagi NU Jawa
Barat, ketiga konteks tersebut merupakan pengikat bagi
semua kelompok yang memiliki latar perbedaan, tidak saja
ideologi ataupun paham keagamaan, melainkan juga
etnik, budaya, dan bahkan pilihan politik. Pancasila dan
UUD 1945 sebagai dasar dan falsafah Negara sudah final
dan harus dijunjung tinggi oleh semua komponen bangsa,
tanpa terkecuali. Bahkan dalam konteks membangun
tatanan kehidupan bangsa dan tatanan umat manusia yang
memiliki karakter sosial plural dan multikultural, maka konteks
kemanusiaan dan kebangsaan niscaya ditempatkan pada
posisi teratas dengan argumentasi kehadiran Islam di muka
bumi sebagai rahmat li al-alamîn, yakni bagi seluruh alam,
bukan hanya untuk umat Islam saja.
Hal ini sejalan dengan padangan sejumlah penulis dalam
Abdurrahman Wahid, Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm 235.
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161
Apabila dicermati apa yang dilontarkan intelektual NU
Jawa Barat ini selaras dengan pendapat dari Ahmad Syafi’i
Ma’arif. Secara lebih luas, Syafi’i Ma’arif membeberkan
beberapa argumentasi pentingnya mendahulukan aspek
kemanusiaan dalam mentransformasikan misi Islam untuk
pembangunan peradaban yang lebih manusiawi, yaitu:
a. Misi Islam tidak lain merupakan rahmat li al-alamin.
Dengan menjadikan kemanusiaan sebagai pintu masuk
pertama, umat Islam didorong untuk berpikir modial
(menyeluruh, mendunia), yakni seluruh umat manusia, siapa
pun mereka, pada hakikatnya adalah saudara dan sahabat.
Jika terjadi permusuhan, harus diselesaikan dalam bingkai
kemanusiaan secara adil dan beradab;
b. Dari posisi kemanusiaan selanjutnya diturunkan menjadi posisi kebangsaan, karena kita semua hidup dan bernafas
dalam teritori Negara-bangsa (nation-state) Indonesia. Umat
Islam secara keseluruhan tidak boleh mengurung diri dalam
lorong sempit hanya dalam lingkungan keumatan dalam
makna terbatas;
c. Manusia tidak diciptakan dalam satu format sosiokultural, melainkan dalam lingkungan beragam umat dengan
ciri khasnya masing-masing. Ciri khas ini adalah petanda
bahwa Allah, Maha Pencipta, anti-keseragaman, sebab
serba-seragam dapat membuat manusia menjadi miskin
wawasan dan kaku dalam pergaulan;
d. Dalam konteks perumusan identitas kepribadian
bangsa di mana NU ditakdirkan menjadi sayap utama umat
Islam Indonesia, maka elit dan jamaah NU wajib punya
wawasan dan jangkauan pemikiran yang melampaui radius
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ke-NU-an. Mereka semua adalah bagian yang menyatu
dalam ranah pergaulan, yakni kemanusiaan, kebangsaan,
dan keumatan.24
Secara khusus dalam rangka menempatkan persoalan
keagamaan dalam konteks keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan,
NU sendiri telah mengembangkan tri-solidaritas atau dalam
bahasa agama dikenal dengan istilah ukhuwah Islamiyah
(solidaritas sesama umat Islam), ukhuwah wathoniyah
(solidaritas kebangsaan), dan ukhuwah basyariyah (solidaritas
kemanusiaan). Tiga ukhuwah ini diharapkan mampu menjadi
sistem nilai dan landasan etik yang turut berperan dalam
mengembangkan tata pergaulan baik dalam konteks
kehidupan beragama, kehidupan berbangsa, maupun
kehidupan umat manusia secara global yang ramah serta
toleran terhadap aneka rupa perbedaan dan keragaman,
baik sosial, budaya, etnik, dan agama.
PENUTUP
Dinamika Islam di Indonesia, khususnya di Jawa Barat,
pada masa sekarang dan ke depan akan terus melahirkan
ekspresi dan sekaligus konfigurasi keagamaan yang sangat
beragam. NU Jawa Barat, beserta Pusat dan PW lainnya,
memang pada saat ini masih menjadi salah satu pilar
penyangga, bersama Muhammadiyah dan ormas Islam
Baca lebih lanjut Ahmad Syafi’i Maarif, Islam Dalam Bingkai
Keindonesiaan dan Kemanusiaan: Sebuah Refleksi Sejarah,
Bandung: Mizan bekerjasama dengan Ma’arif Institute, 2009, hlm.
