Academic Achievement 1
Running Head: ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT
Friendship Quality and Peer Attachment as Predictors of Adolescents' Subsequent Academic
Achievement
Elizabeth A. Spavins
Advisor: Joseph P. Allen
Second Reader: Nicholas D. Reppucci
Distinguished Majors Thesis
University of Virginia
May, 2007

Academic Achievement 2
Abstract
This study investigated the hypothesis that peer influences in adolescence, specifically friendship quality and peer attachment, predict improved academic achievement over time.
Participants included a diverse sample of 145 adolescents ( M age = 13.3 years). In support of the hypothesis, participants who reported greater levels of peer attachment at age 13 displayed improved academic achievement at age 17, controlling for academic achievement at age 13.
Greater levels of certain aspects of friendship quality, such as validation and caring, as reported by participants at age 13, also predicted greater academic achievement for participants at age 17.

Academic Achievement 3
Friendship Quality and Peer Attachment as Predictors of Adolescents' Subsequent Academic
Achievement
School and “school-related activities” occupy more than one-third of the “typical”
American student’s day (Larson & Verna, 1999, as cited in Steinberg, 2005, p. 200).
Beyond a commitment of time, school success is pivotal to outcomes later in life. Academic achievement predicts decreased juvenile delinquency (Chavez, Oetting, & Swaim, 1994), while educational attainment is correlated with increased future income (Murphy & Welch, 1995) and decreased substance use (Swaim, Beauvais, Chavez, Oetting, 1997). Thus, it is important to investigate what factors contribute to and detract from academic success for adolescents.
Peer influences and interactions are likely candidates for factors that are important in adolescents’ academic achievement. Previous research has found evidence for the importance of peer relations in a variety of areas of adolescent functioning. Allen, Porter, McFarland, Marsh, and McElhaney (2005) report that adolescents who were well-liked by many peers displayed higher levels of ego development and secure attachment, as well as better interactions with their mothers and best friends (p. 747). Popularity was also linked to “minor levels of…delinquency”
(p. 747) but less hostile behavior toward peers (Allen et al., 2005, p.757). Furthermore, adolescents’ susceptibility to peer pressure from their close friends predicted future responses to negative peer pressure, decreases in popularity, and increased depressive symptoms. Susceptible teens also rated themselves as less competent in their close friendships (Allen, Porter, &
McFarland, 2006).
Peer pressure susceptibility was also cross-sectionally correlated with deviant behavior and substance use, especially if a close friend had experimented (Allen et al., 2006).
According to Santor, Messervey, and Kusumakar (2000), peer pressure and peer conformity are better than popularity for predicting antisocial behavior such as substance abuse, delinquency,

Academic Achievement 4 and worse school achievement. Berndt (1979) finds that peer conformity increases from third grade until the ninth grade, at which point it begins to decline.
To be influenced by one’s peers does not uniformly predict negative outcomes, however.
Research has shown that the tendency to seek advice from peers over parents had no long-term consequences for early adolescents (Fuligni, Eccles, Barber, & Clements, 2001). In addition, attachment style influences the link between friendship and negative outcomes. Non-dismissing attachment style has been found to moderate the link between general friendship quality and a teen’s delinquency (McElhaney, Immele, Smith, & Allen, 2006). It has also been demonstrated that adolescents’ friends’ behaviors have positive correlates. Prinstein, Boergers, and Spirito
(2001) report that teens were less likely to demonstrate antisocial behaviors, specifically violence and substance use, when they had high proportions of friends who demonstrated prosocial behavior. Thus, depending on the adolescent, the characteristics of the relationship, and the extremeness of the susceptibility, teens may be differentially affected by their peers.
Due to the numerous findings of consequences of peer relationships, the characteristics of adolescent friendships have been studied from various angles. Variability in friendship and group status is normal (p. 1343), and friendships become more stable with age (Cairns, Leung,
Buchanan, & Cairns, 1995).
The finding of friendship variability implicates that at earlier ages, adolescents may have multiple salient friendships. As a result, studying friendships in general in addition to studying one specific friendship may reveal more information about peer influences.
For both specific friendships and friends in general, further research needs to be done to determine whether these early friendships, although shifting, have long-lasting impacts. Such research would complement existing research on adolescent friendships, which does not examine the effects of friendship over significant spans of time.

