Karen McMenamin
Submission to the Joint Committee on the Constitution
To propose a massive change to a country’s voting system would take a lot of hard
work and effort on the behalf of a very strong and committed committee. I have read a
number of readings relating to this topic and to come up with suggestions on how our
electoral system could be altered for the better or a complete radical change of the
whole system that currently exists. PR-STV has been in practice in Ireland sine 1911
(Gallagher, 2007). The people of Ireland have voted on two occasions to reject any
change to the voting system that currently exists within the country. The single –
member plurality system has been put to the electorate twice and it is under sever
criticism in United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand where it is currently practiced
(Gallagher, 2007). While I do not think that any radical change would be appropriate
as the people have already made their feelings known about this, small changes would
probably be the best solution to correct any minor flaws that are already there.
A method of insuring a fair chance of being chosen in an election is using the Robson
Rotation (Coakley & Gallagher, 2005). This method produces different sets of ballot
papers with the names of the candidates in a randomised order. The effect of having
the names in alphabetical order was seen in the election of the 29th Dáil in 2002 when
no fewer than 40 of the 166 TDs elected had surnames beginning with the letters A,
B, C. (Coakley et al. p. 131). This problem can be counteracted with the introduction
of the Robson Rotation method. This would eliminate the advantage candidates have
with the donkey voter (those who choose the candidate in the order they are listed).
This would help other candidates going for election to be allowed a fairer chance at
being elected than those whose names appear at the top of the ballot paper.
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PR-STV allows for brokerage to occur within the constituency. This according to
some articles allows for the government to be weak as all TDs are focussing more on
gaining some social credit in terms of what they can do for their constituents leaving
less time for them to concentrate on their duties in hand and why they were put their
in the first place. The intra party dynamics then are questioned. When supposed to be
showing a sign of solidarity in the run up to an election candidates within different
parties have to compete against each other whilst also trying to outdo one another by
seeing who can do the best for their constituents. According to Sinnott (2005)
candidates within parties, “compete on the basis of service to their constituents” (p.
121). While some might argue that they should be working for the local as they are
the people who put them their in the first place does this really justify ignoring
problems that are present at a national level? Those politicians who seem to have a
‘pull’ have to continuously work to maintain their credibility to ensure they get a seat
in the next election. According to Coleman (2009) he thinks it would be crazy for
Gordon Brown or Barack Obama having to worry about a regional hospital impacting
on their ability to retain a seat in government. This allows for candidates who have
been present in an area for quite some time to excel in general elections and retain
their seat while not giving those candidates just starting of perhaps a fair chance in
running for a seat within a constituency. However it leaves those who are deemed
elected preoccupied with local issues so their credibility within an area can be upheld.
This leaves a lot to be desired within the system when politicians are re-elected on the
basis of ‘doing on good turn’ at the local level when national issues should be their
main priority. I feel that with brokerage present within the political campaign it
leaves it a lot harder for smaller parties to compete with the larger parties as they
obviously have found it harder to establish themselves. Brokerage is something that is
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institutionalised within Irish politics and goes beyond the bounds of this study for a
comprehensive solution on how to eliminate it fully.
Changing the system requires a referendum and as stated earlier is something that
Irish voters have not agreed to on two occasions. According to Sinnott (2005)
“understanding the system is quite simple” (p.109) from the voter’s point of view, so
any proposed change may not be as easy for them to comprehend. The following
quote by Sinnott seems to best sum up my feelings on this issue ‘the present PR-STV
system has had popular support and should not be changed without careful advance
assessment of the possible effects’ (p. 121). While it is flawed, which I have noted
above, it does allow for minority groups to be represented in government. To
counteract the effect of the donkey voter I have highlighted the use of the Robson
Rotation as useful method. However brokerage is an issue which requires a lot more
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Bibliography

Coleman, S. (2009). “Ireland’s electoral system doesn’t reward principled
legislators or parliamentarians. It rewards towing the local line. It’s no way to
run a country”. www.tribune.ie, accessed 20/11/2009.

Gallagher, M. (2007). ‘Does Ireland Need A New Electoral System?’ in
McGrath, C. and O’Malley, E. (Ends). Irish Political Studies Reader: Key
Contributions. P. 197 – 222. Routledge.

Kavanagh, A. (2009). Ireland, Economy and Society (Lecture Slides). NUI
Maynooth.

Sinnott, R. (2005). ‘The Rules of the Electoral game’, in Coakley, J. and
Gallagher, M. (Eds). Politics in the Republic of Ireland (4th Ed). P.105 – 134.
Routledge.
Karen McMenamin (Individual)
MA Student, NUI Maynooth
25/11/2009
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