199-202.
24
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163
moderat lainnya, bagi terpeliharanya formasi sosial bangsa
yang menjunjung tinggi toleransi, pluralisme, dan multikultural.
Namun, kondisi ini tidak lantas melahirkan teori bahwa tanpa
kehadiran NU, Islam di Indonesia yang terkenal dengan
wataknya yang ramah dan toleran akan tamat pula. Tetapi
merosotnya peran NU, begitu pula Muhammadiyah dan
ormas Islam moderat lainnya, dalam peningkatan kualitas
kehidupan keagamaan, kebangsaan, dan kemanusiaan,
telah menjadikan wajah umat Islam yang ramah dan toleran
semakin tergerus dan tereduksi.
Oleh karena itu, setiap usaha untuk membendung
radikalisme melalui penguatan paham moderatisme Islam
diorientasikan bukan semata-mata terjaganya umat dari
masing-masing kelompok dari pengaruh Islam radikal, tetapi
juga diarahkan untuk menekan kalangan Islam radikal sampai
ke tingkat grass roots. Selebihnya, usaha pengarusutamaan
Islam moderat diarahkan pula untuk penciptaan pola relasi
sosial yang lebih imbang dan berkeadilan dalam tatanan
kehidupan sosial yang plural dan multikultural. Pendekatan
kultural, sebagaimana dilakukan kalangan NU, dan tentunya
Muhammadiyah, tetap harus dikedepankan dalam mempengaruhi secara aktif kebijakan Negara.
Bagi Negara sendiri, usaha untuk membangun tatanan
kehidupan bangsa yang plural dan multikultural, diharapkan
pula melalui kebijakan politik yang lebih berorientasi pada
bukan penafsiran kelompok umat yang dinilai sebagai liyan
(the others) melainkan dengan cara menjamin terlaksananya
konstitusi yang mampu memberikan keadilan secara
demokratis bagi semua pihak yang hidup dalam rumah besar
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bernama Indonesia. Hal ini menuntut konsekuensi bahwa
kalangan Islam radikal untuk tidak memaksakan kebenaran
ideologinya atas ideologi umat dan/atau bangsa.
Daftar Pustaka
Ali, Muhammad. 2003. Teologi Pluralis-Multikultural:
Menghargai Kemajemukan Menjalin Kebersamaan. Jakarta:
Kompas.
Ali-Fauzi, Ihsan dkk (ed). 2007. Demi Toleransi, Demi
Pluralisme. Jakarta: Paramadina.
Asad, Talad. 1986. The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam.
Washington: CCAS, Georgetown University.
Berger, Peter L. 1991. Langit Suci: Agama sebagai Realitias
Sosial, Jakarta: LP3ES.
Bruner, Edward M. 1995. “The Expression of Ethnicity in
Indonesia”. Dalam A. Cohen (ed.). 1995. Urban Ethnicity,
London: Travistock.
Effendi, Bahtiar dan Hendro Prasetyo. 1998. Radikalisme
Agama. Jakarta: PPIM-IAIN.
Kallen, Horace M. 1972. “Radicalism”. Dalam Edwin R.A.
Selingman, Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 1972. vol.
XIII-XIV, New York: The Macmillan Company.
Khoiron, M. Nur. 2005. “Agama dan Kebudayaan: Menjelajahi Isu Multikulturalisme dan Hak-Hak Minoritas.” Dalam
Hikmat Budiman, Hak Minoritas: Dilema Multikulturalisme di
Indonesia. 2005. Jakarta: Yayasan Interseksi dan TIFA.
Kompas, 28 September 2011
Maarif, Ahmad Syafi’i. 2009. Islam Dalam Bingkai
Keindonesiaan dan Kemanusiaan: Sebuah Refleksi Sejarah,
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165
Bandung: Mizan bekerjasama dengan Ma’arif Institute.
Mahasin, Aswab. 1995. “Masyarakat Madani dan LawanLawannya: Sebuah Mukaddimah (Pengantar)”. Dalam Ernest
Gelner, Membangun Masyarakat Sipil Prasyarat Menuju
Kebebasan. Bandung: Mizan.