Academic Achievement 5
Dishion found that one-on-one friendships between antisocial adolescent boys were characterized by low quality and satisfaction and the presence of coercive behavior. These findings did not suggest that such friendships were characterized by a lack of positive behavior
(Dishion, Andrews, & Crosby, 1995). It is plausible that the presence of these negative friendship factors has a negative impact on overall adolescent functioning. Further research is needed to examine the link between friendship qualities and areas of functioning that may suffer as a result of antisocial behavior, such as academic functioning. Previous research has found homophily, the inclination to associate with similar people, characterizes adolescent relationships, specifically in elements of antisocial behavior such as delinquency (Chavez et al.,
1994) and drug use (Kandel, 1978). Homophily in adolescent friendships may apply to other domains of behavior as well, such as academic success. Academic achievement is a likely candidate for similarity to one’s friends given that most adolescents attend school with their peers.
Beyond their relationships with these others areas of adolescent functioning, peer influences have been shown to predict academic functioning in adolescence. One avenue in which research in the field of peer relations and academic achievement has been conducted has been the effect of peer orientation on academic achievement. Evidence shows that peer orientation may have an effect on academic achievement at the farthest end of the spectrum.
Extreme orientation toward peers, involving willingness to ignore parents’ rules, schoolwork, and one’s own skills for the sake of popularity, has been linked to greater problem behavior in seventh, tenth, and twelfth grade and lower academic achievement in seventh and tenth grade
(Fuligni et al., 2001). The same study found evidence of homophily in antisocial behavior, in that the proportion of an adolescent’s friends who drank alcohol, used drugs, and skipped class was a

Academic Achievement 6 strong predictor of problem behavior and weaker predictor of academic achievement. However, the proportion of a teen’s friends with academic orientation was not predictive on its own of academic achievement (Fuligni et al.). This could be evidence for a lack of peer influence on academic achievement, or for a need to investigate other aspects of friendships beyond similarity in academic success. Fuligni et al.’s research primarily focused on the effect of negative aspects of an early adolescent’s friendships on academic achievement. Friendships in adolescence are not only characterized by negative aspects, however. Further research is needed on the positive aspects of friendship and their effects on academic achievement.
The relationship between group norms and academic success has also been investigated.
Chen, Chang, and He (2003) examined the association between peer factors and academic achievement of Chinese children. Peer groups of Chinese children are known to be homogenous with respect to academic achievement, thus the goal of the investigation was to determine the role of these group-wide characteristics, if any, in the academic and social success of individuals within the group. The results showed that teens’ academic achievement was positively associated with popularity, measured by sociometric nominations. Group norms for academics played the role of mediator between social success and academic achievement (Chen et al., p.722). Wentzel and Caldwell (1997) also found that group membership was a predictor of grades over time in a sample of early adolescents. These results are encouraging because they provide evidence of peer influence bolstering positive teen outcomes, namely school success. These results do not go so far as to determine the mechanism by which group norms incite this effect.
The influence of peer relations on academic achievement appears equally strong across both genders. Chen et al. (2003) found no gender effects on the relationship between academic achievement and social functioning. Similarly, Fuligni et al. (2001) found no gender variation in

Academic Achievement 7 the long-term effects of extreme peer orientation. Peer influences on academic achievement thus may not differ significantly by gender.
Chen et al. (2003) found that academic achievement-oriented groups were more socially adaptive, meaning prosocial behavior was encouraged along with academic performance in these groups. The opposite was true in groups that were lower in academic achievement. In these groups, negative behavior and low achievement were endorsed (Chen et al., p. 722).
This link between prosocial behavior, academic achievement, and peer success has been examined further.
Wentzel (1991) found that for early adolescents, socially responsible behavior predicted both academic achievement and social abilities. In a later study, Wentzel and Caldwell (1997) found that those aspects of friendships that were related to academic achievement were connected by the common basis of prosocial behavior. These findings point to one specific antecedent of academic and peer success.
Research concerning the impact of peer orientation and group norms on adolescents is one lens with which to examine peer relationships. From a different angle, previous research has investigated the impact of peer rejection on academic achievement. Research shows that peer rejection at all points of time (both recent and in the past) has negative effects on school attendance, as well as externalizing and internalizing behavior problems (DeRosier, Kupersmidt,
& Patterson, 1994). This finding supports the idea that one’s peers are salient in academic success because they are ever-present during instructional and testing time. Peer rejection could cause a fear of participating in class or general dread of school, both of which would impede academic success. Further, peer rejection need not be recent to be harmful (DeRosier et al.).
Complementing these findings that peer influence can have negative academic effects, the

Academic Achievement 8 current research aims to uncover the relationship between positive peer effects and academic success.
Interestingly, adolescents neglected by their peers have a different outcome than adolescents rejected by their peers. Wentzel and Asher (1995) find that socially neglected early adolescents may fare better than average in terms of academic achievement. This finding highlights the importance of further breaking down the elements of adolescent friendships to determine which are salient to academic success. If peer rejection can prevent a student from wanting to go to school, and peer neglect does not cause academic failure, then it should be investigated whether positive peer relationships can compel students toward academic achievement.
Previous research has uncovered a variety of connections between peer factors and academic achievement. The current research investigates several other peer factors hypothesized to impact academic success. Previous research has maintained a broad focus by focusing on general friendship status and peer acceptance levels. The current research examines individual teen’s reports of attachment to friends and qualities of close friendship dyads. Assessing adolescents’ views of their friendships is important because these views target more closely what is perceived by the adolescent as the quality of their friendships overall. Previous research has demonstrated the importance of friendship groups in antisocial behavior conformity (Berndt,
1979) and cigarette use (Urberg, Degirmencioglu, & Pilgrim, 1997). This research will investigate the role of several qualities of friendships in general on academic achievement.
Close friendships may matter even more than friendships in general when predicting adolescent academic achievement. Adolescents have different relationships and interactions with their closest friends than with their group of friends in general. Thus, factors in the closest

