From the Topeka Capital Journal Kansas outperforms ranking on employment Falls short on income growth Posted: May 4, 2013 - 5:27pm Join the conversation ONLINE See a full state-by-state listing with economic ratings. CJOnline.com STATE RANKINGS (BEST AND WORST) State Outlook Unemploy. Labor force Income Growth Utah 1 10 (tie) 14 46 14 South Dakota 2 3 4 18 50 Virginia 3 13 15 8 42 Wyoming 4 7 7 (tie) 7 47 Idaho 5 23 23 49 24 Kansas 27 10 (tie) 10 24 37 Hawaii 46 12 40 17 29 California 47 49 32 (tie) 15 18 Maine 48 26 (tie) 20 (tie) 28 17 Vermont 49 4 5 (tie) 21 8 New York 50 38 38 4 43 SOURCE: U.S. BUREAU OF LAB By Megan Hart megan.hart@cjonline.com Kansas ranked among the 10 best states for unemployment and labor force participation in 2012, besting some states whose business climates are more often held up as models. The state lagged behind the national average on growth of per capita income in 2012, though Kansas still outperformed some states with higher-ranked economies. Kansas had the 10th-highest rate of participation in the labor force in 2012, according to data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. A person is defined as being in the labor force if he or she has a job, or has looked for one in the past four weeks. People who have given up searching for work because of discouragement or other factors aren’t counted as part of the labor force. Kansas also tied with Utah for the 10th-lowest unemployment rate in 2012, according to BLS data. Per capita income grew slightly slower in Kansas than it did nationwide between 2011 and 2012, however, rising 2.33 percent to $41,835. The nationwide per capita income growth rose 2.73 percent, to $42,693, in 2012, according to data from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. Kansas’ business climate at the start of 2012 wasn’t held up as a model for other states. The American Legislative Exchange Council gave the state middling marks in its annual “Rich States, Poor States” analysis of states’ economic competitiveness, co-authored by economist Arthur Laffer. Laffer testified in favor of Kansas’ plans to lower income tax rates and exempt nonwage income from some types of businesses in 2012. The latest report, published in 2012, ranked Kansas 26th in its list of states best poised for future growth. The state had ranked 27th in 2011. The 2013 report will be available later this year. Measuring the economy Factors considered in the report are the state’s highest personal income tax rate, highest corporate income tax rate, personal income tax progressivity (meaning how much more higher-income taxpayers pay than lowincome ones), property tax burden, sales tax burden, whether the state has an estate tax, burden from other taxes, any recent tax changes, how much of tax revenue goes toward paying for debt, number of public employees per 1,000 residents, the quality of the state’s legal system, costs related to workers’ compensation, state minimum wage, whether a state has enacted right-to-work laws (meaning workers can’t be required to join a union) and whether the state has a statutory limit on taxes or expenditures. Ronald Caldwell, an economics professor at The University of Kansas, said lower taxes and being a right-towork state can encourage businesses to relocate to a state, but it takes substantial time because of the difficulties of moving factories or other operations over a long distance. “It’s difficult to get causation because of the long-time horizon,” he said. Caldwell said it isn’t altogether surprising that Kansas didn’t perform equally well in employment and income growth. States with a strong agricultural history tend to have lower unemployment over the long run, but also have lower per capita income, he said. “Some of the industries might not be big-dollar industries,” he said. “They’re not going to boom but they’re not going to bust.” The correlation between competitiveness rankings and economic outcomes also didn’t appear closely linked in some other states. South Dakota was ranked the second-best business climate in the ALEC report, but ranked last for income growth between 2011 and 2012. At the other end of the spectrum, Vermont’s business climate ranked second-worst, but it had the fourth-lowest unemployment rate and the eighth-highest growth in per capita income. Other factors Jonathan Williams, ALEC’s director of tax and fiscal policy, said competitiveness affects growth of employment, population and income over the long term, though other states may make changes that wipe out one state’s economic advantage. It isn’t clear how quickly changes to a state’s tax structure would show up in economic benefits, he said. “That’s really the million-dollar question,” he said. “Sometimes it does take a while for performance to catch up with incentives.” Other factors also have a large influence on economic growth, including certainty that the state won’t make large changes to its tax structure or budget in the future and quality of education, Williams said. Some people even make the argument that states in warmer climates have an advantage in attracting residents and companies, though it isn’t as clear if that holds up statistically. Those factors weren’t included in the competitiveness index, however, because states can’t change them quickly, he said. “It’s a look at the factors that states can control immediately and not 20 years over time,” he said. Mike O’Neal, CEO of the Kansas Chamber, said the chamber continues to advocate for lower corporate and individual income taxes that will encourage business development and improve Kansas’ competitiveness rank, while allowing the sales tax to drop. The state has ranked higher in other comparisons, however, because of its community college system for worker education, incentives for business development in rural counties and relatively simple regulatory requirements. Employers also tend to perceive people from the Midwest as more desirable workers, he said. “They talk about not only a good Midwestern work ethic, but ethical workers,” he said. “It’s not just your tax structure. It’s a lot of things, tangible and intangible.” Sherrienne Jones-Sontag, spokeswoman for Gov. Sam Brownback, said continuing to lower tax rates, reform regulations and cut spending is important for Kansas to continue growing. “Kansas’ economic results were good in 2012 because Kansas businesses and workers are among the best in the world,” she said in a statement. “But there’s still a lot of work to do. We’re still growing out of a decade where we lost private-sector jobs and high taxes chased away investments and opportunities.” Sen. Anthony Hensley, D-Topeka, cautioned that economic rankings don’t capture what a state may give up by changing its tax structure. He pointed to high rates of children living in poverty, high numbers of people without insurance and low high school graduation rates in Texas, which has no income tax. Texas ranked 18th on the competitiveness list. “There are other human factors when you look at these tax issues,” he said. Tax impasse likely to push session past 80 days Senate president encourages colleagues to lobby House members individually Posted: May 8, 2013 - 2:18pm By Andy Marso andy.marso@cjonline.com Senate President Susan Wagle, R-Wichita, and House Speaker Ray Merrick, R-Stilwell, seem resigned to seeing their goal of an 80-day session dissipate Wednesday, saying tax talks haven’t progressed enough to get things done by Monday. During a Senate Republican caucus Wednesday, Wagle told her colleagues the House is still standing firm in its position against extending a temporary sales tax. She said the Senate's position, which is to extend the sales tax in order to balance the budget and buy future income tax cuts, is the only way to grow the state economy responsibly. “We’re on the right path," Wagle said. "Your leadership team believes in the package you passed, and that’s clearly what could hold us up and take us past the 80-day mark.” Wagle encouraged senators to lobby House members in their district individually and promise help with next year's re-election campaigns to quell fears of being ousted for voting to extend the sales tax. “We’ll walk with them, we’ll knock on doors, we’ll stand with them as they go through the election process,” Wagle said. Merrick told his caucus he, too, foresees the session going past 80 days. A normal session is 90. "I was hoping it would be different this year, but it always comes down to this — people jockeying for position," Merrick said. The Senate can’t adjourn without a budget, and Senate Majority Leader Terry Bruce said his body won’t allow adjournment without tax changes. Plans to do both this week appear dead, with both bodies saying they will do little heavy lifting until Friday and Wagle saying her preference is to let senators go home for Mother's Day. Wagle and Merrick serve on the American Legislative Exchange Council's board of directors. The Kansas City Star reported that the leaders talked taxes last week in Oklahoma City at ALEC's annual conference — most of which is closed to the public. It wasn’t the first time this session lawmakers discussed tax policy off-site. Senate Republicans held a closed caucus at the Aviva building downtown in March. Reporters were asked to leave after Gov. Sam Brownback addressed the caucus. The GOP senators, Revenue Secretary Nick Jordan, budget director Steve Anderson and David Kensinger, Brownback’s former chief of staff, stayed to chat. Two days later the Senate voted 25-14 to approve a tax bill that closely mirrors the one pushed by Brownback. That bill includes an extension of a 0.6 of a percent sales tax increase currently set to expire July 1 — a sales tax increase 16 of the senators who voted in favor of the extension voted against when it was proposed in 2010. The sales tax extension — opposed by all Senate Democrats — has proved to be the sticking point in negotiations. Brownback and a majority of senators say it is necessary to shore up the budget following last year's income tax cuts and to buy future cuts on the "glide path to zero" income tax. House Democrats and a number of conservative Republicans have balked at extending the sales tax. House leaders have instead offered a plan to balance the budget with spending cuts in the short term and wait on economic growth to trigger future income tax cuts. Those spending cuts would hit higher education hard, with a 4 percent cut proposed for Kansas Board of Regents institutions. Brownback has been traveling to those institutions across the state for weeks to stump for his tax and budget plan, which leaves higher education funding static as an alternative. On Tuesday the tour took him to Salina, where University of Kansas Chancellor Bernadette Gray-Little has said her school's satellite medical school campus would have to close if the 4 percent cut becomes a reality. Dennis Lauver, president and CEO of the Salina Chamber of Commerce, said he spoke with Brownback and encouraged a compromise that would extend the sales tax, but only for three years, and cut 0.1 of a percent off the extension so legislators can say they reduced sales tax from current levels. “It’s a political win-win for everybody,” Lauver said, adding that he believed Brownback was receptive to the idea. Legislative leaders haven’t said what type of offers have been made, but Rep. Richard Carlson, R-St. Marys, said thus far the Senate has offered nothing close to acceptable. "We have been in discussions over several days," Carlson said. "We have made some offers in a very high overview. The House has actually made several offers, and we are still awaiting a good offer from the Senate." Gov. Brownback finishes higher education tour Funding for higher ed in trouble with budget balancing Posted: May 7, 2013 - 1:10pm By The Associated Press Gov. Sam Brownback is concluding his statewide tour aimed at building support for protecting spending levels for the Kansas higher education system. The Republican governor began his tour more than two weeks ago while legislators were on their monthlong recess. He finishes the tour Tuesday at Fort Hays State University, along with a stop at the University of Kansas School of Medicine’s Salina campus. Brownback wants legislators to keep funding for the higher education stable in the 2014 budget. Legislators are going the opposite direction, with the House seeking a 4 percent cut and the Senate a 2-percent cut. The governor also wants to keep the state’s sales tax rate at 6.3 percent instead of reducing it to 5.7 percent as scheduled in July. Legislators resume their session Wednesday. Income tax negotiations coming into focus Thursday Legislative budges must be resolved to pass Posted: May 8, 2013 - 5:36am By The Associated Press Kansas lawmakers are hoping to resume negotiations over proposals for additional cuts in individual income taxes. Legislators were reconvening Wednesday at the Statehouse after a monthlong spring break to wrap up its business for the year. Republican Gov. Sam Brownback wants the GOP-dominated Legislature to follow up on massive personal income tax cuts enacted last year. But three senators and three House members must resolve differences between the two chambers for a bill to pass. The Senate passed a bill containing Brownback’s plan for more income tax cuts over the next four years and his proposal to cancel a decrease in the sales tax scheduled by law for July. The GOP-controlled House approved a measure to allow the sales tax to drop, with less aggressive income tax cuts. Session to reconvene seeking tax compromise House leader says he's ready to move toward Senate position Posted: May 4, 2013 - 8:01pm By Andy Marso andrew.marso@cjonline.com The legislative session will reconvene Wednesday with all eyes on a tax conference committee that appears to hold the key to getting legislators out of town for the year. Legislators must pass a budget before they can adjourn the 2013 session permanently, and budget negotiators have said they need to know what kind of tax revenue they are working with before they can do so. That leaves it to a group of three senators and three House members to hash out a deal that can get a majority vote in both chambers — and get Gov. Sam Brownback's signature. Both chambers are conservative this year, and leaders of both chambers have said they want a lower income tax and economic growth. But while they say they want the same thing, their approaches to getting it are opposite. The House has settled on a plan that relies on growth to trigger income tax cuts, while the Senate and the governor are keen on reducing income tax first to spur growth. "By 2017, it's anticipated the House's tax plan will reduce the state's highest personal income tax bracket from 4.9 percent to 4.7 percent," Senate Majority Leader Terry Bruce, R-Hutchinson, said April 5, the day before the Legislature adjourned for a monthlong break. "Our plan in that same time reduces it to 3.5 percent. Ours is much more aggressive." The Senate proposes to shore up the budget in preparation for those deep cuts by extending a 0.6 of a percent sales tax set to expire July 1. Thus far, House members have resisted that. They would prefer to balance the budget through spending cuts in the short term. If, in the longer term, the income tax cuts already passed spur economic growth as Brownback predicts, the House plan would use all growth beyond 2 percent of the previous year's revenue to further decrease the income tax rates. “I just feel that it’s definitely a sensible way to go, in that you’re assured of having adequate growth before buying down the tax rates," said Rep. Richard Carlson, R-St. Marys. "Both of them could possibly get us to the same goal, but it’s just a different pathway.” Carlson, the House's top tax negotiator and architect of the chamber's tax alternative, noted that even with the elevated sales tax, the Senate's tax plan is projected to put the state in the red by 2018 unless there is significant growth. Carlson's Senate counterpart, Sen. Les Donovan, R-Wichita, has a powerful chip in the bargaining game in that Brownback prefers his chamber's plan and any compromise will have to pass the governor's desk. “The governor has a little more leverage than the average senator or representative," Donovan said. "Governors tend to get what they want.” Many of Donovan's Senate colleagues were against the temporary sales tax when it passed in 2010, but enough have flipped since then to pass a tax bill that would extend it by a vote of 25-14 in March. The vote came days after the Senate's Republican supermajority debated the merits of the tax plan in an offsite caucus that was closed to the media and the public. Brownback addressed the Republicans before reporters were asked to leave. The governor also left before the discussions took place, but Revenue Secretary Nick Jordan, state budget director Steve Anderson and David Kensinger, Brownback's former chief of staff, stayed. In a phone interview Wednesday, Donovan declined to go into details of the evening, except to say that he "talked quite a bit about the tax plan — they asked me to run through the particulars.” Donovan downplayed the significance of the closed caucus. “I don’t think anybody’s minds were changed that evening” Donovan said. “They were ready to vote the way they voted.” While the backing of Brownback bolsters the Senate position, House members also have an ace in the hole: If they do nothing, they get their way on the sales tax. The tax will expire automatically July 1. Donovan acknowledged that could be an endgame, but said the budget picture would be bleak. "What happens one year from now if we do nothing?" Donovan said. "Where’s the state going to be financially?” Carlson said the House budget still balances in 2014 if the state's current tax schemes remain in place, and "it's not an emergency" if nothing passes, but acknowledged that digging into reserves won’t work in the long-term and a deal will eventually have to be done — if not this year, then soon. "We do have a strong negotiating position because that is the ultimate result that could happen, but I certainly would not favor that or promote that," Carlson said of walking away from the tax table. "My position is that we should negotiate a good bill.” House Speaker Ray Merrick, R-Stilwell, has joined Carlson's call to negotiate. "It’s unrealistic to say there won’t be any compromise on the budget and tax plans," said Rachel Whitten, Merrick's spokeswoman. "As the leader of this chamber, Speaker Merrick is putting a good-faith effort toward working with the Senate on a plan that will result in reduced government spending and a lower tax burden." Whitten said she still expects the final tax and budget products will include "many, many House positions." But Donovan said the appearance that Merrick is willing to make a deal on the sales tax is a positive step. “With Ray Merrick starting to use the word 'compromise,' that’s something I haven’t heard from him this year," Donovan said. “Maybe there is going to be a compromise. There needs to be. We can’t go the whole way.” Senate Minority Leader Anthony Hensley, D-Topeka, said if the House is going to budge on the sales tax it is going to do so over the objection of its 33 Democrats. “I’m hearing Merrick and Carlson are saying they’re willing to compromise," Hensley said. "I believe they’re going to have to do it with 63 Republican votes. I don’t believe there will be any Democrats who will support the continuation of the sales tax." Donovan and Carlson left the negotiating table a month ago with both saying their chambers wouldn't allow them to budge much toward the other's position. Both said they had always found the other easy to work with, but this year provides perhaps their most difficult negotiating task. But Carlson said last week that the atmosphere tends to change after the spring break. The final revenue numbers are in, the nonbudgetary legislative items are out of the way, and the prospect of adjourning the session for good starts to dance in lawmakers’ heads. “I strongly suspect in the first three or four days of the (veto) session we will come to some sort of agreement,” Carlson said. Editorial: Legislators should extend sales tax Posted: May 4, 