Mudhzar, M. Atho. 2004. “Tantangan Kontribusi Agama
dalam Mewujudkan Multikulturalisme di Indonesia”. Dalam
Harmoni, Jurnal Multikultural dan Multireligius, vol. III, no. 11,
Juli-September 2004.
Muhammad, Husein. 2008. “Prolog Pluralisme Sebagai
Keniscayaan Teologis”. Dalam Abdul Moqsith Ghazali. 2008.
Argumen Pluralisme Agama, Membangun Toleransi Berbasis
al-Qur’an. Jakarta: KataKita
Osman, Mohamed Fathi. 2006. Islam, Pluralisme, dan
Toleransi Keagamaan. Jakarta: Paramadina.
Sholeh, Badrus (ed). 2007. Budaya Damai Komunitas
Pesantren. Jakarta: LP3ES, LSAF, dan The Asia Foundation.
Singh, Bilveer Singh dan Abdul Munir Mulkhan. Jejaring
Radikalisme Islam di Indonesia, Jejak Sang Pengantin Bom
Bunuh Diri. Yogyakarta: Jogja Bangkit Publisher.
Sobur, Alex. 2002. Analisis teks Media: Suatu Pengantar
Untuk Analisis Wacana, Analisis Semiotik, dan Analisis Framing.
Bandung: Rosdakarya, 2002, hlm. 91.
Wahid, Abdurrahman (ed). 2009. Ilusi Negara Islam,
Ekspansi Gerakan Islam Transnasional di Indonesia. Jakarta:
The Wahid Institute, Maarif Institute, dan Gerakan Bhineka
Tunggal Ika.
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Nahdlatul Ulama and
Religious Tolerance in
Indonesia, Gugun Gumilar,
President of Indonesia
Association Students in
United States
Introduction:
NU absolutely has to actively think about the proper forms of
relationship between Islam and the State in the future.1
Islam in Indonesia develops within the conditions defined
by the NU tradition declaring it as the Ahlussunnah Wal
Jama’ah group which is adopted by the majority of Muslims
in Indonesia. KH. Hashim Ash’ari, Abdul Wahab Chasbullah
and his colleagues are members of the Khalifat committee.
Seniority is an important aspect in the relationship between
scholars. In a meeting comprising NU leaders from Java
and Madura in Surabaya (in the residence of Abdul Wahab
Chasbullah) has set January 31, 1926 as the setting up date
Abdurrahman Wahid was the 4th President of the Republic of
Indonesia who produced the paper on introduction NU Pancasila
written by Einar Martahan Sitompul published by LKiS Yogyakarta in
2010.
1
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167
for NU as a religious organization (Jam’iyah diniyah).2 There
are three prominent scholars who played a pivotal role in the
establishment of Jam’iyah Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). They are Kiai
Wahab Chasbullah (from Jombang, Surabaya), Kiai Hashim
Ash’ari (Jombang) and Kiai Cholil (Bangkalan). Mujammil
Qomar, author of “Liberal NU: From Traditionalism Ahlussunnah
to Islamic Universalism”, describes the role of the three - Kiai
Wahab as the originator of the idea, Kiai Hasyim as key holder,
and Kiai Cholil as determinant of the establishment.3
Tolerance is not actually a very positive or idealistic
concept: etymologically it comes from the action or practice
of enduring or sustaining pain or hardship.4 Nahdlatul Ulama
(NU) stressed that they are against terrorism and radicalism.
NU believes that Islam teaches moderation and religious
tolerance. NU is ready to maintain these principles, and even
accepted groups that have committed acts of violence in the
name of religion. NU has tasamuh or tolerance principle which
is the basis of religious tolerance in Indonesia. The tasamuh or
tolerance attitude respects differences including people who
do not share the same life principle. It does not mean that by
Einar Martahan Sitompul, NU and Pancasila: Sejarah dan
Peranan NU dalam Perjuangan Umat Islam di Indonesia dalam
rangka Penerimaan Pancasila sebagai Satu-Satunya Asas. 1st
edn.,(Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication, 2010),p.49-50
3
Article of Nahdliyah publication published by PCNU Pasuruan,
1st edn., 1-2 September and October 2016
4
Lyn Parker, Religious Tolerance and Inter-Faith Education In
Indonesia, (Australia; Asian Studies School of Social and Cultural
Studies, 2006) p.8
2
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tolerating these different beliefs that we believe in these same
beliefs. The concept of tolerance that NU believes in refers to
Taha: 44 “And speak to him with gentle speech that perhaps
he may be reminded or fear (Allah).