Academic Achievement 9 friendship may be more salient to adolescent functioning overall, or may impact the adolescent in different ways than friends in general. The differential influence of the closest friend versus the friendship group is supported in the literature. Urberg et al. (1997) found closest friends influence adolescents in different ways than teens’ friendship groups in terms of cigarette smoking and alcohol use. Urberg et al. also posited that academic achievement is a more
“sensitive” respondent to friendships than substance use. Based on these findings and logic, it is important to investigate the possibly differential effects of the friendship group and closest peer on academic achievement.
Evidence in these closest friendships of prosocial behavior characteristics linking individuals to positive academic achievement would also support and extend previous research of Wentzel and Caldwell (1997). Beyond the hypothesis of prosocial behavior linking peer success with academic success, the examination of close friendships may elucidate more factors that bring about academic success. One’s close friendships may be more important than overall peer status in academic functioning, and may link academic achievement to peer success in different ways than general popularity does. It is important to investigate both types of friendships so that these effects are not inappropriately lumped together and can be most clearly understood.
The current research seeks to answer several questions regarding peer effects and academic achievement. One aim of this study is to assess peer influences on adolescent academic achievement during more of this critical developmental period. Although early adolescence is an important time period for examining peer effects, it is not sufficient. The current research assesses participants’ academic achievement over the course of five years, because it is also important to examine impact over time. Little research has been conducted to determine whether

Academic Achievement 10 specific peer factors in early adolescence affect academic outcomes beyond two years. If a causal relationship is to be inferred, results beyond a short length of time must be found. Without such evidence, it is difficult to determine whether the effect of friendships on academic achievement is a temporary phenomenon that only holds in early adolescence or a more persistent relationship. Longitudinal evidence of the effects of early friendship elements on later academic achievement would strongly support the overall argument that peer factors are important for academic success.
Other studies measured peer acceptance using sociometric nominations to assess objective peer acceptance. However, many aspects of friendship quality are personal and thus perhaps better measured subjectively. The use of teens’ self-report of friendship quality is thus an important departure from the previous literature. The current research seeks to determine what self-report friendship qualities are those elements of adolescent friendship that determine academic success.
Based on these previous findings, teens with better friendships are expected to have better academic outcomes over time. First, it is expected that higher levels of peer attachment will predict higher levels of academic achievement over time. Second, it is expected that higher levels of friendship quality with the close friend will also predict higher levels of academic achievement over time. These specific links have not been previously assessed, and are important to consider if the complex relationship between peer influence and academic achievement is to be understood. In conducting this research, interactions between gender and peer effects on academic success will also be investigated. It is hypothesized that there will be no effects of gender on the relationship between peer factors and academic achievement.

Academic Achievement 11
Method
Participants
Participants in this study were part of a larger longitudinal investigation of adolescent development in familial and peer contexts. Participants included 145 seventh, eighth, and ninth graders who had baseline data available for academic achievement at age 13 ( M age = 13.3, SD =
0.62). The sample was racially and socioeconomically diverse. Of the participants included, 88 identified themselves as Caucasian (61%), 41 as African American (29%), and sixteen as being from other ethnic groups (10%). Adolescents’ parents reported a median family income in the
$40,000 – $59,999 range.
Participants nominated their closest same-gender friend to be included in the study each year. Close friends were defined as, “people you know well, spend time with and who you talk to about things that happen in your life.” In all cases, adolescents were able to name at least one close friend using these criteria. Participants completed measures about their relationship with this close friend. The mean age of close friends was 13.4 years ( SD = 0.85). Of the close peers who reported gender, 69 were male (48%) and 74 were female (52%). The self-identified racial background of the close friends was 63% Caucasian (89 participants), 29% African-American
(41 participants), and 8% from other ethnic groups (12 participants). Close friends reported that they had known the adolescents for an average of 4.1
years ( SD = 2.93) at age 13.
Formal attrition analyses revealed differences between adolescents who did versus did not have data for academic achievement at age 17. Adolescents who did have academic achievement data at age 17 differed from those who did not have these data in age, family income, level of academic achievement at age 13, and minority status. Participants who did not have academic achievement data at age 17 were older, had lower median family incomes, lower