2013 - 5:31pm By The Capital-Journal When legislators left Topeka last month for their annual break that precedes what traditionally is supposed to be a brief “veto session,” there wasn’t sufficient support in the House to extend a sales tax that is set to expire, or “sunset,” on June 30. The idea of voting to extend that tax likely has caused considerable angst on the part of many state representatives in recent weeks, but it is something they should do. There is no joy to be found here in coming to that conclusion, but the alternative, at least at this point, is unacceptable. Legislators have painted themselves into a corner on this one, in more ways than one. Last year, they passed and Gov. Sam Brownback signed income tax cuts — without eliminating some income tax deductions that would have softened the blow to the state’s coffers — that haven’t had time to yield the promised fruit, economic growth and higher state revenues. The loss of income is pinching the state’s finances and a lot of money or a lot of spending cuts are necessary to balance the budget for the fiscal year that begins July 1. The sales tax that is to expire June 30 is a source of additional dollars, several hundred million of them. Legislators also have painted themselves into a corner in terms of time. They couldn’t solve the budget problem before the recess and now must find a solution, one Brownback will sign off on, during the veto session, although the length of that session has proven to be flexible. Brownback has shown no sign of yielding on his goal to eventually eliminate the state income tax. So there is no help to be found there. During the recess, Brownback has been championing extension of the sales tax to maintain level funding of some services, including higher education. Just how many votes the governor has swayed is unknown. Many Republican legislators have been criticizing for the past few years the 1 cent sales tax passed under a previous administration and the lawmakers who voted for it then, many of whom no longer serve in the Legislature. To vote to extend the sales tax in its entirety — 0.6 cents in to sunset while 0.4 cents will be retained to fund a transportation improvement program — is not something those who have been vehement in their opposition to it would relish. They may find it to be a bitter pill, but it’s one they should swallow. Some elected officials at all levels of government delight in insisting all taxes are evil. But the simple truth is all levels of government are responsible for funding some services that cannot be ignored. Ignoring that responsibility is not the answer. Disability community lobbies for Medicaid exemption Governor seeks to add nonmedical services to KanCare program Posted: May 8, 2013 - 1:05pm By Tim Carpenter timothy.carpenter@cjonline.com Leonard Williams is worried that reform touted by Gov. Sam Brownback might change state-financed job coaching services that helped his developmentally disabled daughter remain employed for nine years. He joined more than 1,000 people at a rally Wednesday outside the Capitol to urge the 2013 Legislature and Brownback to leave nonmedical services — job training, transportation, nutrition, social skills — outside the managed care system operated by three health insurance companies since January. "These companies don't have experience dealing with these services," Williams said at the event sponsored by InterHab, a Topeka organization. "Without that service of a job coach, she wouldn't be working in the community." On behalf of his daughter, Williams added his name to a 65-foot canvas banner designed to send a message that folding nonmedical services for the developmentally disabled into the Medicaid system known as KanCare would damage clients and families. In 2012, the state postponed for one year placement of these services into KanCare. The objective of the rally was to convince legislators there was support to continue that policy. Sherriene Jones-Sontag, spokeswoman for Brownback, said carving out developmental disability services would cost the state $25 million during the next two years based an assessment by the Kansas Department of Administration. She said KanCare recipients with developmental disabilities would keep their case managers, providers would be paid at current rates, and coordination of services would improve for those who depend on the system for daily needs. "KanCare has proven it is possible to increase services and reduce cost at the same time," she said. "Now, we have an opportunity to use those savings to dramatically improve the lives of hundreds of our most vulnerable citizens." The governor recently submitted a request to the Legislature to reallocate $16 million to remove 600 people from waiting lists for disability long-term care and support services. However, participants in the InterHab event made personal appeals for carving these developmentally disabled services from KanCare. "I know the way services are currently provided is the best way," said Lorie Angelo, a Wichita member of Rainbows United who has an autistic nephew. "We have lots of government oversight now. Adding another layer by insurance companies does not serve any good purpose. It will not save money. It will hinder services to people who really need them." Kay Soltz, guardian of a 31-year-old son with autism, said any declaration KanCare was a success, in terms of providing medical services, was premature. Under the KanCare system, she said, her son was blocked from retaining his Wichita physician of the past five years. He was assigned a new doctor who turned out to be a pediatrician. Soltz said the provider also sent a letter declaring medication her son had taken for a decade to be medically unnecessary. After intervention by his pharmacist, she said, he will retain his prescription for one year. "When my kid is not on this medication," she said, "he hits himself until he's bruised." Social service advocates avoiding KanCare shift Social services, higher ed questions remain Posted: May 8, 2013 - 5:34am By The Associated Press Kansas legislators are returning to the Statehouse to resume the 2013 session, continuing negotiations to settle spending issues for the fiscal year beginning July 1. Legislators have been on a month long break since April 5. House and Senate budget committees met briefly over the interim to review a new state revenue forecast and remaining issues in the $14.5 billion. A rally is scheduled Wednesday morning by social service advocates. They want Gov. Sam Brownback to keep in-home services for the developmentally disabled from being administered by three private health insurance companies as the state’s Medicaid provider. The services are scheduled to be folded into the state’s KanCare system in 2014. Budget negotiations include discussion over how to treat higher education. Brownback wants to protect higher education from further cuts. Disability advocates talk about divvying new funds Groups angle for bigger chunk for developmentally disabled Kansans Posted: May 6, 2013 - 11:30am By Andy Marso andrew.marso@cjonline.com A group of advocates for developmentally disabled Kansans said Monday they hope the Legislature will appropriate more new funds for Medicaid services for people with those types of disabilities than those with physical disabilities. Gov. Sam Brownback has proposed that $18 million in savings from his Medicaid managed care program, "KanCare," go to provide home-and-community-based waiver services for physically and developmentally disabled Kansans currently on waiting lists. Tim Wood, head of the Disability Rights Center of Kansas' End the Wait Campaign, said his understanding is that Brownback's proposal would evenly distribute the money between the two groups. “If you did that, that would take 400 off the PD list and 200 off the DD list,” Wood said. Wood said waiver services for developmentally disabled Kansans average about $42,000 per year, while services for the physically disabled cost about half that. That being the case, Wood's group advocated that about $12 million go to the developmental disability waiting list and about $6 million go to the physical disability waiting list. With the physical disability waiting list at about 2,500 and the developmental disability list at more than 5,000, Wood said Kansans with developmental disabilities already face much longer waits — sometimes more than 10 years. “The list is quite a bit longer," Wood said. Mike Oxford, executive director of the Topeka Independent Living Resource Center, said more discussion about how to divvy up the money needs to occur. Oxford's group represents Kansans with all types of disabilities, though he said those with physical disabilities of working age are the largest segment. Oxford said he didn't want to "pit one group against another." He said appropriating more money for developmentally disabled Kansans based on their services costing more would cause inevitable questions about how efficiently the different types of services are being provided. “If we go anywhere besides divvying up the money equally, then we get into these type of issues,” Oxford said. Legislators will consider Brownback's proposal for the waiting list funding when they return to session Wednesday. Wood's organization is part of the Kansas DD Policy Group, which hosted a news conference Monday to applaud Brownback's budget amendment and encourage legislators to not only adopt it, but discuss long-term plans for ending the waiting list. The $18 million proposed is about one-fourth of the total savings Brownback said has been realized since the state shifted most Medicaid services to three private insurance companies under KanCare. Wood said that in apportioning part of the money to the waiting lists, Brownback is fulfilling one of the conditions the federal government attached to approval of KanCare. That mattered little to Topeka resident Ronda Klein, whose autistic son Curtis waited some 12 years for home- and community-based services, in part because of a bureaucratic mix-up. Klein said she still wanted to thank Brownback for trying to do something with the waiting list that "previous administrations never addressed at all." “We waited a long, long time for services for my son,” Klein said. Wood said the waiting list hasn’t been at a manageable level since the 1990s. Past Legislatures have brainstormed multiyear plans for paring down the list, he said, but they have never been implemented. At this point, Wood and other advocates say the system has been underfunded so long that stagnant wages and uncertainty have led to a decline in care providers, to the point where even if the waiting list were fully funded, they doubt the state would have the infrastructure necessary to provide services for all. Klein said she has seen it first-hand with her son's caregivers, who she said are paid about $9.20 per hour with few benefits. Angela de Rocha, a spokeswoman for the Department of Children and Families, said she has seen no such "capacity" problems within the system and everyone who has come off the waiting list has had no trouble finding service providers. Tom Laing, of Topeka-based service provider Interhab, disagreed. De Rocha said including the services in KanCare — which Laing's group and others have opposed — would only strengthen the provider network. Wood said the challenge of bringing people off the waiting list while at the same time shoring up provider capacity is one that will require careful planning and bold action beyond the governor's $18 million proposal. “We think this is a great move on the part of the governor, and we applaud him," Wood said. "But yet again we think this is also a great opportunity for the Legislature to develop a comprehensive, multiyear plan that moves people off the waiting list at a reasonable pace.” Kansas Legislature to vote on retaining kids based on reading Brownback's plan calls for retaining first-graders with low reading scores Posted: May 4, 2013 - 4:19pm By John Milburn The Associated Press Legislators are expected to make quick work of remaining education issues when the Kansas Legislature returns Wednesday to finish the 2013 session, including a proposal sought by Gov. Sam Brownback to improve elementary reading scores. The plan calls for testing first-graders on their skills and holding them back if they aren’t reading at grade level. Students could be retested and parents would have a say in the matter before students are retained. The Senate approved the compromise but still needs House approval to go to the governor. Brownback, who first raised the issue of fourth-grade reading scores when campaigning for governor in 2010, said he would take a look at what legislators sent to him to consider. He said the discussion has been healthy, prompting some districts to take a look at their own policies. “That’s what my effort’s about. Let’s get on top of this thing earlier so kids can read,” he said recently. Brownback sought support for his early learning initiatives during stops in Pittsburg and Iola last month on his statewide tour for higher education. He said the goals of local programs, including the international Save the Children organization, that partner with school districts to improve student learning fit with his agenda of increasing the number of fourth-graders reading at grade level. Mark Desetti, lobbyist for the Kansas National Education Association, said he didn’t expect many surprises in the final days of the session, noting that most of the major policy debates had been settled or deferred to next year for more study. “Idleness is the devil’s workplace. Who knows what will come up,” he said. “What are left are the budget and the tax policy to support it. I hope that they concentrate on that and are out within their 80 days.” House Education Committee Chairwoman Kasha Kelley said she was disappointed that legislators didn’t approve several measures she believes would have given students and parents more education options. One plan that stalled in the House would have established a scholarship program for special needs students, funded by contributions from businesses and corporations. Students would have been able to use the scholarships to attend alternative school settings in an effort to meet academic needs. “I think that’s our responsibility to give those opportunities to students and parents,” said Kelley, an Arkansas City Republican. One issue that won’t be discussed in great detail will be changes to the state school finance formula. The state is appealing a January ruling from a three-judge panel in Shawnee County District Court finding that the Kansas system for funding public schools is unconstitutional. The judges are ordering the state to comply with current funding laws, which would result in an increase of at least $440 million in state spending. The lawsuit was brought by attorneys representing school districts and parents and was filed in 2010. The attorneys met unsuccessfully for two days with attorneys representing the state in hopes of mediating a settlement. The Kansas Supreme Court will hear arguments in the case on Oct. 8 and a ruling is possible before the start of the 2014 session next January. Senate leader sees session going past 80 days Posted: May 9, 2013 - 5:26am By The Associated Press Top Republicans in the Kansas Legislature had dreamed of ending its annual session in 80 days, a show of efficiency that would have trimmed 10 days off the normal but often-violated schedule. But Senate President Susan Wagle said Wednesday that it’s unlikely lawmakers can meet the goal because of an impasse over tax cuts. The Wichita Republican predicted during a meeting of GOP senators that the session could last most of next week. The 80th day is Monday. Legislators often worry about how going longer than 90 days will play with their constituents. Last year’s session lasted 99 days. The record is 107 days, set in 2002. Asked about Wagle’s comments, House Speaker and Stilwell Republican Ray Merrick said, “I guess that’s her decision.” Opponents of Common Core unite under dome House members vow to seek derailment of the English, math standards Posted: May 8, 2013 - 3:58pm By Tim Carpenter timothy.carpenter@cjonline.com Home schooling advocate Vanessa Everhart offered a prayer Wednesday that members of the Legislature would flunk a plan to implement English and mathematics teaching standards wrapped in a program sweeping the nation. She made the appeal to a higher power during a Capitol meeting on the first day lawmakers returned to Topeka from a one-month break. The Kansas State Board of Education voted in 2010 to adopt Common Core, an approach to teaching these baseline subjects embraced by more than 40 states. Everhart, who is part of the Kansans Against Common Core organization, urged legislators at the forum under the dome to do their best to derail the initiative. So far, bills reflecting her vision haven't passed out of House or Senate committees. Rep. John Bradford, R-Lansing, said no one should be discouraged if the session closed without a reversal. "We'll be here in January with a vengeance and get the job done," Bradford said. "Our children are not robots. One size doesn't fit all." The Kansas State Board of Education opposes legislative intervention on the curriculum issue. A letter was sent by the board to 165 House and Senate members reminding each of the board's constitutional authority in education. However, Bradford and other critics believe the federal government improperly pressured or enticed Kansas and other states to embrace the Common Core regimen. The program is likely to infuse a model of education not suitable to public school students in Kansas, said Rep. Shanti Gandhi, R-Topeka. "It's a bad program," said Rep. Allan Rothlisberg, R-Grandview Plaza. "Unfortunately, we've become so addicted to the federal tax dollar we feel we cannot survive." Rejecting by intrusion by the federal government into state education policy will deliver a dose of freedom to Kansas, he said. "You get your freedom back," Rothlisberg said. "We are a sovereign state. It is our duty to decide what is best for our children." Colorado roofing company violates Kansas Consumer Protection Act Duran Duran Roofing pays $50K to consumers Posted: May 8, 2013 - 11:33am By The Capital-Journal A Colorado roofing company has been ordered to repay more than $50,000 to Kansas consumers. In a news release Wednesday, Attorney General Derek Schmidt said All Trades Construction, known as Duran Duran Roofing, and Louisa Duran were accused of taking down payments from at least six consumers, but then never performed work on the consumers’ roofs. That action would be in violation of the Kansas Consumer Protection Act. The attorney general also alleged that All Trades and Duran forged a signature on an insurance proceeds check. A Shawnee County District Court judge ordered the company and Duran to repay $50,954 to the consumers, as well as ordering that they pay an $80,000 civil penalty. Dems join call for more NBAF info Hensley wants full debate on $200M in additional funds Posted: May 7, 2013 - 2:58pm By Andy Marso andy.marso@cjonline.com Democratic leaders said Tuesday they share some of the reservations of conservative colleagues when it comes to quickly approving $200 million in bonds for a Manhattan bio-defense facility, as requested by Gov. Sam Brownback. Brownback's call for the state bonding came after the Obama administration approved more than $700 million in federal funds for the National Bio and Agro-Defense Facility in its proposed budget. Brownback urged legislators to take quick action when they return Wednesday, lest budget uncertainty keep Congress from locking in the federal commitment. But some Republicans on the Senate's budget committee said they had unanswered questions about where the additional costs to the state are coming from, and Senate Minority Leader Anthony Hensley, D-Topeka, said Tuesday he has questions as well. “I don’t want to stop NBAF," Hensley said. "What I want to know is, why do we have to have $200 million in bonding for NBAF?” Hensley said he was unaware there were any strings attached to the $714 million in federal funds proposed. Sherriene Jones-Sontag, the governor's