Religious tolerance is interpreted differently among
Indonesian Muslim scholars, both sociologically and ethically.5
Sociologically, religious tolerance is a fact that we are different,
diverse and pluralistic. It is a social reality, something that is
necessary and cannot be denied anymore. The reality is we
have embraced different religions.
Every religion has its own rules of worship. However, this is
no excuse for discord. NU has to maintain religious tolerance in
Indonesia so that the country continues to be one unified entity.
Religious tolerance is very important for economic success so
that we can achieve the standard of living in Indonesia. As we
know, Indonesia has so much diversity. Religious tolerance is
mutual understanding and respect without any discrimination
especially in religious matters. Then, is there any significance
of NU’s role in promoting religious tolerance in Indonesia?
Indonesia: Unity in Diversity
With more than 300 ethnic groups and 700 living
languages, Indonesia is one of the most culturally and
linguistically diverse countries on earth.6 On the religious front,
Zainul Abas, article on the paper relationships between religion
in Indonesia: challenge and the hope 1st edn, 2012
6
Lyn Parker, Religious Tolerance and Inter-Faith Education In
Indonesia, 2006 (Australia; Asian Studies School of Social and Cultural
Studies, 2006), p.2
5
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169
the situation seems much simpler: there are officially only six
religions in Indonesia. According to the 2000 census, 86% of
the population is Muslims, 6% Protestants, 3% Catholics, 2%
Hindus, and a smaller percentage Buddhists (CIA). And as of
2006, Confucianism too has also been officially recognized as
a religion. An estimated 20 million people practise animism
and other types of traditional belief systems (Oslo Coalition
2008).7
The shock waves sent around the world by the September
2011 terrorist strikes were also felt strongly in Indonesia, as in other
Muslim countries. But it was the bombing in Bali on 12 October
2002 that really shook the world’s largest Muslim country.8 In
this generally pro-Western nation, both attacks were met with
waves of sympathy and concern for the victims and their
loved ones. However, though the September 11 attacks were
awful, they seemed a long way off and had no connection at
all with Indonesia. On the other hand, in the case of the Bali
bombing, Indonesia has to face the horrible reality that global
terrorism is also its problem, and that Indonesia now has to
deal with it at home.9
Pancasila is the basic foundation of Indonesia and cannot
be separated from the role of NU. Historically NU has a great
contribution to the civic, religious and political life in Indonesia.
Ibid p.2
Greb Barton, Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorism and Radical Islamism
in Indonesia, 1st edn., (Australia; University of New South Wales Press,
2005),
9
Ibid p.114
7
8
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Academically, it is often seen as both accommodating and
opportunistic in its defense of Sukarno and in galvanizing
nationalism, religion and communism (Nasakom), which other
religious and social organizations misconceived as putting
religion and communism under one building concept.10
However, NU has recognized Pancasila as the sole foundation
for all religious and social organizations in Indonesia at the
27th Congress in Situbondo, East Java, 1984.11 Then, in the
New Order era, NU once again played an important role in
Pancasila. Apart from a wide range of symbols attributed to it,
NU has colored the history of the Indonesian nation’s struggle
since the beginning of independence until recent decades.
It is important to recognize NU’s contribution to the
conception of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution and the
Republic of Indonesia. NU has been responsible in getting
Pancasila recognized as a civil religion in Indonesia. NU insists
that religion has an important voice to offer in environmental
discussions. Religions do help to form cultures, worldviews,
and ethics and thus may assist in shaping solutions to environmental problems. NU observes that an interdisciplinary
approach will be necessary for solving environmental
problems. Thus, NU promotes the concept that religions in their
most comprehensive and particularized forms, offer patterns
Einar Martahan Sitompul, NU and Pancasila: Sejarah dan
Peranan NU dalam Perjuangan Umat Islam di Indonesia dalam
rangka Penerimaan Pancasila sebagai Satu-Satunya Asas. 1st
edn.,(Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication, 2010) p. 67
11
Ibid p.164
10
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171
of cosmological connection that link humans to their habitat.