Academic Achievement 12 levels of academic achievement at age 13, and were more likely to be minorities than participants who did have these data at age 17. Adolescents who did versus did not have academic achievement data at age 17 did not differ in gender.
Adolescents were recruited from the seventh and eighth grades at a public middle school drawing from both suburban and urban neighborhoods in the Southeastern United States. One cohort of eighth graders was included, and two different cohorts of seventh graders were included in successive years. The school was part of a system in which students had been together as an intact group since fifth grade. Students were recruited through an initial mailing to all parents of students in the school along with follow-up contact efforts at school lunches.
Adolescents who indicated they were interested in the study were contacted by telephone. Of all students eligible for participation, 63% agreed to participate either as target participants or as peers providing collateral information. Adolescents provided informed assent and their parents provided informed consent before each interview session. Interviews took place in private offices within a university academic building.
Procedure
Study participants were assured that all information would be kept confidential and that their parents would not be informed of their answers. Data were protected by a confidentiality certificate issued by the United States Department of Health and Human Services, which protected information from subpoena by federal, state, and local courts. Transportation and child care were provided if necessary.
Measures
Peer Attachment (Age 13). The Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA;
Armsden & Greenberg, 1987) was used to measure adolescents’ perceptions of their friendships

Academic Achievement 13 at age 13. Participants rated 25 items relating to the level of trust, communication, and alienation with their friends on a 5-point Likert scale. Sample items included: “My friend accepts me as I am” (trust); “My friend helps me talk about difficulties” (communication); and “My friend understands me” (alienation). The responses were summed (reversing the alienation items) to create the adolescent’s total attachment to friends score. Cronbach’s alphas measuring internal consistency for the three subscales were .91, .88, and .86, respectively, and .92 for the composite, or total attachment, score. This questionnaire has been shown to have good test-retest reliability and has been related to other measures of family environment and teenagers’ psychological functioning (Armsden & Greenberg, 1987).
Friendship Quality (Age 13).
The Friendship Quality Questionnaire (FQQ; Parker &
Asher, 1993) was used to measure adolescents’ perceptions of the quality of their friendship with their closest friend at age 13.
Participants rated 40 items measuring six different domains of their relationship with their closest friend on a 5-point Likert scale. The validation and caring subscale, hereafter referred to as validation, measured caring qualities of a friendship, and had 10 items. The conflict resolution subscale measured aspects of the friendship related to solving problems, and had 3 items. The conflict and betrayal subscale measured how much disagreement took place in the friendship, and had 7 items. The help and guidance subscale assessed how much the dyad helped one another, and had 9 items. The companionship and recreation subscale assessed the activities the friends did together, and had 5 items. The intimate exchange subscale measured disclosure between the participant and close peer, and had 6 items. Sample items from each domain included: “We make each other feel important and special” (validation); “We talk about how to get over being mad at each other” (conflict resolution); “We fight a lot” (conflict and betrayal); “We help each other with school work a lot” (help and guidance); “We go to each

Academic Achievement 14 others’ houses” (companionship and recreation); and “We tell each other private things”
(intimate exchange). Cronbach’s alphas measuring internal consistency for the six subscales were .90, .73, .84, 0.90, 0.75, and 0.86, respectively.
Academic Achievement (Ages 13 through 17).
An annual, weighted grade point average
(GPA) was used to measure participants’ academic achievement. This average was calculated at each grade level using scholastic records from the participants’ high schools. The initial rating scale was zero to four points per class, with a grade of A worth four points, a B worth three points, a C worth two points, a D worth one point, and an F worth zero points. Adjustments were made in the calculations depending on course level. Advanced or honors courses were worth one extra point; applied or special courses were worth half a point less; failed courses were factored in as worth zero points. Grades were also adjusted so the number of credits awarded by the school for each course was taken into consideration. Thus, one semester-long course was worth half as much as one full-year course. All classes taken, electives and core subjects such as
English, math, and social studies, were included in the GPA calculation.
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Means and standard deviations for all demographic factors and variables examined in this study are presented in Tables 1 and 2. Initial analyses examined the role of gender and family income on the primary measures. Family income had a slight correlation with primary measures in the study in several instances. As a result, family income was entered into analyses whenever it was significantly related to any other variable in the analysis. Because adolescent-peer groupings were automatically segregated by gender (participants could only bring in samegender friends), gender was entered routinely as a covariate in all analyses. Possible moderating

Academic Achievement 15 effects of all of these demographic factors on each of the relationships described in the primary analyses below were also examined. No such moderating effects were found beyond what would be expected by chance.
Table 1
Demographic Variables for Target Teenagers and Peers
Teenagers
Age (in years)
Mean
SD
Gender
Male
Female
Race/Ethnicity
Caucasian
African American
Other
13.319
.62
70 (48.3%)
75 (51.7%)
88 (60.7%)
41 (28.3%)
16 (11.0%)
Peers
13.413
0.85
69 (48.3%)
74 (51.8%)
89 (62.7%)
41 (28.9%)
12 (8.4%)