spokeswoman, said that as a former legislator, Brownback understands the need to carefully consider major appropriations and have their questions answered before signing on. "Building the NBAF in Manhattan is a long-standing partnership between the federal government and the state of Kansas that requires both share the project's approximate $1.2 billion cost," Jones-Sontag said in a prepared statement. "In addition to the nearly $200 million the federal government has already spent, President Obama has recommended $714 million in his FY 2014 budget, expecting the state to fulfill its commitment with an additional investment of $202 million. The NBAF is vital to the security of our country's food supply, the health of our livestock industry and growing our state's economy. The request for an additional $202 million in bonding is significant but it's the right thing to do." House Minority Leader Paul Davis said previous governors kept legislators more in the loop on the project. Davis said even Rep. Sydney Carlin, D-Manhattan, whose district includes the proposed facility, has received few status reports lately. “The administration needs to be a little more forthcoming about what discussions have been had with the federal government, what deals have been made and what obligations we have on this,” Davis said. Davis said he and Hensley used to have regular briefings with the Department of Homeland Security on the project but "that has really come to a screeching halt." Davis said he is still supportive of NBAF but said he also has unanswered questions and urged more legislative discussion. Hensley said that with the session winding down there may be an effort to push the bonding on to the State Finance Council without a floor debate, which he said would be a mistake. "It seems to me that’s an issue of the magnitude that would have to be brought up to at least one floor — either the House or Senate,” Hensley said. Former Kan. securities chief: Crash of a political career Agency overhaul runs afoul; critics say Jack abused his authority Posted: May 7, 2013 - 10:22pm JACK'S FILE ■ Former state Rep. Aaron Jack was appointed in January 2011 by Gov. Sam Brownback to lead the Kansas Securities Commission. ■ Enforcement action by the commission dwindled under Jack to the lowest level in more than a decade. ■ In two years, Jack presided over ouster of 70 percent of the commission’s staff and filled vacancies with Republicans. ■ Jack launched a $566,000 radio promotional campaign featuring himself. It was canceled by Jack's replacement upon his resignation Feb. 12. ■ On Monday, Jack revealed he no longer will seek the GOP nomination for Kansas insurance commissioner and will manage a securities firm in Johnson County. SECURITIES COMMISSIONER TRENDS Fiscal year / Criminal convictions / Administrative orders / Orders to suspend, revoke bar or censure / Regulated population 2004 / 14 / 46 / 2 / 92,491 2005 / 17 / 38 / 14 / 96,570 2006 / 9 / 18 / 1 / 102,991 2007 / 3 / 20 / 6 / 112,991 2008 / 3 / 29 / 6 / 121,303 2009 / 3 / 30 / 13 / 122,256 2010 / 7 / 42 / 12 / 116,490 2011 / 3 / 25 / 5 / 128,761 2012 / 4 / 14 / 9 / 131,479 SOURCE: KANSAS SECURITIES COMMISSION REPORTS KANSAS SECURITIES COMMISSIONERS Chris Biggs: July 1, 2003-March 16, 2010 Steve Wassom: March 16, 2010-June 7, 2010 Marc Wilson: June 7, 2010-Jan. 10, 2011 Aaron Jack: Jan. 10, 2011-Feb. 12, 2013 Josh Ney: Feb. 12, 2013-present By Tim Carpenter timothy.carpenter@cjonline.com Up-and-coming tea party conservative Aaron Jack parlayed the election of Republican Sam Brownback as governor into his appointment as top administrator at the Kansas Securities Commission. Jack's GOP pedigree, legal education and decade in the financial industry landed him a plum job leading the agency responsible for protecting the interests of Kansans placing faith in investment advisers. He said his objective was to break the commission's slothful, unprofessional culture. Employees unwilling to be "rehabilitated" had to go, he said. To that end, Jack presided over the firing, resignation or retirement of 70 percent of his staff. "We had attorneys who were literally not qualified to go to court," Jack said. Jack burnished credentials as a foe of regulation by producing an enforcement record half as robust as predecessors. He authorized an agency-funded $566,000 marketing blitz featuring himself. With airwaves crackling with Jack's voice, he launched a campaign for Kansas insurance commissioner. While Jack's engine of political advancement generated momentum, criticism of his methods began to percolate. Apprehension about Jack's conduct reached the highest level of state government. "As a pattern of unprofessional behavior and disturbing employment practices emerged under Commissioner Jack, I demanded immediate changes," said Landon Fulmer, Brownback's chief of staff. "As a part of those changes, Commissioner Jack was given the opportunity to either resign immediately or be fired, and he chose to resign." Jack's course correction Feb. 12 pushed his campaign for insurance commissioner into a three-month death spiral. On Monday, for the first time, Jack confirmed he would withdraw from the race. Jack's political reversal came as no surprise to some who worked with him. A bipartisan reaction: What took so long? "They've turned the agency into a dysfunctional pro-industry political bastion," said securities examiner David Ruhnke, whose 23-year career at the commission ended under Jack. "One of the best securities agencies in the country has been wiped out." Path to power Jack earned his securities commissioner wings in January 2011 after being elected to a second term in the House representing Andover and two years out of Washburn University law school. His strategy for gaining traction in the Republican race for insurance commissioner involved riding the tea party's wave of anger with taxpayer bailouts of American financial giants. Jack's mission was to assault the funneling of hundreds of billions of U.S. tax dollars to banks and automakers to mitigate economic meltdown five years ago. The point of Jack's spear found its way to the ribs of General Motors Co. — kept afloat with $50 billion from the U.S. treasury. Resulting federal government ownership of more than half of GM's stock, Jack said, was unconstitutional seizure of private property. He said more than a dozen Kansas banks also were compromised by the Troubled Asset Relief Program. "Words mean things and that's the definition of nationalization," the Topeka Republican said. In February, Jack's remedy was an amendment to the Kansas Constitution that he helped craft. Passage might trip bureaucrats in Washington, D.C., if they pushed TARP II. "It's not a radical proposal," Jack said. "It's not an angry amendment." Of little concern to the commissioner was GM's impending announcement in March of a $600 million investment in its assembly plant in Kansas City, Kan. The factory employs 4,000 people. Capitol tantrum As the March date of the plant expansion approached, GM lobbyist Dan Murray urged Jack to turn down the flame on his automaker-fueled constitutional appeal. A Brownback administration official declaring GM's survival plan a nefarious distortion of law might not be welcomed in Detroit. Jack held to his script and confronted Murray in halls of the Capitol. Witnesses said Jack demanded an apology while expressing irritation somebody had ventured behind his back to register a complaint. Tempers run hot in the Statehouse, but lobbyists and legislators said Jack's intensity exceeded standard fare. "Jack had him pinned up against the wall screaming at him," said Doug Mays, a former Topeka representative and House speaker. "He completely, totally lost it." Jack initially described the exchange with Murray as polite. He later said the discussion was "heated." Jack insisted the conflict resulted from his endorsement of Mike Pompeo in the 2010 campaign for U.S. House. Jack said Murray and Topeka lobbyist John Federico backed Republican candidate Wink Hartman. "They're a Hartman guy. I'm a Pompeo guy. They have not liked me ever since," Jack said. Murray said Jack's claim that the Capitol encounter had anything to do with Pompeo was absurd. Campaign finance reports show Murray and Federico aided Pompeo. "Mr. Jack's assertion is a grossly inaccurate statement," Murray said. 'Absolutely loved' Jack's tenure as securities commissioner ended days after the ruckus with Murray. News of his departure appeared in a statement released by the governor's office. The resignation was framed by Jack as fulfillment of a strategy to resume work in private industry. That characterization conflicted with Jack's comments one week earlier in an interview with The Topeka Capital-Journal. In that meeting, Jack said he "absolutely loved" the job of commissioner. There was no hint he had anything on his mind other than clinging to his state job and moving chess pieces ahead of the 2014 election for insurance commissioner. The ax fell one day before a House committee was to consider Jack's anti-nationalization amendment to the Kansas Constitution. In subsequent interviews, Jack said he had covertly planned for months to leave state government to open an investment advising firm. He said the decision reflected disenchantment with his state salary of $107,000. "Don't you think people can love their job and not have it pay enough?" Jack said. Brownback's interim commissioner, Josh Ney, said through a spokeswoman that he wouldn’t make himself available for interviews. Steve Wassom, the agency's executive director, said current staff members were dedicated to the core mission of protecting Kansas investors and fostering capital formation. "I have confidence we will continue to advance that mission once a permanent leadership team is in place," Wassom said. Self-reflection As Kansas' No. 1 enforcer of securities law, Jack's devotion to promotion left a deep-ridged fingerprint on the agency that served as birthplace of U.S. investment regulation in 1911. Jack hatched a scheme to marshal resources of the commission, which is entirely fee funded, to brand himself for a broad audience. He earmarked more than half a million dollars from the agency's "investor education" program to a statewide advertising blitz featuring himself. Other Kansas officials — state treasurers, for example — have for years been criticized for public service announcements prominently featuring their own image in advance of campaign season. The previous securities commissioner had no budget for PSAs, but Jack set aside $33,000 during his first year as commissioner. In the fiscal year starting last July 1, he budgeted a staggering $566,000. In seven months before resigning, agency officials say, Jack burned through $340,000 for media buys and ad agency fees. Jack did voice work for two radio spots. Both hailed Kansans' ingenuity and praised the governor. Jack mentioned his name multiple times. Ney indefinitely discontinued the PSA program inspired by Jack on the first day he held the title as interim commissioner. Republican and Democratic legislators expressed doubt about the value of an investor education initiative built on PSAs delivered by Jack. "They're little bang for the buck. I want real education," said Rep. Pete DeGraaf, the Republican chairman of the House Financial Institutions Committee. Staff purge During 25 months as commissioner, Jack said he orchestrated the departure of nearly three-fourths of 30some employees inherited from the previous commissioner. Employees with decades of experience mining the intricate world of securities were shown the door. Typical annual turnover in the office might be less than 10 percent. "It's just that there are different philosophies, and elections have consequences," Jack said. Jack said he was compelled to act because the agency employed "people going through the motions." He said workers took naps on an office couch. He fired a woman for chronic bad spelling. An examiner demonstrated ignorance of basic investment terminology. Employees had brought children, dogs and instruments to the office. Former securities commissioners said the revolution hosted by Jack was unprecedented in terms of overall personnel moves, targeting of senior employees and hiring of known political partisans. "I didn't care what political party they were," said Chris Biggs, a Democrat who held the securities commissioner post from 2003 to 2010. "As far as I was concerned, they were there because they knew what they were doing." Mays, securities commissioner from 1987 to 1991, said he made few personnel changes while running the office. Heavy turnover doesn't promote effective enforcement because the learning curve in securities law is steep, he said. "It's not an easy business to learn," the Republican said. "You can't just come in and say, 'Go after the bad guys.' It's absolutely necessary the office be well-staffed and well-funded. What you're talking about here is money — a lot of money — and in many cases it is money saved over a lifetime." A GOP crew Under Jack, directors of compliance, registration and enforcement were removed. Secretaries, investigators and examiners were jettisoned. Five agency lawyers were terminated. The hit list included Rick Fleming, who had 15 years of experience in the office and was the commission's general counsel. Fleming was immediately hired as deputy general counsel at the North American Securities Administrators Association in Washington, D.C. NASAA is the national coalition of state securities regulator. Kansas is a member. He said the securities commission's cases were typically complex, could involve millions of dollars in losses and might involve businessmen employing the best attorneys. "Because of the nature of this work in protecting the weak from the strong," Fleming said, "the office has been granted significant enforcement powers. In my view, it is very important for the office to maintain its independence and objectivity so that the laws are applied evenhandedly to everyone without regard to their power or political connections." Replacements hired by Jack featured GOP credentials. He doesn't recall interviewing a Democrat. Shannon Stone, hired as director of education, was on Brownback's U.S. Senate staff. Patricia Lightner, a former GOP congressional candidate, was given lobbying duties. Caley Love, wife of Republican Sen. Garrett Love, became communications director. Ney, the interim commissioner, previously had purchased a Jefferson County law firm from the governor's general counsel. Two policy director positions were filled by Ryan Kriegshauser, who had been with Secretary of State Kris Kobach, and Beka Romm, who worked for a Topeka lobbying firm. Romm resigned after Jack's resignation. Jack said he needed Kriegshauser and Romm to implement a "massive, massive policy shift" in securities deregulation. His goal was to open Kansas as a destination state for hedge fund managers, private equity operators and venture capitalists. "There are a lot of overzealous regulators," Jack said. New people, big job Securities commission documents covering more than a decade of enforcement activities offer evidence Jack's staff found few reasons to sanction wayward members of the investment community. In fiscal years 2009 and 2010 — prior to Jack's arrival — the commission determined an average of 12.5 people warranted license denial, suspension, revocation or censure. With Jack in charge the second half of fiscal year 2011, five such sanctions were issued. Jack approved nine in 2012. "Rules and regulations, to them, were just a hindrance. You can't have a fair securities market without rules and regulations," said Ruhnke, the senior examiner ousted by Jack who had earned NASAA's award in 2009 for outstanding work in the field. Under Jack, statistics regarding criminal convictions and administrative orders for misconduct suggest a narrowing of the agency's enforcement sweep. Seven people were convicted of securities crimes and 42 were hit with administrative sanctions in fiscal year 2010. In fiscal 2011, in which Jack was commissioner for six months, there were three criminal convictions and 25 administrative orders issued. During his first full year as commissioner, there were four criminal convictions — all from the same case in Wichita — and 14 administrative orders. Statistics for the current fiscal year weren't available. Jack said reports reflecting the agency's enforcement achievements — the same material currently presented as factual — was falsified for years by a staff member. Jack said enforcement director John Runnberg manipulated statistics to make it appear the agency was more proactive than an honest presentation of the numbers would reflect. Runnberg worked two decades as a U.S. Army criminal investigator prior to joining the commission’s staff. He died in 2010. "Those statistics are completely fraudulent," Jack said. "They are not accurate." Love, spokeswoman for the securities commission, said, “All the data contained in the agency’s official enforcement numbers is substantiated by case files and public court documents.” Dodd-Frank Jack's attempt to reinvent the Kansas Securities Commission occurred during an era in which state regulators were mandated by federal law to expand their duties. The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, called "coercive" by Jack, required Kansas by 2012 to perform oversight of 30 percent more investment firms representing a 250 percent increase in assets. By virtue of Dodd-Frank, states began handling investment advisers with less than $100 million in assets under management — four times the previous $25 million cap. States were ordered to start regulating hedge fund advisers with less than $150 million in the fold. Rather than add staff to reflect rising regulatory responsibilities, Jack accepted the Brownback administration's mandate to do the job without extra resources. "This is not the time to be growing government," Jack said. "We've got to tighten the belt." Larry Cook, one-time Kansas Bureau of Investigation agent who served as securities commission enforcement director for 20 years, said he sensed slippage in the agency's capacity to engage in law enforcement activities after he retired in 2000. Around Jack's appointment two years ago, Cook said he walked away from a meeting with Jack optimistic the agency's performance would improve. "It seemed to go the opposite way. It fell off the table with Aaron Jack," Cook said. "The Kansas securities office is the only office that handles securities fraud cases. If the securities commission doesn't do the job, it doesn't get done." Working in style While questions persist about Jack's approach to state regulation, he left no uncertainty about his vision of the image employees would present to the investment community. Jack issued an 18-page memorandum in 2011 imposing a dress code. Some workers, especially those not earning top-tier salaries, chaffed at a mandate viewed as expensive and unnecessary. The memo was built on the premise "our creator makes human beings" in many shapes. Jack assured coworkers the 1997 fashion book, "The New Professional Image," could help anyone recast their image. "Team," Jack said in the memo, "our agency is unique in Kansas in that we regulate the ultra white-collar securities industry. The bar in our industry is set distinctively high." Jack leaned heavily on well-heeled players in the financial services and insurance industries while raising money to back his Republican campaign for the state's insurance post. He accumulated $54,000 by the end of 2012, the largest cash hoard among four Republicans who were campaigning for insurance commissioner. "I'm running," he said before his ouster in February. "We went out and raised a lot of money, and we've worked hard." His interest faded as he gained a sense his rightful place was at a Leawood investment firm. "I got my cash-out job to the private sector," Jack said. Fulmer, the governor's chief of staff, said the imperative was to properly align the securities commission to an evolving, complex regulatory environment. "The Brownback administration is committed to the success and the mission of the office of the securities commissioner and is currently exploring