NU believes that Pancasila and its five principles is civil
religion. Belief in God Almighty is the overarching principle in
civil religion. Just and civilized humanity, as well as precept
social justice for all the people of Indonesia is the embodiment
of the concept of brotherhood based on fairness and
humanity. Likewise, democracy guided by consultation and
representation is also an important principle in civil religion.
Civil religion was originally conceptualized as a ‘social
contract’ by a French intellectual, JJ Rousseau.12 It was an
enlightenment agenda based on the grandeur of logic. The
most important is the logic which involves people in the state
system. People trust the elites to govern according to the
wishes of the people. So the most important goal in the state
system is the welfare of the people. Through the concept of
the social contract, the actual position of the community
as an important part of the country became a reality. With
bargaining power, people are empowered.13
Furthermore, NU has been promoting religious diversity
through dialogue. Firstly, transparency means willing to listen
to all parties proportionately, fairly and equitably. Dialogue is
not a place for a business or to win the case, nor is it a place
to smuggle various hidden agenda of the unknown with the
dialogue partner. Second, NU strongly encourages Muslims to
maintain good relations with other religions. Tolerance is the
Nur Syam, Article on NU, Pancasila and Civil Religion,
(Surabaya: Sunan Ampel, 2012)
13
Ibid p. Article on NU, Pancasila and Civil Religion
12
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only way to show respect for other beliefs. Religious differences
do not mean that there would be no common ground that
can generate mutual understanding. The common ground
lies in the social and the ethical issues. Third, NU is a socioreligious organization. NU has affirmed the Pancasila as the
state idea and the 1945 Constitution as the foundation for
the judiciary and the Republic of Indonesia as the structural
foundation of the country. NU had taken on the responsibility
as the guardian of the country. In brief, the emergence of the
concept of moderate Islam is consistent with NU’s belief that
Islam in Indonesia is rahmatan lil ‘alamin. This is, essentially an
integral part of NU’s effort to become the nation’s life support
based on Pancasila.
NU within the Dialog of Tolerance
Tolerance is derived from “Tolerare” (Latin), which means
to bear or to endure.14 From a socio-political perspective,
tolerance means “the attitude of one in allowing others to have
different beliefs and accept this reality since he recognizes
the freedom of everyone’s rights in their mind.15 In a pluralistic
society consisting of various faiths and religions, tolerance is
a requirement for peace and harmony. Tolerance may be
in the form of restraining oneself and permitting (passive)
Sonia Nieto, Affirming Diversity, The Sociopolitical Context
of Multicultural Education, Longman, 2000; and Robert Jackson,
“Religious Education’s Representation of ‘Religions’ and ‘Cultures’”,
British Journal of Educational Studies, 43: 3 (September 1995), p.272289
15
Ibid p.272-289
14
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173
and appreciating adherents of other faiths, although not
accepting the teachings of the other faiths; appreciating
religious elements and the implementation of other religions
- an attitude that may help in understanding one’s own faith.
The bases of this tolerance are recognition of the basic rights
of human beings, and an appreciation of the capacity to
adhere to a faith.
NU believes in fostering dialogue to bridge the differences
and eliminate potential areas of conflict. Dialogue can be
used in many ways and it can be a universal standard for
resolving issues such as those relating to international morality
or global ethics, namely human rights, freedom, democracy,
justice and harmony. Through dialogue we can foster global
peace. However, this universal standard is not an easy matter
for NU, since it is a theoretical construct that may vary with the
realities at the grassroots.
Religiosity is positively correlated with cooperative
attitudes involving members of the community and the ingroup, but not the out-groups.16 At the same time, religiosity
is also positively correlated with religion-based and ethnic
based discriminative trust.17 NU needs an appropriate
approach and methodology, both inter- and intra-religion
to prevent conflicts among religious groups.18 The concept
Lyn Parker, Religious Tolerance and Inter-Faith Education In
Indonesia, 2006 (Australia; Asian Studies School of Social and Cultural
Studies, 2006), p.5
17
Ibid p.5
18
Zainul Abas, article on the paper relationships between
religion in Indonesia: challenge and the hope 1st edn, 2012, p.15
16
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of universal brotherhood imbued with the spirit of human
rights and religious freedom is strongly recommended by NU.