Table 2
Means and Standard Deviations of Primary Measures
M SD
IPPA
Trust
Communication
Alienation
Total Attachment
FQQ
43.19
31.44
13.66
103.0 13.63
6.23
5.78
4.22
Conflict & Betrayal
Validation & Caring
3.74
Help & Guidance 32.51 7.08
Conflict Resolution
Intimate Exchange
11.4 2.76
18.27 4.88
Companionship & Recreation 19.93 3.93
Academic Achievement
GPA age 13 3.00 0.72
GPA age 14
GPA age 15
-25.17
40.50 6.69
2.86
2.66
0.92
1.16
GPA age 16
GPA age 17
2.97
3.13
1.10
1.09
Academic Achievement 16

Academic Achievement 17
Correlational Analyses
For descriptive purposes, Tables 3, 4, and 5 present simple correlations among all primary constructs. These analyses indicate numerous simple correlations between elements of adolescents’ friendships and academic achievement, which are explored further in the next section. These analyses also indicate that the elements of adolescents’ friendships being considered are moderately highly correlated, and thus provide measures of different aspects of the same broad construct of friendship quality.
Table 3
Perception of Attachment to Peers as Measured by the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment
Correlated with Scholastic Achievement
Peer
Attachment
GPA
Age 13
Trust 0.30***
GPA
Age 14
0.35***
Communication
Alienation
Total
Attachment
0.27**
-0.20*
0.32***
0.28***
-0.18*
0.34***
GPA
Age 15
0.29***
0.26**
-0.15+
0.29***
GPA
Age 16
-0.10
0.35***
0.34***
0.33***
GPA
Age 15
0.54***
0.51***
-0.20+
0.52***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
Note: N’s vary by year, for age 13: 145; age 14: 140; age 15: 131; age 16: 117; age 17: 90.

Academic Achievement 18
Table 4
Friendship Quality as Measured by the Friendship Quality Questionnaire Correlated with
Scholastic Achievement
Friendship
Quality
GPA
Age 13
GPA
Age 14
GPA
Age 15
GPA
Age 16
GPA
Age 17
Companionship and Recreation
Conflict
Resolution
Help and
Guidance
Intimate
Exchange
0.20*
0.11
0.22**
0.27***
0.18*
0.17*
0.19*
0.20*
0.30***
0.17*
0.20*
0.26**
0.29**
0.19*
0.25**
0.32***
0.32**
0.30**
0.38***
0.39***
Conflict and
Betrayal -0.28*** -0.31*** -0.27** -0.25** -0.37***
Validation 0.25** 0.35***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
0.35*** 0.36*** 0.50***
Note: N’s vary by year, for age 13: 145; age 14: 140; age 15: 131; age 16: 117; age 17: 90.

Academic Achievement 19
Table 5
Univariate Correlations Among Predictors
2 3
1. Trust
2. Communication
3. Alienation
4. Total
4 5 6 7 8 9 10
0.79*** -0.47*** 0.94*** 0.36*** 0.41*** 0.53*** 0.49*** 0.51*** 0.63***
– -0.30*** 0.88*** 0.45*** 0.48*** 0.64*** 0.67*** 0.46*** 0.66***
–
-0.65***
–
-0.19* -0.18*
0.41*** 0.45***
-0.23**
0.58***
-0.19*
0.57***
0.35*** -0.31***
0.54*** 0.66***
Attachment
5. Companionship
6. Conflict
Resolution
–
0.44***
–
0.67***
0.62***
–
0.63***
0.44***
0.69***
0.19* 0.56***
0.38*** 0.66***
0.35*** 0.74*** 7. Help and
Guidance
8. Intimate
Exchange
–
0.30*** 0.63***
–
0.52*** 9. Conflict and
Betrayal
10. Validation and
Caring
–
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N = 145

Primary analyses
Hypothesis 1 : Higher levels of peer attachment will be linked to higher levels of academic achievement over time.
Analyses first examined the relation of peer attachment to adolescents’ academic achievement. To address this hypothesis, a series of hierarchical linear regression analyses were performed. In each analysis, one subscale of peer attachment was regressed onto academic achievement, after first accounting for the effects of adolescent gender, family income level, and academic achievement at age 13. Academic achievement at age 13 was highly correlated with academic achievement at age 17. In order to calculate relative change over time of participants’ academic achievement, a baseline measure of academic success was needed. Given the high correlation between academic achievement at ages 13 and 17, age 13 achievement was used as this baseline measure to gauge change in academic achievement over time.
Table 6 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from trust of friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of trust were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Trust of friends in general was positively related to academic achievement five years later.
Table 7 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from communication with friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of communication were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Communication with friends in general was positively related to academic achievement five years later.