all options to move forward and to strengthen the structure, accountability and leadership that all Kansans expect from this important office," he said. Legislative committees make plans to change judicial selection Final decision may rest with voters in statewide election Posted: May 7, 2013 - 1:14pm By John Hanna The Associated Press Two influential Kansas lawmakers said Tuesday that they haven’t dropped efforts to win legislative approval this year of a proposal to give the state Senate a role in the selection of state Supreme Court justices. House Judiciary Committee Chairman Lance Kinzer and Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Jeff King said they’ll pursue approval for an amendment to the state constitution on judicial selection after the Legislature reconvenes Wednesday to wrap up its business for the year. Any constitutional change approved by lawmakers would go on the ballot next year for voters’ consideration. The Senate in January approved a proposed constitutional change to have the governor appoint members of both the Supreme Court and the state Court of Appeals, subject to Senate confirmation. But the measure stalled in the House, and many legislators believed when they began their annual spring break in April that the issue wouldn’t come up again this year. Currently, an attorney-led nominating commission screens applications for appellate court vacancies, nominating three finalists, and the governor makes the appointment, with no role for legislators. Defenders of the current system contend it has minimized politics, but critics contend the process is too dominated by attorneys and not open enough. King, an Independence Republican who also serves as Senate vice president, said supporters of changing judicial selection are “aggressively looking at” proposals to retain a nominating commission and add Senate confirmation. Kinzer, and Olathe Republican, said he’ll continue to work on the issue. “I haven’t given up on it as a possibility by any stretch of the imagination,” Kinzer said. The appellate-court nominating commission has nine members. Five are attorneys elected by other attorneys, with the remaining four appointed by the governor. As a compromise, the Kansas Bar Association had proposed expanding the commission to 15 members, with 11 appointed by the governor and legislative leaders. The group’s president, Overland Park attorney Lee Smithyman, said Tuesday it is willing to consider compromises that also involve Senate confirmation. The state has had the same selection process for Supreme Court justices and Kansas Court of Appeals judges for decades, but the method for picking Court of Appeals members is spelled out in state law, making it easier to change. Earlier this year, lawmakers approved and Republican Gov. Sam Brownback signed a bill to have Court of Appeals judges appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Senate, with no role for the nominating commission. The change takes effect in July. A constitutional amendment <0x2014> necessary to change the process for the Supreme Court <0x2014> must be adopted by two-thirds majorities in both chambers before it can go on the ballot for possible approval by a simple majority of voters. So far, opponents have had enough votes to block an amendment in the House. If lawmakers and voters don’t approve a constitutional change, the state will have different selection methods for each of its appellate courts. “That is not good for the state of Kansas and not good for anybody,” Smithyman said. Voters themselves approved the current selection method for the Supreme Court as an amendment to the state constitution in 1958. Kansas had previously elected the justices, though even after the change, voters decide periodically whether to retain the justices and Court of Appeals judges on the bench. Supporters call the current system “merit selection” and say it focuses on a candidate’s qualifications and legal experience. But criticism has intensified over the past decade, particularly among conservative Republicans who’ve disliked Kansas Supreme Court decisions on abortion and education funding. Critics argue the current process favors well-connected, politically centrist or left-of-center lawyers and contend Senate confirmation of appointees will increase public confidence in the judiciary. “I hope we get to a system that combines the best aspects of both,” King said. Bill would provide money for Topeka levee fix Measure would provide city of Topeka $15.73 million in matching funds Posted: May 8, 2013 - 3:38pm By Tim Hrenchir tim.hrenchir@cjonline.com A bill before the U.S. Senate would provide $15.73 million in matching federal funding to help the city of Topeka correct deficiencies with its Kansas River levee system, a city official said Wednesday. The Topeka project would be among those receiving matching funds if federal lawmakers approve the current version of Senate Bill 601, the Water Resources Development Act, said Don Rankin, the city’s utility superintendent. The full Senate is expected to vote on the bill soon, the Topeka-Shawnee County Riverfront Authority learned Wednesday from one its members, Doug Kinsinger. Rankin said the city was monitoring what was happening with the bill. He said city officials had met with Sens. Pat Roberts and Jerry Moran, both R-Kan., and sent them emails Tuesday urging them to support the bill, including the funding for the Topeka levee project. Rankin said the bill, if approved by the Senate, would still need to go to the House of Representatives and President Barack Obama for approval. The Federal Emergency Management Agency for several years has directed the city to correct deficiencies in its levee system. The Army Corps of Engineers would pay for 65 percent of the restoration costs if Congress votes to proceed with the project as part of an approved Water Resources Development Act. Rankin said the existing levee system doesn’t provide the originally authorized level of flood risk management benefits because of deficiencies in the levee identified by the Army Corps of Engineers. He said the proposed project would restore the reliability of the local flood risk management system by correcting the deficiencies. Rankin said the most recent estimates, made in 2009, indicate the project would cost $24.2 million, with the city’s share totaling $8.47 million and the Corps of Engineers providing $15.73 million. Rankin said the city in recent years has reserved $800,000 annually as matching funding for the levee project. “As of January 2013, there was $3.8 million reserved,” he said. “Because of the uncertainty of the availability of federal funding, we have identified other levee-related projects that must be completed and plan to use portions of the $3.8 million for those purposes.” Rankin said they include a nearly $1.24 million flood protection well rehabilitation project and a $800,000 levee certification effort. He said Wednesday that so far, none of the city’s $3.8 million in reserves has been spent. City Councilwoman Karen Hiller told the riverfront authority Wednesday that if Senate Bill 601 passes and the Topeka levee project receives the federal money, the city will put forth its matching funding for the levee project — regardless of whether that comes from the reserve fund, from issuing revenue bonds or through a combination of both. “It’s an absolute commitment,” Hiller said. “There’s no question about us coming up with that when the time comes.” From the Wichita Eagle No quick resolution of tax dispute as lawmakers return to Capitol By BRENT D. WISTROM Eagle Topeka bureau Published Wednesday, May 8, 2013, at 4:16 p.m. TOPEKA — State lawmakers returned to the Capitol on Wednesday to find the same tax policy gridlock they walked away from a month ago. Posturing and private meetings ensued. And legislative leaders emerged to tell fellow lawmakers to settle in for a long, frustrating grind, a warning that belies the optimistic pledges of a shorter-thanusual legislative session. The Senate’s tax plan, roughly aligned with the one pitched by Gov. Sam Brownback, seeks to extend an increased level of sales tax at 6.3 percent to help pay for income tax cuts approved last year and more reductions in coming years. Senate President Susan Wagle, R-Wichita, acknowledged voting for an elevated sales tax poses political problems for House Republicans, who face re-election campaigns in 2014. Many House members have voiced opposition to any new taxes. Senators have already voted in support of extending the recession-era increase. But Wagle, who said she doesn’t expect any Democrats to support the evolving plans, promised senators wouldn’t forget it if House members support the Senate plan. “We’ll stand with them as they go through the re-election process,” Wagle pledged. House Speaker Ray Merrick, a Johnson County Republican, indicated that the sales pitches from the Senate probably won’t do much. “This group has been lobbied by several people throughout the session — senators, the governor’s office, the governor’s staff,” he said. “I’ve lobbied nobody. And we had a vote of 92 on one bill” —the House’s tax plan, which doesn’t include the sales tax extension — “and a 120 on the other (in opposition to the Senate’s tax plan), and I’ve lobbied nobody. So I think the message has been sent.” The political posturing comes as negotiations between the House and Senate have essentially stalled, leaving further negotiations to be handled by Wagle, Merrick and Brownback. Wagle said both sides have made offers. Merrick said the same. Both expect compromise, but neither provided details on how that could be done. “It’s going to move slow,” Merrick told fellow House Republicans. “It will eventually end, but it’s agonizing to get there.” Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/08/2794841/no-quick-resolution-of-taxdispute.html#emlnl=Morning_Headlines_Newsletter#storylink=cpy Retention of higher sales tax up for more debate among Kansas lawmakers By BRENT D. WISTROM Eagle Topeka bureau Published Tuesday, May 7, 2013, at 7:52 p.m. Updated Wednesday, May 8, 2013, at 6:01 a.m. TOPEKA — A penny doesn’t buy much these days. Let alone six-tenths of one. But the $257 million that a six-tenths of a cent sales tax could generate next year is at the core of a prolonged political debate set to resume Wednesday when lawmakers return for a legislative wrapup session. The six-tenths of a cent sales tax, part of a temporary increase during the recession, is set to expire July 1. The state sales tax is scheduled to drop from 6.3 percent to 5.7 percent. Republican Gov. Sam Brownback wants to retain the higher rate to help pay for the income tax cuts the Legislature approved and he signed into law last year. A majority of the Senate seems to be with him on that. But the House, where Republicans have a 92-33 advantage, stands behind a plan to let the sales tax expire. The most pronounced difference between the two chambers, beyond the political rhetoric, is that the House plan could put the state in a more precarious situation by eroding the state’s savings account within a few years, according to projections. The Senate’s plan keeps a comparatively stable ending balance on the books until 2018. That could all be complicated next fall, when the state Supreme Court is expected to rule on a school finance case that has the potential to force lawmakers to spend more on public schools. Politicians on all sides expect an intense debate. “I hope that we can get some real movement going,” said Sen. Les Donovan, R-Wichita, who leads tax negotiations for the Senate. “It’s time to get serious and get this over with.” Rep. Richard Carlson, R-St. Marys, who leads tax negotiations for the House, said he expects to find some kind of compromise, likely one involving the sales tax and a trigger for future income tax reduction. The House proposal includes tax reductions whenever the state’s revenue grows by more than 2 percent, although it doesn’t provide any initial reduction. The Senate’s plan would slightly reduce rates over the next two years, then call for further cuts in years when revenue grows beyond 4 percent. “We want to see an overall reduction in the tax burden for the people of Kansas,” Carlson said. He acknowledged that means cutting spending. Brownback toured state universities during the Legislature’s monthlong break, urging extension of the sales tax as a way to prevent the 2 to 4 percent cuts to higher education proposed by the Senate and House. Democrats say it’s a false choice driven by last year’s approval of an income tax cut. “You sort of now have the guy who started the fire has finally decided to call the fire department,” said House Minority Leader Paul Davis, D-Lawrence. “We wouldn’t be in this situation if it wasn’t for the income tax cuts that were far above what the state could afford.” He and Senate Minority Leader Anthony Hensley, D-Topeka, say they don’t believe any Democrats will vote in favor of extending the sales tax, even if it means Republican majorities will cut highereducation budgets. But Republicans hold sway in the Statehouse, and the tax debate is directly tied to House and Senate budget proposals. Also tied up in the budget are potential cuts to a wide variety of state agencies; a decision on whether to keep Kansans with developmental disabilities outside the new, privately managed Medicaid system called KanCare; a proposed $2 million cut from the National Center for Aviation Training in Wichita; and cuts to higher education, which could be replaced by cuts to transportation plans. House leaders say they don’t plan to deal with any bills that haven’t already been approved by one of the two chambers. That could mean sidelining ideas such as allowing a higher alcohol content in beer and wine sold in grocery stores. But that’s always subject to change. Among other issues expected to emerge before the planned May 18 adjournment: • A bill allowing schools to hold back first-graders with poor reading skills. The proposal stems from Brownback’s recommendation to hold back third-graders who can’t pass reading tests, but that plan met resistance and was reduced to one allowing first-grade retention that could be overruled by parents. • A proposal to put a constitutional amendment on next fall’s ballot that could allow the governor to appoint Supreme Court judges, subject to Senate approval • A bill or budget proposal to provide $202 million in bonds to help pay for the National Bio and AgroDefense Facility in Manhattan. Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/07/2793474/retention-of-higher-salestax.html#emlnl=Morning_Headlines_Newsletter#storylink=cpy H. Edward Flentje: Rural Kansas will pay price By H. Edward Flentje Published Sunday, May 5, 2013, at 12 a.m. Republican radicalism thrives here in Kansas, the reddest of red states, and within our state, in the reddest counties. But our brand of red-state radicalism does not bode especially well for the future of rural Kansas. The antics of U.S. Rep. Tim Huelskamp, R-Fowler, who represents many of the state’s rural residents, threaten the federal spending on which these Kansans heavily rely. And Gov. Sam Brownback’s perilous experiment in eliminating the state income tax has placed state services in jeopardy and will eventually push more school funding onto property taxes, driving the high propertytax burdens of rural residents even higher. Curiously, voters in the reddest counties of Kansas cheer the loudest for both Huelskamp and Brownback. Recent news articles by the Kansas City Star and Boston Globe highlight the hypocrisy of red-state radicalism. The Star found that the fiercest critics of federal spending were also big-time “takers” of federal spending. The Star focused on Sumner County, part of the Wichita metropolitan area, and reported that in 2010 “the U.S. government spent roughly $189 million in Sumner County, almost $7,900 for every man, woman, and child who lives here. That’s an estimated 40 to 50 percent more, on average, than each county resident paid in federal taxes.” A Globe reporter traveled to Hodgeman County in rural southwest Kansas and interviewed residents attending a public forum for Huelskamp and later at a downtown coffee klatch in the county seat of Jetmore. Those interviewed applauded their congressman for saying “no” to federal spending and refusing to compromise on spending even with leaders of his own party. His obstinance got him booted from the House Agriculture Committee last year, leaving Kansas without a representative on the committee for the first time in memory. Hodgeman County may provide a useful prism for viewing federal spending in rural Kansas, as more than half of the state’s 105 counties have fewer than 7,000 residents. In 2010, for example, more than $21 million flowed from the U.S. Treasury into Hodgeman County, providing on average $11,000 for each of the 1,916 county residents. Social Security and Medicare benefits represented more than half of the total, and Medicaid alone another million. Direct payments for various agricultural subsidies totaled $2.5 million, not counting $3.1 million in payments through federally subsidized crop insurance and $765,000 in federal farm loans. What exactly these residents paid in federal taxes is not readily available, but based on the findings of Sumner County, they likely paid roughly $2 in taxes for every $3 in benefits. Hodgeman County residents pay an even smaller share of the sales and income taxes that provide for school funding, health care and transportation, among other state services. For example, Kansas taxpayers underwrote 80 percent of the $2.8 million general fund budget of the county school district in 2011-12, matched federal Medicaid funding in the county to the tune of more than $800,000 in 2010, and funded road projects in the county averaging $1.5 million annually over recent years. Most rural Kansans have also benefited from the long-term shift of state finance away from reliance on property taxes, but Hodgeman County residents still pay property taxes that average 21/2 times that of all Kansans, compared with 16 percent less in income taxes. Brownback’s radical plan to eliminate state income taxes is undoing state finance, and its impact will eventually reach the doorsteps of rural Kansans. Last January, for example, when a state court ordered lawmakers to meet their constitutional obligation in funding education, Brownback responded that increased school funding would necessarily fall back on property taxpayers. That action would force the high property-tax burden of most rural residents ever higher. In sum, the monies flowing through state and national treasuries into rural Kansas counties comprise roughly one-third of their local economies and sustain their communities. The “small government” radicalism of Huelskamp and Brownback and their allies will diminish the economic fortunes and quality of life of all Kansans, but its impact on rural Kansans will be the most severe. H. Edward Flentje is a professor at Wichita State University. Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/05/2788411/h-edward-flentje-ruralkansas.html#storylink=cpy Docking questions Brownback on higher ed At an April Wichita Downtown Rotary luncheon meeting featuring Gov. Sam Brownback, the questioners included Jill Docking, the Democrat and financial adviser who lost to Brownback in his first U.S. Senate race in 1996. Docking, a member of the Kansas Board of Regents from 2007 to 2010,wrote on her policy site, the Docking Blog, about Brownback’s recent lobbying to keep highereducation funding flat by extending the higher sales-tax rate. “Taken on its face, the governor’s endorsement of ‘no cuts’ sounds like support, even the work of a savior. But when you take a look at the history of funding for the regent institutions in Kansas, it becomes apparent that the governor is advocating for maintaining not adequate funding but recession-level funding,” Docking wrote, citing an 11 percent decline in state funding for higher ed from 2008 through 2012. Now that Brownback wants to “lock education funding into recession levels” to help fund his “experimental” business and personal income-tax cuts, she continued, one “danger is that those states reinvesting in higher education after the recession will prey on our talent pool – at the cost of Kansas’ future economic competitiveness. When you understand this context, you come to realize that the governor is not solving the problem of adequate funding of higher education – he is exacerbating it.” Read more here: http://blogs.kansas.com/weblog/2013/05/docking-questions-brownback-on-highered/#storylink=cpy Protesters rally at Capitol over proposal to put developmental disability services under KanCare By Dion Lefler Eagle Topeka bureau Published Wednesday, May 8, 2013, at 9:06 p.m. Updated Thursday, May 9, 2013, at 6:09 a.m. TOPEKA — Hundreds of Kansans with developmental disabilities and their supporters rallied at the Capitol on Wednesday in an effort to pressure the Legislature to leave long-term disability services out of the KanCare managed-care health program. People came from group homes and care programs across the state to protest KanCare, Gov. Sam Brownback’s effort to save money on Medicaid costs by contracting with private insurance companies that provide services for a set fee per client. Many disabled people and their caregivers are concerned that private insurers would compromise their long-term care to save money and earn larger profits. “The battle you’re fighting is on the side of the angels. We are on the right side of this issue,” Rep. Jim Ward, D-Wichita, told a crowd on the south steps of the Capitol, where demonstrators erected and signed a 64-foot-long, four-foot-tall petition addressed to the governor. While many demonstrated on the south lawn, others were inside the building addressing their concerns directly to whatever lawmakers they could find. “I’m up here to talk to people about what’s going on and let them know there’s still work to do,” said David Pracht, 44, of Wichita, a resident of The Timbers, an apartment complex where people with disabilities live with assistance. “For me, it’s my medical supplies and stuff they want to cut,” Pracht said. “I’m also worried about the attendant-care side of it.” Angela de Rocha of the Department of Aging and Disability Services said keeping long-term services out of KanCare would cost the state savings that could be used to reduce the waiting lists for disability services. About 2,900 developmentally disabled and 2,600 physically disabled residents are on waiting lists for services. As part of its agreement with the federal government to implement KanCare, the state is committed to using some of the savings from the program to reduce the waiting lists. KanCare is projected to save $129.5 million overall, including $67.8 million of state funds, between now and the end of 2015, said Brownback spokeswoman Sherriene Jones-Sontag. The governor has earmarked $37.1 million of the savings for waiting-list reduction. Adding long-term services for the developmentally disabled to KanCare, as scheduled on Jan. 1 of next year, is expected to generate additional savings in state funds of $9.1 million in 2014 and $16.8 million in 2015, DeRocha said. Those protesting the change argue that the insurance companies that run KanCare won’t know how to handle the long-term services that vary widely from person to person. “They’re two different worlds,” said Ray Rollins of Overland Park, who has a 30-year-old disabled daughter and traveled from Overland Park for Wednesday’s demonstration. He said he’s not worried about the insurance companies handling his daughter’s medical care because “that’s what they do.” But with her long-term services, “the insurance companies have no experience and no idea,” he said. “It includes things the insurance companies don’t know, like job training, job searching, social skills, living skills, transportation, safety, security and nutrition.” Jones-Sontag countered that KanCare is already administering similar services for 12,000 Kansans with disabilities, including the physically disabled, frail and elderly and others. Supporters of the developmentally disabled argue that’s not comparable because most of the people already served through KanCare have the mental acuity to advocate for themselves when dealing with an insurance company, which the developmentally disabled lack. Carolyn Walters said she attended the rally for Travis Conley, a 31-year-old man with mental disabilities who receives services through Wichita-based Starkey Inc. Walters met Conley when he was a student in her class at Levy Special Education Center and became his legal guardian 14 years ago. She said she was concerned about a bill to nudge disabled people toward KanCare by requiring that cases be managed by a different company than the one that provides their long-term care services, such as housing, transportation, sheltered-workshop employment, job training and in-home assistance. Walters said Conley has developed a high level of trust and confidence with his case manager, which can’t be replaced by someone he’s never met. “That relationship with his case manager at Starkey is important to him,” Walters said. “I’d really hate to see that relationship severed.” Jones-Sontag said the administration is committed to allowing developmentally disabled people to keep their case managers and service providers under KanCare. The bill, Senate Substitute for House Bill 2155, was scheduled for a floor vote before the Legislature’s three-week break, but it was pulled off the calendar. The disabled people and their supporters don’t know whether they’ll get a vote on keeping their longterm services out of KanCare. “I think they (legislators) all want to do the right thing, but I think they might be a little bit confused by all the promises that have been put out for KanCare,” said Ron Pasmore, chief executive officer of the Wichita-based service and training provider KETCH Inc. He said lawmakers are concerned because the social-service budget has grown substantially in recent years, and that he has to remind them that the developmental disabilities services budget is a small segment of the overall Medicaid program. “Putting everything together and saying it’s all growing confuses the issue for us,” he said. Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/08/2795196/disabled-rally-at-capitol-onkancare.html#storylink=cpy Where would $100 million in savings come from? Keeping long-term care services for intellectually and developmentally disabled Kansans out of KanCare would cost the state nearly $100 million, Lt. Gov. Jeff Colyer said last week. But where exactly would those savings come from? The Brownback administration has promised that services and reimbursement rates wouldn’t be cut, and it’s not as if the current system is flush with funding. “It’s a grossly underfunded system at this time,” Colin McKenney, CEO of Starkey Inc., told The Eagle editorial board earlier this year, calling the notion of the state squeezing $100 million out of the I/DD system “very alarming.” Are these more made-up savings, like the $30 million that the administration claimed it would saved by the turnpike merger but could never explain? Or would the savings come from making it such as fight to get approval for services that people give up? Read more here: http://blogs.kansas.com/weblog/2013/05/where-would-100-million-in-savings-comefrom/#storylink=cpy Many in developmental disabilities community tell lawmakers they don’t want services moved to KanCare By Dion Lefler The Wichita Eagle Published Monday, May 6, 2013, at 10:32 p.m. With fears, and in some cases tears, people with developmental disabilities and their caregivers pleaded with Sedgwick County legislators to block Gov. Sam Brownback’s plan to turn home- and community-based care services over to KanCare, the state’s managed-care health program. Matthew Cook drew loud applause when he told lawmakers that he’s concerned KanCare contractors will put profitability over serving the needs of people like him who have developmental disorders. “The idea of putting my long-term-care needs in the hands of for-profit health companies is just plain wrong and is morally wrong – the idea of somebody looking not at what I need but what their profit margin will allow,” he said. Cook, who said he has Asperger’s syndrome, is chairman of the community council for the Sedgwick County Developmental Disability Organization. Supporters of the developmentally disabled were the largest contingent among about 100 attendees for a Monday night public forum held by the South Central Kansas Legislative Delegation. Fifteen lawmakers attended the forum, the last one for this legislative year. On Wednesday, lawmakers will return to the Capitol for their annual wrap-up session. The forum offered a preview of what is expected to be a substantial protest by the developmentally disabled community at the Capitol on Wednesday. KanCare is the governor’s effort to reduce the state’s health- and disability-care costs by contracting with private insurance companies that are paid flat rates per client. The program has already been implemented for medical services. But last year, the Legislature voted to delay having KanCare take over residential, job-training, livingassistance and other services for the developmentally disabled until Jan. 1, 2014. Parents and service providers told lawmakers that the medical side of KanCare has been a nightmare, and they’re afraid it will be even worse when the program takes over disability services, which vary widely from individual to individual. In a tearful speech, Cassandra Sines, who said she has adopted several special-needs children, told the lawmakers that KanCare’s restrictions on mental health care had already caused substantial problems for her daughter, who is mentally disturbed. “Last year my 9-year-old daughter was admitted to a psychiatric treatment center,” she said. “She was extremely aggressive to me and her dad and self-harming and destruction of property. We were very concerned about our boys and their safety.” She was initially approved for 90 days of treatment, with the possibility of two 60-day extensions, Sines said. “When KanCare was implemented, we were told that … now she would be reviewed on a week-byweek basis, and if she was denied continued treatment, we would have 24 hours to bring her home, even if she was still having aggressive behaviors.” She said because of the problems the family has experienced with KanCare, they’re considering returning the girl to state custody. “Which is not something that we want to do and not something that any family should have to do to take care of their daughter and get the treatment that she needs,” Sines said. She said if KanCare is expanded, “I am terrified how it is going to affect my son,” who receives community-based developmental disability services. Several lawmakers who addressed the constituents’ questions acknowledged there have been some problems getting KanCare up and running. But they said they’re not sure whether those problems are systemic or isolated incidents as change is implemented. Sen. Ty Masterson, R-Andover, said he needs to hear from more individuals who have experienced serious problems with the system before he will be willing to declare it broken. Fellow Sen. Michael O’Donnell, R-Wichita, said his family has personal experience with KanCare and that so far it has worked fine for them. His father, the Rev. Michael O’Donnell, serves as legal guardian for an autistic adult who attends his church. “He’s doing great,” the senior O’Donnell said after the meeting. “His funding is more than enough to take care of his needs.” Sen. O’Donnell said he hasn’t decided how he will vote if a KanCare carve-out measure comes to the Senate floor but that he is committed to making sure that disabled individuals receive the care they need. Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/06/2792181/many-in-developmentaldisabilities.html#storylink=cpy Eagle editorial: Don’t delay Medicaid expansion Published Tuesday, May 7, 2013, at 12 a.m. With the clock running out on this year’s legislative session, it appears as if Gov. Sam Brownback and state lawmakers may put off until next year the decision on whether to expand Medicaid. Though delaying would be better than blocking expansion, it still would be costly, especially for Kansans who need health insurance. Brownback has been dragging his feet on whether to allow the expansion, which is part of the Affordable Care Act. Though he has said that he is open to it, he has questioned whether the state could afford the cost. But a study by the Kansas Hospital Association showed that Kansas can’t afford not to allow the expansion. Not only would it enable more than 150,000 Kansans to get needed insurance, it would inject more than $3 billion into the state’s economy and create 4,000 jobs over the next seven years. What’s more, expansion could save the state money by moving onto Medicaid some adults currently cared for by the state, such as those with mental illnesses. The KHA study calculates a net savings of $82 million from 2014 to 2020, in large part because the federal government pays 100 percent of the cost of expansion for the first three years. Delaying expansion would mean that the state could miss out on a year’s worth of increased federal funding and lower state costs. But even more important, thousands of its citizens would go another year without insurance. Delaying may have become more tempting for Brownback and lawmakers after President Obama released his budget last month postponing planned cuts to hospitals that serve low-income uninsured patients. The payments were supposed to drop next year in expectation that many of these patients would be joining Medicaid. The loss of this funding without the expansion would be a severe blow to the state’s hospitals, and could put some small hospitals out of business. Postponing these cuts takes some pressure off Brownback to act – though there are other payment cuts from health care reforms and the sequestration that still will be difficult for hospitals to absorb. To his credit, Brownback didn’t make a knee-jerk, ideological decision to block Medicaid expansion, as some other GOP governors did. But he doesn’t need another year to decide that expansion is good for Kansas and its citizens. He should support Medicaid expansion, without delay. For the editorial board, Phillip Brownlee Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/07/2791935/eagle-editorial-dont-delaymedicaid.html#storylink=cpy Developmental disabilities advocates support using savings to reduce waiting lists By BRENT D. WISTROM Eagle Topeka bureau Published Monday, May 6, 2013, at 11:39 a.m. Updated Wednesday, May 8, 2013, at 6:01 a.m. TOPEKA — Advocates for Kansans who have developmental disabilities applauded Gov. Sam Brownback’s proposal to channel part of the savings from Medicaid reform toward providing services for people who have been on waiting lists. Brownback recently proposed spending $18.5 million of roughly $60 million in unexpected savings to reduce waiting lists for Medicaid home- and community-based services. “We think this is a great move on the part of the governor,” said Tim Wood, who manages the End the Wait Campaign for the Kansas Developmental Disabilities Policy Group. Wood said Brownback’s initial budget proposal essentially held funding for the developmental disability waiver flat. He acknowledged that hundreds of people would remain on waiting lists even with the new money, but he said the financial boost is still positive news. “This is progress,” he said. “We would love to say we could end this tomorrow.” Wood said his organization is asking lawmakers, who return to Topeka for a legislative wrap-up session this week, to create a long-term, comprehensive plan to eliminate the roughly 5,000 people from the waiting lists. Wood said it costs about $21,000 a year to serve people on the physical disability waiver and about $41,000 for people with developmental disabilities. He suggested trying to take an equal number of people off each list by spending about $12.4 million on the developmental disability waiver and about $6.4 million for those with physical disabilities. Rosie Cooper, executive director for the Kansas Association of Centers for Independent Living, said the money should be split equally between physical and developmentally disabled waiver programs. “Everyone is equally important,” she said. “The need is everywhere.” While there may be some disagreement over how the money is split up, advocates agree the needs have increased and that the state needs a long-term solution. “For many years, we’ve seen a growing waiting list, and we need to make sure that people that need services get them and not sit in their mom and dad’s living room,” said Kathy Lobb, legislative liaison for the Self Advocate Coalition of Kansas, a statewide advocacy group for adults with developmental disabilities. The waiting lists should be eliminated over a period of time to avoid overwhelming the system, said Steve Gieber, executive director of the Kansas Council on Developmental Disabilities, a governorappointed group that advocates for improvements for people with developmental disabilities. “Our ability to absorb that many people in the system would be a bit of a challenge,” he said. Ronda Klein of Topeka said she found out about 18 years ago that her son Curtis had autism, cognitive disabilities and seizures. Curtis, who is now 19 and attended the End the Wait news conference Monday, was on the waiting list for home-based services for 12 years, she said. Klein said previous governors didn’t address the growing waiting lists, and she said Brownback’s decision is a “great first step.” Even if the state had enough people to deal with those on the waiting list, there could still be problems, she said. She said her provider gets paid $9.20 an hour and has no medical coverage or vacation time. “And the hours ... are in the evening and on the weekend,” she said. “It’s very difficult to call that a profession. So it’s a quandary. How do you get people into those jobs?” But helping more people could also create jobs and help the economy, she said. In mid-April, the Kansas Department for Children and Families and Department for Aging and Disability Services reported that 8,372 people were being served by the home- and communitybased services waiver for people with developmental disabilities. Of that, 1,254 people were waiting for additional services, and 2,901 people were on a waiting list for services. Meanwhile, 5,911 were using services for physical disabilities, with 2,642 on a waiting list. The state’s waiting lists have been under scrutiny for years as they have grown since about 1997, the last time advocates say the state had no waiting list. Last year, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services referred a civil rights case to the Department of Justice for further investigation after complaints that Kansans were not getting inhome or community-based services intended to keep them out of institutions when possible. Brownback’s administration blamed the waiting lists on the economic downturn and the policies of past governors. Last year, the state had trimmed its waiting lists by more than 1,000 people after it paid for a telephone survey of those on the lists and couldn’t reach many people or found that those people no longer wanted to be on a waiting list. Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/06/2791517/developmental-disabilitiesadvocates.html#storylink=cpy Money for NBAF but not for health care? Gov. Sam Brownback is reluctant to allow an expansion of Medicaid because he thinks the federal government is broke and may not honor its funding commitment. But he is also pushing the Legislature to authorize an additional $200 million in state bonds to help ensure the National Bio and Agro-Defense Facility is built in Manhattan, without any worries that the government will honor its funding commitment. Brownback wants NBAF because it is expected to create about 750 construction jobs and more than 300 permanent jobs. But the Medicaid expansion is projected to create about 4,000 jobs. “I think we can say with some certainty,” wrote Kansas City Star columnist Barbara Shelly, “that a pathogen lab is more attractive to him as an economic stimulus than an expansion of health care to low-income Kansans.” Read more here: http://blogs.kansas.com/weblog/2013/05/money-for-nbaf-but-not-for-healthcare/#storylink=cpy Roberts, House members fighting Common Core standards The professionals at the Kansas State Department of Education have invested significant time and money in helping develop the Common Core standards, a multistate effort to align standards and progress measures on English and math. And it looks like the standards may escape a legislative attempt to scrap them in Kansas. But Sen. Pat Roberts, R-Kan., was among nine GOP senators who signed a letter last week asking for language in an appropriations bill that would bar the use of funds to develop, implement or evaluate state-level education standards. Also last week, Kansas Reps. Tim Huelskamp, R-Fowler, Kevin Yoder, R-Overland Park, and Lynn Jenkins, R-Topeka, and 31 other House members sent a letter to Education Secretary Arne Duncan complaining that the “burdensome and misguided” Common Core standards “fail to address the specific needs of our states,” and raised concerns about how the federal government collects and distributes student data. The Common Core standards have been adopted by 45 states, including Kansas, and the District of Columbia, and officials have said it would cost Kansas $30 million to develop other standards and tests at this point. Read more here: http://blogs.kansas.com/weblog/2013/05/roberts-house-members-fighting-commoncore-standards/#storylink=cpy Eagle editorial: Wrap up session quickly Published Wednesday, May 8, 2013, at 12 a.m. Legislative leaders should keep the veto session that starts Wednesday focused and brief by concentrating on four important issues – taxes, the budget, Medicaid and KanCare – and avoiding last-minute shenanigans. Resolving the state’s budget for next fiscal year hinges on lawmakers agreeing on tax policy. The Senate wants to make permanent the statewide sales tax increase, while the House doesn’t want to break the promise to taxpayers that the increase would be temporary. The state has a large enough ending balance that it could make it through the next fiscal year without extending the sales tax. But doing so would leave the state in a much deeper budget mess the next fiscal year. House GOP leaders are signaling a willingness to compromise. And the House’s top tax negotiator, Rep. Richard Carlson, R-St. Marys, expects an agreement to be reached in the first three or four days of the veto session. One reason why the House may compromise is that Gov. Sam Brownback is pushing hard for the sales-tax extension. And as Sen. Les Donovan, R-Wichita, noted: “Governors tend to get what they want.” At least that’s true with this governor and this Legislature. After agreeing on revenue, lawmakers also will need to resolve some budget differences. For example, the House wants to cut higher education funding by 4 percent, while the Senate proposed a 2 percent cut. Brownback has been campaigning against any cut, arguing correctly that higher education plays a vital role in growing the economy. Will lawmakers agree with Brownback? If they don’t, will he veto a budget that cuts higher education? The Legislature also needs to support the federal expansion of Medicaid (which would bring needed health insurance to more than 150,000 Kansans and inject about $3 billion into the state’s economy over the next seven years) and carve out from KanCare the long-term care of intellectually and developmentally disabled Kansans (which shouldn’t be turned over to for-profit insurance companies). These two issues can have a big impact on the state’s economy and the daily lives of its residents. There is a danger that lawmakers will try to sneak through some bad legislation during the final days and hours of the session. For example, there may be another attempt to eliminate the state’s renewable-energy standard or to block Common Core education standards. Lawmakers should reject such moves and stay focused on the four key issues. Besides, haven’t they already passed enough intrusive and constitutionally suspect laws for one session? For the editorial board, Phillip Brownlee Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/08/2793370/eagle-editorial-wrap-upsession.html#storylink=cpy Eagle editorial: Shot in the foot Published Sunday, May 5, 2013, at 12 a.m. Kansas lawmakers were warned about the constitutional problems with the Second Amendment Protection Act. Yet they passed it overwhelmingly and the governor, an attorney, proudly signed it. Kansans won’t get any meaningful protection or expansion of their treasured gun rights from the law, just the legal bills to defend it in court. In trying to fortify the right to bear arms, the state shot itself in the foot. The law declares the federal government cannot regulate guns and ammunition manufactured, sold and kept only in Kansas, even allowing prosecution of federal officials who try to enforce federal laws on such items. Kansas Assistant Attorney General Charles Klebe cautioned lawmakers in written testimony in February: “To state the obvious, the Supremacy Clause of the United States Constitution cannot be waived by state law, and any conflict between a valid federal law and a state law will be resolved by the courts in favor of the federal enactment.” Not surprisingly, the law spent only a day on the books in April before drawing the eye and ire of U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, who advised Gov. Sam Brownback by letter that it “directly conflicts with federal law and is therefore unconstitutional,” that federal law enforcement agencies “will continue to execute their duties to enforce all federal firearms laws and regulations,” and that the federal government may use litigation to prevent the state from interfering in such federal law enforcement. The law makes even less sense when juxtaposed with the pleas of gun-rights defenders that the country needs not new gun laws but better enforcement of existing gun laws. Legislators should not make enforcement harder, which is what they did in creating a special category of “made in Kansas” guns supposedly immune from federal regulation. And many of the federal agents the law treats as felons are Kansans themselves, public servants who are just trying to investigate and prevent crimes. In answering Holder’s letter with his own, Brownback accurately said that “the right to keep and bear arms is a right that Kansans hold dear” and that “this is not a partisan issue in Kansas.” And at least for some, the law was designed to pick a fight with the federal government, not substantively benefit the lives of Kansans. But it’s a fight Kansas cannot afford – even if the estimated $100,000 in legal bills for fiscal 2014 seems modest – given that the state expects a $745 million drop-off in revenue next year due to the governor’s income-tax cuts and a scheduled reduction in the sales-tax rate. It’s a fight Kansas is sure to lose, despite assurances to the contrary by Secretary of State Kris Kobach (who helped write the law but should stick to overseeing elections and recordkeeping). And it’s a fight that lawmakers and the governor easily could have avoided, if they’d been as committed to exercising due diligence as to showcasing their high regard for gun ownership and low regard for the federal government. For the editorial board, Rhonda Holman Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/05/2788404/eagle-editorial-shot-in-thefoot.html#storylink=cpy 74% of lobbyist spending on Kansas lawmakers unaccounted for By Dion Lefler and Brent Wistrom Eagle Topeka bureau Published Saturday, May 4, 2013, at 6:01 p.m. Updated Sunday, May 5, 2013, at 8:34 a.m. Lobbying results Kansas Bankers Association: Lobbying expenditure: $23,914 Result: Five bills passed, including one that reinstated a tax deduction that was inadvertently erased last year. UnCork Kansas: Lobbying expenditure: $15,547 Result: A proposed bill to allow the sale of full-strength alcoholic beverages in grocery and convenience stores remains stuck in committee. AT&T: Lobbying expenditure: $12,537 Result: Passage of a law written by the company freeing AT&T from quality of service and consumer-protection regulations. The top spenders Businesses and special interest groups spent tens of thousands of dollars on meals, sporting events, gifts and other outings with state lawmakers. The majority of the spending is listed as "unitemized," making it unclear who benefited from the spending. Below is a list showing how much special interest groups spent on lawmakers. It includes all groups that spent more than $5,000 between Jan. 1 and March 31. It includes unitemized spending, but it does not include the meals and gifts given to non-elected legislative employees. It also does not include spending on mass media campaigns, which include print, TV and radio advertisements and postcards intended to generate public advocacy. Total by business Business Amount Kansas Bankers Association $23,914 UnCork Kansas 15,547 AT&T Inc. and Affiliates 12,537 Kansas Contractors Association 11,255 Kansas Credit Union Association 10,284 Kansas State Council of Firefighters 9,357 Kansas Gas Service/Oneok Inc. 8,608 Kansas Cable Telecommunications Association7,643 Kansas Electric Cooperatives Inc. Kansas Livestock Association ITC Great Plains Kansas Automobile Dealers Association Kansas Association of Counties Hy-Vee Inc. Wichita Metro Chamber of Commerce Cox Communications Inc. Kansas Farm Bureau 7,213 6,657 5,911 5,717 5,501 5,184 5,176 5,108 5,039 All figures rounded to nearest dollar. Wordle: Top Lobbyists TOPEKA — Lobbyists seeking to influence state laws have spent $380,000 feeding, entertaining and giving gifts to legislators in the first three months of this year. But you will never know how three-fourths of that money was spent because the state disclosure law doesn’t require it. Records obtained from the Kansas Governmental Ethics Commission show that more than 74 percent of lobbyist spending, almost $285,000, was reported as “unitemized” on state forms, meaning that it can’t be linked to any particular lawmaker or event. In addition, the records show that 15 of the state’s top lobbying firms sometimes listed themselves as their own clients, further muddying an already unclear picture of who’s paying to influence lawmakers to do what. And when lobbyists take lawmakers to a basketball game or concert, they don’t have to disclose who was playing, where they went or even the date of the event. Legislative leaders defend the current disclosure law and their constant contact with lobbyists, who they say play a crucial role in the legislative process by bringing outside expertise to the lawmakers. “The wonderful thing is it’s all recorded and it’s open to the public and nothing can be given to a legislator without that being documented,” said Susan Wagle, R-Wichita and president of the state Senate. “I think we have excellent ethics standards. I mean, we do need communication with interested parties, all people, when we pass a bill, and I’m just glad that the lobbyists report.” One group that studied government transparency found Kansas lobbying disclosures to be far from excellent. Kansas earned an overall grade of C for government ethics but an F for lobbying disclosure in a recent national study of state ethics laws. “There was a real lack of specificity there that makes it very difficult to know what’s going on,” said Gordon Witkin, a managing editor of the State Integrity Investigation, a joint venture of three nonprofit, public-interest groups – the Center for Public Integrity, Global Integrity and Public Radio International. Among neighboring states, Nebraska got the highest grade for lobbying disclosure, a B-plus. Colorado got a C, Missouri got a D-minus and Oklahoma matched Kansas with an F. The investigation was especially critical of Kansas law for not requiring clients who hire lobbyists to disclose how much they pay them, a key feature in Nebraska’s high score. In addition, the researchers downgraded Kansas for loopholes that allow lobbyists to list the bulk of their expenditures as unitemized. “There seems to be a lot going on that wasn’t fully disclosed in Kansas,” Witkin said. Carol Williams, executive director of the Kansas Governmental Ethics Commission, said some states require more transparency in reporting. That includes disclosure of how much businesses are paying their lobbyists and how much businesses and lobbyists pay lawyers to write position papers or other costs related to influencing lawmakers. “Without that, you don’t have the full picture of lobbying,” Williams said. Meanwhile, some states also require that lobbyists file updates to show which bills they are lobbying for or against. Kansas requires only a generalization, such as “on behalf of teachers,” which doesn’t give the public much insight into the lobbying activity. Until 2000, Kansas didn’t require lobbyists to break their spending on lawmakers into categories – they just tallied how much they spent overall. Now the state requires lobbyists to categorize spending for meals, recreation, entertainment and gifts. “We have made progress over the years,” Williams said. In Kansas, anyone who is paid or appointed to influence lawmakers or spends more than $100 on lobbying activities must register with the state as a lobbyist and pay a registration fee. The Secretary of State maintains a database of all registered lobbyists. The state’s ethics rules allow lawmakers to accept as much food and drink as they’d like. But they can only accept up to $40 a year in gifts, $40 in recreation and a maximum of $100 of entertainment from any one special interest group. Lawmakers have resisted attempts to change the law to allow lobbyists to invite specific legislative committees out for dinners without giving an itemized account of who went or how the money was spent. This summer, the ethics commission plans to begin random audits of lobbyists’ reports, which it hasn’t done in recent years. But the commission probably won’t be able to fill one of its vacant auditor positions because of budget cuts driven by the income tax cuts signed into law last year. Williams said her office will still have the same authority to audit, but fewer people to do it. “The more auditors you have, the more audits you can do,” she said. Scotch and pedicures One thing the records do show is that lobbying is a big business at the Kansas Statehouse. Every day when the House or Senate is in session, a crowd of lobbyists lines the hallways outside the chambers to speak with legislators, while more lobbyists occupy seats in the public galleries inside. Lobbyists take up almost all the seats at legislative committee meetings, and late in the day they hover by the stairway that leads to the legislators’ underground parking garage, hoping to catch a lawmaker or two going by. But those casual encounters at the Capitol are just the starting point. Lawmakers attended 112 recreational and entertainment events with lobbyists, mostly University of Kansas and Kansas State University basketball games. Lobbyists aren’t required to list the dates that they treated lawmakers to free tickets, so it could not be determined how many of the games were regular-season and how many were NCAA Tournament play. Twenty legislators went bowling with lobbyists and let them pick up the tab. Lawmakers also received a total of about 180 gifts, including 158 personalized portfolios worth about $20 each to carry notebooks and papers courtesy of financial services firm Security Benefit Corp., eight state-seal plaques from various special interests, three “spa services” sponsored by the state Medical Association and three pedicures courtesy of the Kansas Bankers Association. By far, the biggest lobbying perk was food and drink. Most days that the Legislature meets, lawmakers can get a free lunch and dinner from one special interest group or another. On many days, a buffet or deli box lunch is provided for all 165 lawmakers in a hallway just off the Capitol Rotunda. Other days, the lunches are spread out among various delegation, caucus and coalition meetings, where any legislator can attend and eat. And almost every evening, some interest group sponsors a reception, banquet or meeting for groups of lawmakers, again with food and drink provided. One lobbyist listed “Scotch & cigars” for 10 lawmakers as a food and beverage expense. That setup is one reason why so many lobbying expenses are unitemized on the state reporting forms. Lobbyists aren’t required to disclose anything but the total cost of an event if they invite all the members of the Legislature, the whole House or Senate, or the entire Republican or Democratic caucus from either chamber. That’s a big exception to disclosure that helped drag down Kansas’ score in the State Integrity Investigation, Witkin said. In addition, Witkin questioned the practice of allowing lobbyists to list their own firms as clients. Fifteen lobbying shops did that a total of 295 times, representing more than $10,000 in spending, the records show. Witkin said lobbyists might occasionally represent themselves on a bill, especially if it affects the rules of lobbying. “It seems unusual that lobbyists are lobbying that often on their own behalf,” he said. “It would at least raise suspicion about not wanting to disclose who the real client might be.” But Williams, the director of the ethics commission, and some lobbyists say not all of their activity is tied to a particular issue or client – sometimes they’re just sharing information or making small talk over a lobbyist-funded meal. Scott Schneider of Schneider Public Strategies, one of many contract lobbyists at the Capitol, said some spending accommodates relationship-building with lawmakers that doesn’t involve their clients’ issues or advocacy-related specific bills. “When I do spend a dollar, I feel I need to report it somewhere,” he said. “So I report it on behalf of myself.” The result of lobbying One example of lobbying muscle this session was over House Bill 2201, written primarily by AT&T, a perennial Capitol powerhouse with 11 registered lobbyists. The bill allows telecommunications companies to shut down landline service to difficult-to-serve rural customers, allows companies to quit serving poor customers receiving Lifeline subsidies, shrinks the Kansas Universal Service Fund and pares back the authority of the Kansas Corporation Commission to regulate fraud, billing issues and quality of service. With the cooperation of the other major phone companies in the state, AT&T wrote the bill and got the House Utilities Committee to enter it as a committee-sponsored bill. It cleared the House on its first vote 118-1. In the Senate Utilities Committee, a staff-written amendment to maintain some KCC consumer-protection oversight was replaced with a much weaker amendment written by AT&T. AT&T and the other phone company lobbyists had been provided with advance copies of the proposed amendments — although they weren’t given to the Citizens’ Utility Ratepayer Board, the state agency representing customers, according to David Springe, CURB’s chief consumer counsel. The amended bill sailed through the Senate and a second vote in the House, and has since been signed into law by Gov. Sam Brownback. Lawmakers openly acknowledged AT&T’s role in writing and amending the bill and hailed the other telecommunications companies for agreeing with it and not making legislators “choose between friends,” as a Republican bill brief put it. “The telecommunications community all agreed to that language and that’s why it passed with such significant numbers,” Wagle said. During the three months the bill was under consideration, communications companies and industry associations supporting the bill – including cellphone companies Verizon and Sprint – spent a combined $33,000 feeding and entertaining legislators and made more than 500 individual contacts. AT&T alone accounted for more than $12,000 and 241 paid contacts. Other companies spent more than AT&T. The biggest spender on Statehouse lobbying so far this year has been the Kansas Bankers Association at $23,914 over three months. The group came to the Capitol with a menu of requests, including: • Reinstating a tax deduction for bank