From the moral and ethical dimensions, NU accepts universal
brotherhood, for example, Abdurrahman Wahid with selfcriticism and pluralism in action and thought, Alwi Shihab
with the attitude of tolerance and pluralism and the need to
understand the message of God; all are attempts at finding a
solution for religious harmonious coexistence.
Firstly, NU aims to contribute to the improvement of
relations between societies and communities with complex
and diverse cultural religious backgrounds. Secondly, NU
promotes critical attitude, which is critical of the exclusive
attitude but not to discredit others. In other words, dialogue
is like a double-edged sword; side one leads to self or selfcriticism, and the other side to critical conversations that are
external, i.e. to give each other as well as giving consideration
to the opinions of others based on one’s own convictions.
Religion can serve as a criticism - on the understanding and
behavior of religious people themselves. Third, there is a
willingness to understand the beliefs, rituals, and symbols of
other religions in order to understand others properly. Each
person must be willing to try to understand another, both at
face value and at the deeper, more personal level.
In order to understand other religions there are some
requirements that should equip a person, namely 1) The nature
of intellectual equipment, which can be realized through
information search about the religion and beliefs of others,
2) Present sufficient emotional state. It is important to keep
the existence of a sense of attachment, attention or even
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175
participation, and 3) The existence of willingness.19 In terms of
willingness, it must be addressed and directed to constructive
purposes.20 However, it is better to reach out to religious plurality
on teaching concepts and teaching practices. So therefore,
the people of each religion are well aware of this plurality.
Thus, as noted earlier, religious knowledge will support the
realization of religious harmony. Model religious life should be
conceived and actualized by religious people. This is important
for the creation of religious harmony, mutual understanding
and respect between religious communities for a harmonious
religious life. Thus, religion can help in the actualization of
peace and harmony. Because of that, religion can be a
strong adhesive for the realization of national integration.
In order to eliminate misunderstandings that occur
between faiths, alternative mechanisms, religious dialogue
models as mentioned above, can be put forward as interfaith dialogue. Interreligious dialogue is expected to make
religious life more inclusive and open. Dialogue is expected
to bring believers to the concept of ‘unity in diversity’ and
‘to live together’ with the underlying patterns of thought
theology plurality.21 Religious dialogue models offered include
as proposed by Kimball (Faisal Ismail, 1999: 9-11):22
Marzuki, article on Interreligious conflict in Indonesia, 2012
(Yogyakarta), p.8
20
Ibid p.8
21
Faisal Ismail. Religions and national integration, 1999 (Yogyakarta), p. 9
22
Ibid p.10-11
19
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1. Parliamentary Dialogue. This dialogue is conducted
with the involvement of religious leaders on the world stage.
For example, the already established and functioning World’s
Parliament of Religions and Conference on Religions and
Peace, and the World Congress of Faiths. The goal is to develop
cooperation and peace among religious communities in the
world.
2. Institutional Dialogue. This dialogue is conducted
involving religious organizations. The goal is to discuss and
solve problems and develop communication among religious
organizations.
3. Theological Dialogue. The purpose of this model is
to discuss theological-philosophical issues. The dialogue is
intended to provide an understanding of the theological
concepts of each religion. Building understanding based on
the desires of one particular religion is subjective.
4. Dialogue in Society (Dialogue in Community). Dialogue
in the form of co-operation of plural religious communities in
working and solving practical problems in their daily lives.
5. Spiritual Dialogue. A dialogue model with the aim of
developing and deepening the spiritual life among the various
religions.
These models can be used to build a harmonious life
among religious people. NU believes that through dialogue
we could develop a model of religious understanding, not
merely to assert a difference, but also to be a meeting point
of similarities that exist between religions. Interfaith dialogue
is expected to set a religious paradigm of ritual piety and
individual piety to form social piety. In the development of
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177
religious life, the government not only guarantees each
resident the freedom to profess religion and to worship
according to each religion and beliefs, but also censures,
fosters, develops, and provides guidance and direction so
that religious life is more developed, vibrant, and in harmony
with the goals of national development. Therefore, the pattern
fostering religious harmony is directed at three forms23: 1)
harmony between internal religious, 2) interreligious harmony,
and 3) interreligious harmony religion.24 NU firmly believes in
interreligious dialogue to communicate in order to develop
mutual understanding with people from different religious
background in Indonesia.
In Indonesia during the New Order era, dialogue was
promoted by the government partly as a tool to maintain
“religious harmony”. In another words, stability and religious
institutions were used to lend the regime some legitimacy.