Table 6
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Trust of Friends at Age 13
β entry
β final Δ R 2
Total R
2
Step 1. Income
Gender
Statistics from step
Step 2. GPA at age 13
Step 3. Trust of friends at age 13
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
.57***
.13
.63***
.18*
.19*
.08
.57***
.18*
.33***
.29***
.02*
.33***
.62***
.64***
Table 7
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Communication with Friends at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R 2
Total R
2
.57*** .20* Step 1. Income
Gender
Statistics from step
.13 .05
.33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63***
Step 3. Communication with friends at age 13 .18*
.57***
.18*
.29***
.02*
.33***
.62***
.64***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89

Table 8 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from alienation from friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of alienation were associated with lower levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Alienation from friends in general was negatively related to academic achievement five years later.
Table 8
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Alienation from Friends at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R 2
Total R
2
Step 1. Income
Gender
Statistics from step
Step 2. GPA at age 13
Step 3. Alienation from friends at age 13
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
.57***
.13
.63***
-.12+
.21**
.10
.63***
-.12+
.33***
.29***
.01+
Table 9 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from total
.33***
.62***
.63*** attachment to friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of total attachment were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Total attachment to friends in general was positively related to academic achievement five years later.

Table 9
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Total Attachment to Friends at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R 2
Total R
2
Step 1. Income
Gender
Statistics from
Step 2. GPA at age 13 step
.57***
.13
.63***
.18*
.06
.57***
.33***
.29***
.33***
.62***
.64*** Step 3. Total Attachment to friends at age 13 .20*
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
.20* .02*
N=89
Hypothesis 2 : Higher levels of friendship quality with the close peer will be linked to higher levels of academic achievement over time.
Next, analyses examined the relation of friendship quality to level of academic achievement. As with the previous hypothesis, a series of hierarchical linear regression analyses were performed. Each subscale of the friendship quality assessment was regressed onto academic achievement, after accounting for the effects of adolescent gender, family income level, and academic achievement at age 13.
Table 10 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from help and guidance with the close peer at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of help and guidance were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Help and guidance with the close friend was positively related to academic achievement five years later.

Table 10
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Help and Guidance with Close Peer at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R 2
Total R
2
Step 1. Income
Gender
Statistics from step
Step 2. GPA at age 13
Step 3. Help and Guidance with close peer at
.57***
.13
.63***
.19*
.06
.61***
.33***
.29***
.33***
.62***
age 13
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
.16* .16* .02* .64***
Table 11 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from validation with the close peer at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of validation were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Validation with the close friend was positively related to academic achievement five years later.
Table 12 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from conflict and betrayal with the close peer at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of conflict and betrayal were associated with lower levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Conflict and betrayal with the close friend was negatively related to academic achievement five years later.

Table 11
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Validation with Close Peer at age 13
β entry β final Δ R 2
Total R
2
Step 1. Income
Gender
Statistics from step
Step 2. GPA at age 13
.56***
.13
.63***
Step 3. Validation with close peer at age 13 .22**
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=88
Table 12
.16
.06
.59***
.22**
.33***
.29***
.03**
.33***
.62***
.65***
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Conflict and Betrayal with Close Peer at age 13
β entry β final Δ R 2
Total R
2
.57*** .23** Step 1. Income
Gender .13 .10
Statistics from step
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .59***
.33***
.29***
.33***
.62***
Step 3. Conflict and Betrayal with close peer
at age 13
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
-.14* -.14* .01* .63***

Lower levels of conflict resolution within the friendship with the close peer were predictive of improved academic achievement at age 17 when controlling for gender and family income. However, the relationship was no longer significant when controlling for academic achievement at age 13. Conflict resolution with the close friend was negatively related to academic achievement five years later, but not when baseline academic achievement was controlled for.
Higher levels of intimate exchange within the friendship with the close peer were predictive of improved academic achievement at age 17 when controlling for gender and family income. However, the relationship was no longer significant when controlling for academic achievement at age 13. Intimate exchange with the close friend was positively related to academic achievement five years later, but not when baseline academic achievement was controlled for.
Higher levels of companionship and recreation within the friendship with the close peer were predictive of improved academic achievement at age 17 when controlling for gender and family income. However, the relationship was no longer significant when controlling for academic achievement at age 13. Companionship and recreation with the close friend was positively related to academic achievement five years later, but not when baseline academic achievement was controlled for.
Hypothesis 3 : Conjoint prediction of academic achievement at age 17 from friendship quality and peer attachment predictors at age 13.
Table 13 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from total attachment to peers at age 13 and all six measures of friendship quality with the close peer at age
13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of validation were associated with higher

levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement and all friendship factors. Validation with the close friend was positively related to academic achievement five years later.
Table 13
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Friendship Factors at Age 13
Step 1. Income
Gender
Statistics from step
β entry β final Δ R 2 Total R 2
.57*** .14
.12 .09
.33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13
Step 3. Total Attachment to friends
.64***
.19*
Validation with close peer
Companionship with close peer
.19*
-.06
Conflict Resolution with close peer -.06
.62***
.04
.28*
.01
-.09
.29***
Help and Guidance with close peer .08
Intimate Exchange with close peer -.15
Conflict and Betrayal with close peer -.02
Statistics from step
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=86
.09
-.16
-.02
.06+
.33***
.62***
.68***