shareholders worth $2.5 million that was inadvertently eliminated in last year’s income tax cut bill. • Allowing banks to self-fund employee health insurance plans in preparation for full implementation of the Affordable Care Act. • Replacing the mortgage interest rate cap with a new system that caps the rate at 15 percent per year. • Allowing banks to shuffle money in the checking accounts of public agencies with other banks to ensure the deposits are FDIC-insured. • Eliminating the need for banks to send notices to people whose accounts are garnished by the government, if the person has closed the account with the bank. All of those bills passed with little resistance and have been signed into law. Doug Wareham, a lobbyist for the association, said the vast majority of the $17,400 in unitemized spending is for an annual, half-day workshop and reception that all lawmakers are invited to. “Most bankers aren’t able to catch lawmakers during the day because their schedules are so full,” he said. The association also paid for about 200 breakfasts, lunches and dinners with lawmakers – and the occasional plaque or pedicure. Wareham said he wants to make sure his industry is at the table for discussions that might affect it. “We’re pretty aggressive about it,” he added. “We want them to know what our issues are.” Lobbying doesn’t always achieve results. UnCork Kansas, a business coalition seeking to allow the sale of full-strength alcoholic beverages in grocery stores and convenience stores, spent more than $15,000 on legislators in three months. That made UnCork second only to the bankers association in lobbyist spending on legislators. But the group appears to be no closer to its goal despite that effort plus a widespread TV advertising campaign costing an additional $13,179. The effort has so far been staved off by a coalition of religious conservatives concerned about expanding access to alcohol, and small-town lawmakers whose communities depend on neighborhood liquor stores for commerce and property tax income. ‘It’s not changing people’s votes’ Rep. Nile Dillmore, D-Wichita, said that having nearly three-quarters of lobbying money unaccounted for could leave many Kansans wondering who is benefiting and what businesses and interest groups are getting out of it. “That really does lack any transparency,” he said. Dillmore said that lawmakers are invited to standing receptions Monday through Thursday evenings. Some receptions feature a buffet and cocktails, and direct lobbying is quietly discouraged to allow for more relaxed socializing. Others, however, involve lobbyists who want to talk about specific bills. In the end, however, Dillmore said the lobbyists’ efforts don’t have much influence on how he votes. But he said it must be working because companies and interest groups keep investing in lobbying. “They must be getting some reinforcement somewhere,” he said. Kansas has a transparent system of recording lobbying and no significant corruption, said Rep. Scott Schwab, R-Olathe, chairman of the House Elections Committee that sometimes deals with lobbying laws. The state has reasonable gifting limits, it bans lawmakers from accepting campaign money during the legislative session, and the fact that people can see the unitemized spending means it is being reported, he said. Compared to the problems seen in other states, Schwab said, Kansas is doing well. “It’s not changing people’s votes,” he said. “I think we’re getting the information the people want. We could make it more transparent and more transparent, but we could get to the point that it’s information overload.” Schwab said most voters are interested in how lawmakers vote, not how many lunches they had with lobbyists. Lobbying activity is mostly geared toward building relationships and trust, he said. “The entire thing is based on trust,” he said. “And to establish trust on a core level, you’ve got to get out of the office.” Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/04/2789577/74-of-lobbyist-spending-onkansas.html#storylink=cpy Eagle editorial: Collect online sales tax Published Thursday, May 9, 2013, at 12 a.m. The days of needing to protect the fledgling Internet are long gone, and online retail sales should be taxed the same as sales at local brick-and-mortar businesses. So it was good that the U.S. Senate voted this week to authorize states to collect sales taxes for online purchases – though it was disappointing that Sen. Pat Roberts, R-Kan., was among the 27 senators who voted against it. Now the House – and its members from Kansas – needs to approve the bill and level the playing field for retail businesses. Stop picking winners and losers. The Marketplace Fairness Act allows states to require out-of-state retailers to collect sales taxes when they sell products over the Internet, in catalogs, and through mail or telephone orders. Current law requires the businesses to collect taxes only if they have a physical presence in the state. This sales-tax exemption creates a competitive disadvantage for local retailers and encourages consumers to buy from out-of-state companies. The exemption also is costly to states, which lost an estimated $23 billion in sales tax collections last year. Opponents argue that collecting taxes is too complicated, given all the different state and local sales tax rates throughout the country. But states that want sales tax collected – and it would be their choice – must provide free computer software that calculates the tax. And the tax collections would be sent to one agency in each state, so retailers wouldn’t have to remit them to individual counties or cities. Also, only businesses that have more than $1 million in out-of-state sales would be required to collect sales taxes. So this wouldn’t apply to many small businesses and start-up companies. Roberts voted against the bill because he considers it a tax increase, but it really isn’t. Most states, including Kansas, already require their citizens to pay unpaid sales taxes when they file their state tax returns. It’s just that few comply and enforcement is next to impossible. Sen. Jerry Moran, R-Kan., missed the vote this week because of a speaking commitment but supports the measure. He considers it a matter of tax fairness and local control. “The legislation will not impose a new tax on the Internet or anyone,” Moran has said. “It will, however, protect small businesses and empower states with the ability to control fiscal policy as they see fit.” The tax exemption might have made sense when Internet commerce was just getting going. But online sales in the United States totaled $226 billion last year, and it’s growing every year. It no longer needs special treatment. For the editorial board, Phillip Brownlee Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/09/2794984/eagle-editorial-collectonline.html#emlnl=Morning_Headlines_Newsletter#storylink=cpy Pompeo introduces legislation he says will help light aircraft industry By Molly McMillin The Wichita Eagle Published Tuesday, May 7, 2013, at 4:39 p.m. Updated Tuesday, May 7, 2013, at 10:56 p.m. Rep. Mike Pompeo, R-Wichita, on Tuesday introduced the Light Aircraft Revitalization Act, which sponsors say would streamline the certification process, lower costs and revitalize the general aviation industry. Reforming certification processes would improve safety and increase innovation, Pompeo said in a statement. The bill is cosponsored by Dan Lipinski, D-Illinois; Sam Graves, R-Missouri; Todd Rokita, R-Indiana; and Rick Nolan, D-Minnesota. The average small plane in the U.S. is 40 years old, according to information from Pompeo’s office. In announcing his sponsorship of the legislation, Pompeo said in a statement that companies that bring new aircraft designs to market face regulatory barriers that hurt innovation. He claimed in the past decade, the U.S. had lost 10,000 active private pilots per year in part because of a lack of costeffective, new small planes. “General aviation safety can be improved by modernizing and revamping the regulations for this sector to clear the path for technology adoption and cost effective means to retrofit the existing fleet with new safety technology,” according to the legislation being proposed. Over the past 18 months, the Federal Aviation Administration’s Part 23 Reorganization Aviation Rulemaking Committee, composed of aviation authorities and industry representatives, worked to create a regulatory environment that would revitalize the health and safety of new and existing light planes, according to information from Pompeo’s office. The legislation would require the implementation of the rulemaking committee’s recommendations by the end of 2015. “General aviation has never asked for a bailout, but we can cut red tape and at the same time improve safety, effectively revitalizing the industry by cutting the cost of new planes,” Pompeo said in a statement. “The existing outdated certification process needlessly increases the cost of safety and technology upgrades by up to 10 times.” The bill calls for the FAA to reorganize certification requirements to streamline the approval of safety advancements. It would require the creation of a “regulatory regime” for small airplanes, set broad, outcome-driven safety objectives to spur innovation, replace current, prescriptive requirements contained in FAA rules with performance-based ones. It would use FAA-accepted standards to clarify how safety objectives may be met by specific designs and technologies. The FAA administrator would lead the effort by working with aviation regulators to adopt a complementary regulatory approach for small planes. For example, the leading cause of fatalities in general aviation is due to loss of control, in which the airspeed no longer produces the required lift, causing the plane to descend in an uncontrolled stall or spin without enough altitude to recover, information from Pompeo’s office said. Pilots are taught how to avoid these accidents, but they remain a problem. There is tremendous interest in technological interventions to improve the safety in these areas. The FAA rulemaking committee developed recommendations that would allow technologies – such as “envelope protection,” “angle of attack indicators,” and “spin-resistant features” – that would improve safety be put into new and existing aircraft at a fraction of the cost. But today, the cost of adding an angle-of-attack indicator into a noncertified experimental aircraft is $800. In a certified aircraft, the same piece of equipment is $5,000 because of the added certification paperwork and testing, according to information from Pompeo’s office. Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/07/2793245/pompeo-introduceslegislation.html#emlnl=Morning_Headlines_Newsletter#storylink=cpy Roberts right about needing to regulate compounding Good for Sen. Pat Roberts, R-Kan., for leading an effort to provide more oversight of pharmacy compounding, which now is mostly unregulated. Roberts has been working for more than 10 years to strengthen regulations regarding the mixing of medications, but the issue received more urgency after dozens of people died last year from an outbreak of spinal meningitis linked to contaminated steroid injections prepared by a compounding company in Massachusetts. “It really is unfortunate that 53 people have to die and 700 get sick before we have the will to do this,” Roberts said. Though Roberts is normally leery of more regulations, he recognizes that this is needed for public safety. “We just have to get it done,” he said. He’s right. Read more here: http://blogs.kansas.com/weblog/2013/05/roberts-right-about-needing-to-regulatecompounding/#storylink=cpy Legislation seeks more oversight of pharmacy compounding By MARK MORRIS The Kansas City Star Published Sunday, May 5, 2013, at 10:42 p.m. The U.S. Senate this week will begin work on a law that would provide new oversight of the practice of pharmacy compounding. If enacted, the law would be the first far-reaching piece of federal legislation to reform compounding since Kansas City pharmacist Robert Courtney shocked the nation more than a decade ago with his admission that he had diluted thousands of doses of chemotherapy medication. Compounding is a traditional part of pharmacy practice in which pharmacists mix medications from scratch but without having to meet the same exacting safety and quality standards that large drug manufacturers must follow. The legislation, written by Kansas Sen. Pat Roberts and three of his Senate colleagues, would clarify for the first time the roles of federal and state agencies in regulating compounding. Though Roberts has worked steadily to strengthen compounding laws over the last 10 years, his new legislation received special urgency last fall when a spinal meningitis outbreak killed dozens and sickened hundreds more. The outbreak was traced to contaminated steroid injections prepared by the New England Compounding Center in Massachusetts. Roberts, a Republican, said Friday that he is encouraged by the willingness he has seen in colleagues on both sides of the aisle to work on this issue again. “It really is unfortunate that 53 people have to die and 700 get sick before we have the will to do this,” Roberts said. “We haven’t given up. We’re persevering, and we’re doing it the right way. We just have to get it done.” The Kansas City Star first laid out concerns about the safety of compounded medications in a threepart series in 2002. Responding to that report and Courtney’s admissions, senators organized their initial hearing on compounding practices in 2003. But industry opposition blocked any significant changes. The compounding industry remains mostly regulated by a patchwork of state boards of pharmacy, which often do not have the capacity to oversee large operations that compound thousands of doses of sterile medications and then ship them across the country. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration argues that it is hamstrung by a lack of clear jurisdiction. It is those large operations, described in the legislation as “compounding manufacturers,” at which the law is aimed. The FDA would, under the proposal, have clear authority to license and inspect those plants, while leaving traditional pharmacy compounding as practiced in local drugstores to the states. “We’ve seen far too many deaths in this country because some pharmacies have acted more like drug manufacturers, without following rigorous safety rules,” Minnesota Sen. Al Franken, who has worked with Roberts on the legislation, said in a written statement. The proposed law would compel those large compounders to use good manufacturing processes and ensure that a licensed pharmacist was overseeing the preparations. Compounding manufacturers also would be subject to reporting requirements for adverse drug reactions similar to those of traditional pharmaceutical makers. And the law allows the government to identify products that are particularly tricky to compound, such as extended release products, metered dose inhalers and transdermal patches, and prevent them from being produced until compounders demonstrate they can do them safely. Sens. Tom Harkin of Iowa and Lamar Alexander of Tennessee joined Roberts and Franken in releasing the draft bill in late April, calling for comments from government agencies and private interests. Those comments were due Friday. The Senate’s Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions will hold a hearing Thursday to consider testimony and comment from industry leaders, government officials and public health advocates. A likely voice in the process will be that of the International Academy of Compounding Pharmacists, which has consistently fought any federal encroachment on pharmacy practice. In a statement on the draft bill, the academy applauded the committee’s work but said the bill could “create more confusion and further blur the jurisdictional authority of regulators.” Still, the academy pledged to work with the Senate to refine the legislation. Public health experts appeared divided on the proposed bill. Public Citizen, a consumer advocacy group founded by Ralph Nader, issued a stinging critique of the legislation, saying it would be “a major step backward for U.S. drug safety.” The group encouraged the FDA to apply the same standards to compounding manufacturers that it does to traditional pharmaceutical companies. But Sarah Sellers, an Illinois pharmacist and longtime proponent of compounding reform, said the senators’ draft legislation is aimed at a risky industry problem and represents a good step. “Their work to further clarify the FDA’s authority and the responsibilities of the states is commendable and urgently necessary to protect the public,” Sellers said. Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2013/05/05/2791036/legislation-seeks-moreoversight.html#storylink=cpy The political rise and fall of Aaron Jack When Aaron Jack – a former state representative from Andover – resigned on Feb. 12 from the top job at the Kansas Securities Commission, the announcement said he wanted to return to private industry. But the Topeka Capital-Journalreported this week that he was told to resign or be fired by Gov. Sam Brownback’s chief of staff. And with good reason. During his two-year tenure, Jack pushed out nearly three-fourths of the commission’s staff, replacing many of them with GOP operatives. Not surprisingly, the commission’s enforcement record dropped. Jack also authorized more than $500,000 to be spent on a “public education” media campaign that seemed mostly aimed at aiding his planned run for Kansas insurance commissioner. “They’ve turned the agency into a dysfunctional pro-industry political bastion,” a former securities examiner told the Capital-Journal. “One of the best securities agencies in the country has been wiped out.” So has Jack’s political career. Read more here: http://blogs.kansas.com/weblog/2013/05/the-political-rise-and-fall-of-aaronjack/#storylink=cpy Wichitan hoping to unseat Huelskamp Bryan Robert Whitney is seeking the Democratic nomination for the 2014 District 1 congressional race against Rep. Tim Huelskamp, R-Fowler, the Hutchinson News reported. In addition to Huelskamp’s campaign war chest of more than $500,000 and the large GOP advantage in voter registrations, Whitney faces another challenge: He lives in Wichita, which is in District 4. The U.S. Constitution allows Whitney to run for any Congressional seat in the state, as long as he lives in the state. He grew up in District 1, graduating from Syracuse High School, and plans to move back to the district in 2015 after his wife graduates from the University of Kansas Medical School in Wichita. But Whitney acknowledged that not living in the district during the campaign “will be difficult.” Read more here: http://blogs.kansas.com/weblog/2013/05/wichitan-hoping-to-unseathuelskamp/#storylink=cpy From the Kansas City Star Brownback’s sales tax increase is best of bad options May 7 Kansas Gov. Sam Brownback is banking on the prospect that, in the next week or so, his Legislature will approve a tax increase. Brownback would never call it that. The Republican governor lives under the happy delusion that he can take credit for pulling Kansas out of its Great Recession slump without a tax increase on his record. In fact, much of the progress Kansas has seen in its finances is the result of a one-cent sales tax increase that Brownback’s predecessor, Democrat Mark Parkinson, signed into law in 2010. Part of that increase is scheduled to expire on June 30. To renew the full one cent would make the sales tax higher on July 1 than Kansans had been promised. It’s a tax increase, pure and simple. But the Legislature’s decision, when it returns Wednesday for its “wrap up” session, is anything but simple. To give the governor what he wants is to give breathing room to a horribly flawed tax policy that began with the draconian income tax cuts Brownback signed into law last year. But to deny the Brownback tax increase is to place Kansans at risk for higher property taxes and more cuts to schools and services. Brownback and the Legislature ought to reverse their rash and arrogant income tax experiment. That’s not going to happen any time