Indeed, it succeeded in calming those communities, and
Indonesia was hailed as an example of religious harmony,
albeit a domestic one. But when freedom of expression
became available, the 1998 popular movement forced the
President to step down.
Abdurrahman Wahid, well-known as Gus Dur, is one
of the greatest Muslim intellectuals in Indonesia. He was
the fourth President of Indonesia and a past chairperson of
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), one of the largest independent Islamic
23
24
Ministry of Religious Affairs RI, 1980 (Jakarta), p. 45
Ibid p.45
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organizations in the world. Gus Dur served as chairperson from
1984-1999.
With a large membership, NU became extremely
powerful. Hence, Soeharto, the second President of Indonesia,
attempted to limit its powers by offering some benefits and
facilities to Gus Dur. It was not easy however, because Gus Dur
was personally an opponent of the government. In this regard,
he became one of the most powerful threats to Soeharto’s
authority. Repeatedly Soeharto tried to remove Gus Dur from
the top level of NU and replace him with a more cooperative
person, but these attempts always failed.
Gus Dur’s activities became more public. From 1991
to 1999, he served as head of Forum Demokrasi/Democracy
Forum (Fordem), a group that aimed to criticize government
policies. One of the problems that Gus Dur struggled with was
the government’s unequal treatment of minorities in Indonesia.
He became a defender of minority groups, particularly
Indonesian Chinese, Christians, and other groups. Gus Dur was
considered as an unusual Muslim because of his commitment
to pluralism and tolerance.25 For instance, when he became
president, he issued a policy about a new national holiday,
“Hari Raya Imlek/Chinese New Year Day”, from the Chinese
tradition. As a minority group in Indonesia, the Chinese were
pleased with this policy.
Liddle, William, “My Name is Abdurrahman Wahid”, see http://
www.psweb.sbs.ohio-state.edu/faculty/rwliddle/papers/http://
www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Biography/BiographyWahidAbd.htm
25
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179
What Gus Dur had done inspired NU youths to start
criticizing the government and its policies, demanding doors
to be opened to others, including non-Muslims and the left
wing. Besides learning the holy Qur’an, NU youths also explored
social sciences, the theology of freedom, and socialist thought
from Muslim intellectuals and postmodern authors. Ulil Abshar
Abdalla, the former chairman of Liberal Islam Network (JIL),
is an example of an NU-youth that was inspired to follow Gus
Dur’s moderate, tolerant, and liberal way of thinking.
In 1993, Gus Dur was honored with the Magsaysay
Award from the Philippine government for his effort to build
interreligious relationships in Indonesia. He was ranked twentyfourth in the 1996 Asiaweek listing of the fifty most powerful
people in Asia, with his power measured on the basis of his
chairmanship of the thirty-million-strong NU. He has been
described in the following terms: “a known champion of
religious tolerance and democratization, the most influential,
enigmatic, fascinating and yet also vulnerable political player
on the increasingly messy Indonesian political landscape.”26
Gus Dur’s commitment to the freedom of religion reflects from
his notion that “reducing religious freedom is a crime.”
The socio-cultural approach was used by Gus Dur in his
This is quoted from http://www.wisdom.psinet.net.au/~lani/
asia.html by Peter Ridell, 2001, Islam and the Malay-Indonesia World,
University of Hawai’I Press, p.250-251
26
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efforts to introduce Islamic values to society.27 This approach
gave priority to developing cultural means and insights and
was complemented by efforts to develop a societal system
suitable to these cultural insights. This approach stressed
cultural activities in the context of developing institutions, which
may support the gradual transformation of the social system
through evolution. Using this approach might facilitate the
entering of the “Islamic agenda” into the “national agenda”
inclusively without formalizing Islam. By using this substantial
approach, Gus Dur’s later idea on domesticating Islam as
an effort to implement Islam’s universal values in Indonesia’s
various cultures was proposed.
In this context, he viewed Islamic culture as only one
of the existing cultures in the nation. The Islamic culture was
regarded as only complementary to Indonesia’s cultures
as a whole. Based on this thought, the Islamic community is
expected to have a national awareness and Indonesia should
be developed based on this awareness. In short, NU within
the dialogue fosters religious harmony in promoting the state
of relations among religious communities based on tolerance,
mutual understanding, mutual respect, respect for equality
in the practice of their religion and cooperation in the life of
society, nation and state in Indonesia.