Discussion
This study found that adolescent friendship factors were predictive of relative changes in adolescents’ levels of academic achievement over time. Attachment to peers in general was predictive of adolescents’ academic achievement. In addition, aspects of friendship quality with adolescents’ close friends were predictive of relative changes in levels of academic achievement over time. These findings indicate that adolescent friendships may be an important factor in understanding factors that contribute to academic achievement.
One potential explanation of the association between friendship factors and academic achievement over time is that better friendships improve grades by making school more enjoyable and worthwhile. This finding is complementary to research showing that peer rejection has been related to decreased school attendance (DeRosier et al., 1994). Friendship factors could improve school performance in a number of ways. One possibility is that the presence of positive friendships could enhance the overall atmosphere of school and thus encourage more school involvement and higher levels of academic achievement.
In addition, specific aspects of friendships may act individually to improve school performance. Adolescents who experience higher levels of validation with their friends could receive more positive feedback from friends for class participation and school success, and thus have greater academic achievement. Friendships which allow for communication and provide help and guidance may support teens in their efforts to excel at homework and class-work.
Higher levels of trust in friendships could lead students to want to come to school more, and be less afraid to participate in class. Lower levels of conflict and alienation would serve as less of a distraction from academics than friendships with higher levels of conflict (Wentzel & Caldwell,
1997).

The results of this study also suggest that certain aspects of friendships may be less related to academics and school, and thus are less strongly related to academic achievement.
Intimate exchange with friends is a quality of friendship more likely to manifest itself outside of a school setting, and intimate exchange was not strongly related to academic achievement when accounting for baseline academic achievement. The content of what private information friends share with one another may also largely not be related to academics. Conflict resolution is another friendship factor less strongly related to academic achievement. One possible explanation for the lack of predictive value of conflict resolution is that it is likely to be practiced outside of school and focused on non-academic issues. Another explanation is that, within the close friendship, conflict resolution abilities may be less important for academic achievement than whether there is a large amount of conflict in the friendship overall. If friendships are comprised of higher levels of conflict, this could be sufficiently distracting from an adolescent’s academic demands that levels of conflict resolution would not become a protective factor. At the same time, conflict resolution may not be a salient aspect of friendships if those friendships are characterized by lower levels of conflict.
Companionship and recreation are two other aspects of friendship which are not as strongly related to academic achievement. One possible explanation for the lack of predictive value of companionship and recreation is that higher levels of companionship and recreation in friendship serve as a distraction from academics (Wentzel & Caldwell, 1997). Another possible explanation for the lack of predictive value of companionship and recreation is that the positive aspects of a friendship are not equally salient. Merely spending time together with friends was not related to higher levels of school performance, while other factors, such as validation, were strongly correlated with academic achievement. This could be because a higher level of

companionship within a friendship does not reflect any component of the friendship specifically related to support or encouragement. This link may be critical in the association between friendship and academic achievement.
Another possible explanation for the link between significant elements of adolescent friendships and academic achievement is prosocial behavior. Wentzel and Caldwell (1997) have found support for this relationship between teens’ own tendencies to behave in prosocial ways and their social and academic abilities in a sample of early adolescents. Higher levels of validation, help, guidance, trust, and communication, as well as lower levels of conflict, betrayal, and alienation are all friendship factors that were predictive of subsequent academic achievement in the current research, and could all be described as prosocial behaviors. One interpretation of this link is that the specifically prosocial elements of a friendship are the most significant in promoting academic achievement. Another possible explanation is that adolescents with prosocial abilities bring these skills to their friendships, and that these friendships improve the school environment and bolster school success. It is also possible that adolescents belong to peer groups that encourage both academic achievement and prosocial behavior as acceptable norms, similar to the findings of Chen et al. (2003).
Intimate exchange, conflict resolution, companionship, and recreation were friendship factors not significantly correlated with academic achievement. One possible explanation is that these friendship qualities are less related to an important element of prosocial behavior, such as interpersonal support, than validation, help, guidance, conflict, betrayal, trust, communication, and alienation, which were significantly correlated with academic achievement. It may be that an element of prosocial behavior such as interpersonal support is responsible for the relationship between friendship qualities and academic achievement, and therefore friendship qualities that