Imron Hamzah, Choirul Anam, (eds.), Gus Dur Diadili Kiai-Kiai,
(Surabaya: Jawa Pos, 1999), p. 21
27
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181
NU and Politic in Indonesia
As a religious organization NU has responded to politics
in Indonesia.28 Officially the involvement of NU in practical
politics was from 1953 to 1973.29 However, it does not mean
that NU’s political role was limited to that decade. In fact,
when NU became an important part of Masyumi, NU still
officially channel its political aspirations through the United
Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan). It is
also important for those periods.
At the 27th Congress in 1984 Khittah (principal of NU)
was officially backdated to 1926.30 It marked NU’s exit from
PPP and again a socio-religious organization established in
January 31, 1926. Included was the purpose of establishing
NU’s movements and others. The Khittah conversation with
NU was often associated with political affairs. Meanwhile,
NU 1926 Khittah coverage was basically just to explain NU’s
relationship with politics and also the basic things related to
the worship of Allah and society.
During the reform era, NU invited citizens to join the party
with the guidance of the Party’s National Awakening (PKB) NU.
All this simply means supporting NU’s struggle. The main thing
is that NU is jami’iyah (organizational group), an independent,
Einar Martahan Sitompul, NU and Pancasila: Sejarah dan
Peranan NU dalam Perjuangan Umat Islam di Indonesia dalam
rangka Penerimaan Pancasila sebagai Satu-Satunya Asas. 1st
edn.,(Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication, 2010),p.77
29
Ibid p.117
30
Ibid p.172
28
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not part of other organizations such as political organizations
and civil society organizations. However, in 2014, NU will be
tested with only two parties with cadres of NU from PKB and
PPP parties.
The political influence Kiai (NU Scholars Chaplain) on the
political changes in the traditional Javanese Islamic society
is still recognized by many politicians, given the patterns of
interactions and social norms that characterized rapport
with the community that has put Kiai as strategic elites to
influence the elements beneath. It is important to look beyond
appearances and pay attention to ideas, behavior and the
changing specifics of the social and political context.31
Therefore, various entities or interest groups will always
fight kiai and place it as a partner in carrying out political work
in both the local (micro scale) and national (macro scale)
levels. As part of a deliberate political strategy and imaging
tools or interests, roommates or scholars are grouped in such a
way as to influence the public perceptions, emotions, feelings,
awareness and opinion so that the public can be led to a
preference for certain political choices and decisions (political
seduction). In the approach to the scholars, the model of
bullying is taboo for politicians, because the system interacts
in a world that necessitates patron kiai to be a strong aspect
Greb Barton, Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorism and Radical Islamism
in Indonesia, 1st edn., (Australia; University of New South Wales Press,
2005), p.116
31
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183
of politeness patterned top-down.32 However, kiai in political
circles is expected to ferry the masses to vote for the parties
or politicians of certain interest groups. Kiai also functioned
as an interpreter of social political Islam from the grassroots
where political changes are closely related to or influenced
by political changes among scholars. The kiai politician
generally still believes that politics is the media’s alternative
struggle as a logical consequence of the view of Islam as a
religious movement.
Conclusion
NU fosters religious harmony in promoting the state of
relations among religious communities based on tolerance,
mutual understanding, mutual respect, respect for equality
in the practice of religion and cooperation in the life of
society, nation and state in Indonesia. NU argues that religious
tolerance can be implemented in a society where there
is mutual respect. NU believes that Pancasila with its five
principles is the real picture of a civil religion. To repeat, the
concept of moderate Islam that NU believes as rahmatan lil
‘alamin, is essentially an integral part of NU’s effort to become
the nation’s life support based on Pancasila. Religious
tolerance is especially important here in Indonesia since it has
Benedict Anderson’s formulation of the Javanese idea of
power and polity, which was originally published in 1972.52 In this
article Anderson outlines the way in which traditional notions of
power in Javanese culture are diametrically opposed to common
Western conceptions.
32
184
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a variety of religions, ethnics, languages and cultures. In brief,
NU is committed towards religious tolerance which leads to
religious cooperation, and that cooperation in turn produces
something good for the whole of society. This has become a
powerful witness to the vital importance of religious conviction
in Indonesia.
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