do not involve interpersonal support would not be as strongly correlated with academic achievement. It is also possible that intimate exchange, conflict resolution, companionship, and recreation were modestly related to academic achievement, but the relationship was not detected in this sample due to power limitations.
An alternative explanation is that two groups exist in the sample. One group is comprised of adolescents with consistently high levels of social and academic skills who thus display higher levels of friendship quality, peer attachment, and academic achievement. The other is a group of teens with persistently low levels of friendship quality and academic achievement. The existence of these two groups would create the relationship revealed in the current research between friendship factors and academic achievement. It is possible that friendship quality and peer attachment correlate with academic achievement in this way. Future research should examine this possibility. The results of this study predicted relative change in academic achievement over time, accounting for baseline levels of academic achievement. This makes it less likely that the current findings are simply a reflection of the presence of two distinct groups of adolescents with stable academic and social capabilities over time.
A further possibility, however, is that some external factor at age 13, for example, family conflict or parental divorce, both affected adolescent peer relationships and increased the likelihood of relative decreases in academic performance over time. Only experimental research would be able to completely rule out such alternative explanations. Future research examining these alternative factors directly would be useful in addressing this possibility
.
Multiple interpretations exist for the manner in which friendship factors and peer attachment relate to academic achievement. Each interpretation suggests that the overall quality of early friendships is significant for adolescent functioning. Thus, despite research showing that

friendships are fluid in early adolescence (DeRosier et al., 1994), early adolescence is potentially an important developmental period in which to study long-term peer effects. Future research could investigate at what point in early adolescence friendship factors matter most for concurrent and future outcomes such as academic success, externalizing behaviors, and substance use.
This study also supports the many findings demonstrating the importance of peer factors in adolescent development (Allen et al., 2005; Santor et al., 2000; Urberg et al., 1997). The current research may also be evidence of positive peer influences in adolescence. Positive peer effects on academic achievement are important for school and parent-understanding of adolescent development. The many facets of peer relations in adolescence are critical in school programs ranging from ability-tracking to behavioral interventions. Future research could investigate what specific areas of peer interaction are best used in effective interventions
(Wentzel & Caldwell, 1997). Additionally, future research could look into what friendship qualities are most instrumental in affecting academic achievement and by what mechanisms such qualities operate.
The results of this study are important because they reveal a relationship between friendship factors and an influential marker in adolescents’ lives, academic achievement. The results also point to the fact that there exists a multitude of additional school outcome variables that are of importance and interest. Future research should investigate the relationship between friendship quality and school motivation, self-efficacy toward school, and pursuit of higher education to capture fully the effects of peers on academic life.
The current research possessed several limitations which are important in understanding these results. First, moderately high correlations exist between predictor variables. This indicates that the predictor variables may not measure distinct aspects of friendship quality and peer

attachment. As a result, it may only be possible to interpret the results of this study as relating academic achievement to friendship quality and peer attachment in general, not to any specific component of friendship.
In addition, when all of the predictor variables are accounted for together, the only measure still significant is validation. Due to the high correlations between the variables, it is not surprising that they would largely overlap when accounted for together. It follows that these results are not able to discern which elements of friendships are more important than others. The possible exception is validation within the close friendship, which alone remained significant in the model. It is possible that validation is the most salient friendship factor that is associated with academic achievement. Future research could pursue this question by using friendship factors less highly correlated with one another to predict academic achievement. An additional option for future research could be to use information about friendship quality and peer attachment from multiple reporters, such as an adolescent’s closest friends and classmates. Such investigations might reveal more about which peer factors are most important for school success.
A second limitation of this study was the decrease in number of participants over time.
Participants dropping out of high school may account for some of this decrease. This limits the generalizability of the current findings because participants are not likely to drop out of high school at random. Those students with the lowest levels of academic achievement are more likely to drop out. These students thus cannot be included in the sample because no outcome variable data is available for them. The current pool of participants is not entirely representative of an adolescent population, because those students with the lowest levels of academic achievement have been excluded. In addition, due to difficulty obtaining academic achievement information from participants who matriculated out of the target high school via transfer to a new

school, detention at a juvenile correction facility, or other situations, the sample size decreased following collection of data at age thirteen. Future research should focus on participant follow-up so that as much academic achievement data can be obtained as possible. Obtaining more detailed records from all institutions of learning is also important for future research so that grades from different schools’ records can be appropriately interpreted.
A third limitation is that, although these data provide longitudinal evidence of a relationship between adolescent friendship factors and academic achievement, they cannot provide evidence of a causal relationship. It is possible that peer attachment and friendship quality in early adolescence cause improved academic achievement in later adolescence. These results may also indicate that peer attachment and friendship quality are correlated with academic achievement, but higher levels of both are caused by a third factor such as an adolescent’s prosocial ability. Further research should seek to uncover the mechanism of the relationship and its ramifications for adolescent academic achievement.
The study of factors that correlate with and could impact adolescent academic achievement is a valuable pursuit. Academic achievement is an influential societal signal, and becomes especially important in late adolescence, when the transition to higher education traditionally takes place. The current findings show that friendship quality and peer attachment in early adolescence are predictive of relative changes in levels of academic achievement over time.
Beyond family income and previous levels of academic achievement, friendship factors add another piece of information to what is currently understood about predicting academic achievement in late adolescence. This finding is significant in drawing up a complete picture of an important aspect of adolescent development. Understanding what social and psychological

influences are most salient to improving academic achievement is significant for students, parents, educators, and the economy as a whole.

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