soon, though. The governor regards income tax cuts as his ticket to national acclaim in some circles, never mind the devastation his policies are wreaking at home. Kansas, however, can’t weather any more cuts to schools, universities and social services. For the Legislature, extending the sales tax increase is the only responsible course of action. Brownback, a master at the art of illusion, has been touring the state and portraying himself as the champion of Kansas’ colleges and universities. Only an extension of the sales tax increase, he said, could hold the schools’ budgets at their current levels. But that level is hardly adequate. Jill Docking, Brownback’s one-time political opponent and a former member of the Board of Regents, noted that state funding for higher education plunged 11 percent from 2008 through 2012. Many states are taking advantage of rebounding revenues to make up recessionary losses; in Kansas, level funding is talked about as a victory. “Higher education is a very competitive business,” Docking wrote on her blog,dockingblog.com. “We will lose our most talented students, faculty and researchers to those states with the commitment to education that Kansas has had for generations, but currently, apparently, lacks.” Even a sales tax increase won’t cure the ills of the Kansas budget. Brownback and key lawmakers are desperately searching for pots of money to plunder, for projects to defer and for fiscal tricks to employ. The strategy is unsustainable. It’s been interesting — if rather sad — to watch Brownback lobby for a sales tax increase while also insisting his end game is to eliminate the income tax. Under no scenario should the Legislature entertain such a notion. Credible studies show that the state must attract record numbers of high-paying jobs to close the budget gap the first round of tax cuts has created — a feat made all the more difficult as schools and service slip. The governor’s tax increase would at least save Kansas from falling faster. Lawmakers should pass it, and close some tax loopholes as well. Then they should begin a soulsearching process aimed at steering back to a fiscal policy that honors the state’s traditional values, such as good schools and services. Read more here: http://www.kansascity.com/2013/05/07/4223811/brownbacks-sales-taxincrease.html#storylink=cpy Deal on taxes and spending in Kansas could be near May 7 BY BRAD COOPER The Kansas City Star Lawmakers return to Topeka on Wednesday after a monthlong break with a deal just out of grasp to cut income taxes and balance the budget. Even with deeply rooted differences over renewing a sales-tax hike, key lawmakers say a bargain could crystallize as early as this weekend. “I have been very optimistic all along,” said Rep. Richard Carlson, a St. Marys Republican and one of the key budget negotiators. “We intend to find an amicable solution that benefits all the taxpayers in Kansas.” No faction wants to repeat last year’s legislative session, when lawmakers approved controversial income-tax cuts and left angry after failing to draw new election districts. “People don’t want to go through what we did last year and they’re talking,” said state Sen. Julia Lynn, an Olathe Republican and a member of the Senate tax committee. Still, the shape of a solution remained unclear Tuesday after leadership teams from the House and Senate exchanged ideas in Oklahoma City. They’d met there at a conservative American Legislative Exchange Council conference last week. House Speaker Ray Merrick said three or four tax plans remained in play but declined to provide details. Merrick said state fiscal analysts were still running numbers on the plans to calculate their impact on future state budgets. “It’s just seeing how the numbers come out,” Merrick said. “You don’t want to come back here and undo what you did because you made a strategic mistake.” House and Senate budget negotiators were set to talk Tuesday about tax plans, but that meeting was abruptly called off. Talks seeking a compromise may pick up Wednesday. The major issue facing legislators is the possible renewal of a six-tenths of a cent addition to the state sales tax approved in 2010 amid the depths of the recession. That part of the sales tax is scheduled to come off the books July 1, but conservative Republican Gov. Sam Brownback wants it renewed to help bridge a massive revenue hole left by income tax cuts he signed into law last year. Already dogged by slumping approval ratings, Brownback wants the sales tax to avert cuts in programs such as higher education. However, he’s at odds with House conservatives who would traditionally be some of his strongest allies in the Statehouse. He provided critical help in getting many of them elected — as they campaigned against the higher sales tax — in 2012. Twenty-four House members — mostly Republicans — voted against the sales tax when it was approved three years ago. The Senate has backed Brownback’s plan to renew the sales tax and reduce income taxes even deeper between 2014 and 2017. Not renewing the tax means making deep budget cuts, possibly to education, for which senators don’t seem to have much of an appetite. Meanwhile, the House has passed a plan that lets the state sales tax drop to 5.7 cents from 6.3 cents. But that plan cuts income taxes far less aggressively than the Senate’s. The differences between the two tax plans are central to how much the state ends up spending in 2014 and to what extent the state’s colleges and universities get cut. While the House, for instance, would lower the sales tax, it also wants deeper budget cuts than the Senate has proposed. The House would cut $122 million from the governor’s budget recommendation for fiscal 2014, including about $30 million for higher education. Senators would trim the governor’s proposed budget by about $48 million and cut colleges and universities by about $15 million. No one is certain how all this will shake out in the next few days. “There is an agreement that neither side will end up getting 100 percent their way,” said state Rep. Marvin Kleeb, an Overland Park Republican who sits on the House tax and appropriations committees. Some support exists in the House to move away from an income tax to more of a consumption tax, but Kleeb said lawmakers don’t want to be perceived as raising taxes by extending a sales tax that lawmakers promised to roll back in 2010. “That’s the hurdle we need to get over,” Kleeb said. Sen. Les Donovan, chairman of the Senate tax committee, said he hopes lawmakers understand the importance of getting this dispute resolved. “It is a pretty grave situation,” said Donovan, a Wichita Republican. “We’ve got to get something done. There’s no more beating around the bush.” Read more here: http://www.kansascity.com/2013/05/07/4224005/deal-on-taxes-and-spendingin.html#storylink=cpy Colleges, Johnson County held hostage by Brownback May 6 Gov. Sam Brownback is trying to fool some Kansans — including Johnson County civic leaders — into thinking he really cares about higher education. It’s a political game that the governor is winning, as he puts Johnson Countians like Fred Logan, vice chair of the Kansas Board of Regents, in an embarrassing position. Brownback has received plenty of positive attention in recent weeks by appearing at Kansas colleges and universities to say he wants to defend their future funding. How?He wants to make sure the Kansas Legislature doesn’t allow the current state sales tax to drop — as required by a 2010 law — from 6.3 percent to 5.7 percent. If the sales tax remains high, Brownback says, that will create $250 million a year for the state, and some of that money can be used to protect higher education. “The Board of Regents is grateful for the governor’s efforts,” read a Sunday letter to The Star by Logan and two other regents. What’s not to like? How about this: This is the same governor who last year was roaming the state and the halls of the Capitol arguing for massive income tax cuts, basically to help shelter more income for high-salaried Kansans. The result of these cuts will be less money coming in for the state of Kansas in the future. Naturally, these income tax reductions will be hurting one of the prime beneficiaries of state funds — colleges and universities. Brownback didn’t care enough about higher education last year to try to protect it from funding reductions in the future. Now the governor essentially wants to keep a sales tax imposed on Kansans to help make up for all the money he and the Legislature took away with their income tax cuts. That means the state would continue a regressive sales tax in a bid to continue funding higher education at a more reasonable level. Brownback has some allies for keeping the tax in the GOP-controlled Kansas Senate, but Republican House members appear ready to let the sales tax drop. That could lead to a cut of tens of millions of dollars for the colleges and universities. Don’t expect that threat to carry much water with the House members: They were the leaders last year in slashing income taxes. The governor eventually might win this debate, as he’s won many others in his first term. But it’s frustrating that the leaders of colleges and universities have to bend over backward to praise Brownback after he’s been a leader in cutting tax revenues in the past. Read more here: http://www.kansascity.com/2013/05/06/4221024/colleges-johnson-county-heldhostage.html#storylink=cpy Governor, lawmakers considering whether to keep planned Kansas sales tax cut May 5 BY JOHN HANNA The Associated Press TOPEKA — Kansas legislators reconvene this week facing a decision about Gov. Sam Brownback's plan to stabilize the budget by canceling a scheduled sales tax decrease, and the political climate appears to be as volatile as the state's recent weather. The Republican governor wants the GOP-dominated Legislature to avoid cuts in higher education and follow up massive personal income tax cuts enacted last year with another round of rate reductions. The key to his plan for accomplishing both goals – and preventing budget shortfalls over the next five years – is keeping the sales tax at 6.3 percent, rather than letting it drop to 5.7 percent on July 1 as planned. The Senate has embraced Brownback's proposals on the sales tax and income tax cuts. The House approved legislation letting the sales tax drop, with less aggressive income tax cuts. Legislative negotiators had made little progress toward resolving both issues when lawmakers started their break last month. Republican legislators involved in budget and tax issues believe a compromise is possible, but such an agreement would move away from the governor's positions. Several key legislators also said GOP legislators could remain at odds and the Legislature could adjourn without passing a tax bill, leaving a major budget mess for next year. “We're willing to negotiate, but we're just not going to capitulate,” said lead House negotiator Richard Carlson, a St. Marys Republican. “Both sides have to look for compromise, but I don't know what that position is.” Legislators end their spring break Wednesday, returning to the Statehouse to finish a state budget of roughly $14.5 billion for the fiscal year beginning July 1 and to complete other business for the year. Republican leaders hope their wrap-up lasts no more than six days, so that the annual session ends in 80 days, 10 fewer than typically scheduled. Lawmakers also are likely to consider changing education policy, rewriting state liquor laws, granting Secretary of State Kris Kobach new power to prosecute election fraud cases and authorizing $202 million in bonds to help finance a new, national biosecurity lab in Manhattan. But settling tax issues for the year – even if legislators walk away – is crucial. House and Senate budget negotiators concede that they can't finish a spending plan for the next fiscal year without knowing how much revenue the state is expected to collect. Brownback pushed for income tax cuts last year and wants to eventually phase out personal income taxes in the future to stimulate the economy. But he's conceded that the state must backfill its budget if it wants to avoid significant cuts to education funding and major programs. Keeping the sales tax at its current rate would provide $258 million in additional revenues during the next fiscal year. Over the past three weeks, Brownback has toured state university, community college and technical college campuses to build public support for his budget recommendations keeping higher education funding flat in the face of proposals from lawmakers to cut it. Democrats, though supportive of higher education, have criticized the tour as a baitand-switch campaign to boost support for canceling the sales tax decrease. “I just don't think anybody has a handle on where this ship is headed,” said House Minority Leader Paul Davis, a Lawrence Democrat. With GOP supermajorities, there's no chance that the Legislature will seriously entertain Democrats' argument that the state ought to rethink last year's income tax cuts. Senate Majority Leader Terry Bruce, a Hutchinson Republican, said canceling the sales tax decrease remains the cleanest solution. He expects pressure to build on House Republicans reluctant to accept Brownback's sales tax plan each day of the wrap-up session. Over the past 25 years, lawmakers have felt squeezed at the beginning of each wrap-up to finish their business quickly, sensing that their constituents are frustrated with an inability to finish the work within 90 days. “At some point, everybody wants to go home and end the session. That's the biggest motivator,” Bruce said. “At some point, you run out of options.” Carlson said he expects negotiations over the sales tax rate. GOP legislators have suggested phasing down the rate or letting the tax drop some in July but not as much as planned, perhaps to 6 percent. But the plan to drop the tax to 5.7 percent resulted from a budget-balancing agreement three years ago that temporarily boosted the tax under Democrat Gov. Mark Parkinson. Democrats have said consistently that they won't break the promise, and House tax negotiator Scott Schwab, an Olathe Republican, said the idea remains a hard sell among GOP representatives. Budget projections from legislative researchers suggest that with no changes in tax laws, the state budget still would be balanced for the next fiscal year, even though future problems would loom. Schwab said the projections would allow legislators to walk away from tax negotiations if they don't appear to be making any progress. “I don't think it's responsible, but it's possible,” he said. “We could end up saying, `OK, we're just going to go home' and punt it.” Read more here: http://www.kansascity.com/2013/05/05/4219904/governor-lawmakersconsidering.html#storylink=cpy Missouri, Kansas lawmakers face furious debates over alcohol regulation May 5 BY DAVE HELLING The Kansas City Star After a spring of health care and taxes, lawmakers in Kansas and Missouri are bellying up for a final fistfight — over how liquor is sold, how much you pay for it, and how many choices you have at the bar or liquor store. The brawls team longtime political foes, while pitting well-paid friend against well-paid friend. Special interests spend small fortunes on TV ads, lobbyists and campaign contributions. Legislators, meantime, land in a dizzying crossfire between alcohol makers, bottlers, distributors, and, in some cases, your bartender. All because of the post-Prohibition rules regulating demon rum and its good-time relatives. Concerns in the two states are slightly different: • Kansas is deciding if grocery and convenience stores can sell hard liquor and full-strength beer. • Missouri is addressing a raging dispute between the people who make alcoholic beverages and the distributors who get it to market. The stakes are enormous. Selling booze is a multi-million-dollar business, involving dozens of firms, thousands of workers and millions in tax revenue. Add the public’s safety, health and convenience. Mix in dozens of highly-paid lobbyists, new-media tools and shifting political alliances, and you’ve poured quite a potent legislative cocktail. “It’s been intense,” said Sen. Jolie Justus, a Kansas City Democrat. “One issue a session comes to a head like this.” Kansas state Rep. Marvin Kleeb, an Overland Park Republican, calls the combatants in his state “very passionate.” The debates matter. Ultimately, specialty beers and wines may be easier to find — or less available. Brews and spirits could be cheaper, or consumers could be so confused that tax revenue slumps. You might be able to pick up a bottle of vodka with a tank of gas and a bag of chips, but the corner liquor store might close. Grab a cold one. Here’s what the two states are trying to figure out. Missouri Since the end of Prohibition, Missouri has used what’s called a three-tier system to move drinks from fermenter to glass. Manufacturers, from Boulevard Brewing to Anheuser-Busch InBev toMcCormick Distilling, don’t sell directly to the neighborhood bar or liquor store. Rather, the makers must engage a Missouri-based distributor, which then sells beverages to the retailer, which sells them to the public. The idea: Split control of liquor sales among the makers, wholesalers, and retailers, so that no segment of the industry can control prices and products. Before Prohibition — and sometimes during Prohibition — powerful brewers and distillers could cut off uncooperative saloons and stores, leaving them without a product to sell. State-based wholesalers, the theory went, would carry different brands from different makers, ensuring competition, lower prices, and full access to hooch. But in 2011, a federal judge decided the state’s franchise laws did not uniquely protect the relationship between liquor makers and wholesalers. That potentially freed suppliers to alter their distribution agreements, seek other partners — or perhaps to bypass the middleman all together. “It’s chaos,” said Susan McCollum, owner of Major Brands, one of the biggest liquor wholesalers in Missouri. McCollum’s company and others like it are an integral part of the liquor sales system, supporters say. The firms help collect state alcohol taxes and help supervise compliance with regulations. And because wholesalers must be Missouri-owned, they contend, the state’s residents are protected against predatory pricing that could come from large, out-of-state brewers, distillers, and bottlers. But those services aren’t cheap. In a year, McCollum says, Major Brands collects more than $400 million in revenue. Liquor suppliers say that’s cash they could return to consumers if the middleman goes away. Additionally, they say, there are too many liquor makers today for a Prohibitionlike cutoff of retail products. Indeed, they contend, more suppliers would enter the state if they could avoid onerous agreements with local distributors. Of course, there’s no guarantee consumers would see any savings if distribution agreements are changed or ended. The money could simply go in the manufacturers’ pockets. Micro-brewers and small vintners have different concerns. Many would prefer direct sales to retailers, saving the money paid to the middleman, but few have the marketing muscle to directly compete with huge multinational companies. They’re watching developments nervously, and have asked the Legislature for protection. Bar and liquor store owners find it easier to deal with the distributors they know than the suppliers they don’t, but also worry about the cost of the three-tier setup. All of the competing interests have collided in Senate Bill 365 in Missouri, and a companion bill in the House. Supporters say the bills return the state to the three-tier system as it existed before the courts intervened while protecting smaller brewers and wine makers. “It provides consumers with tremendous choice, it helps promote responsible distribution, and it keeps the market competitive all at the same time,” McCollum said. But several alcohol manufacturers and suppliers, led by the Distilled Spirits Council of the United States, have bitterly fought the measures. They have no problem with the three-tier system, but claim the bill unfairly preserves antiquated and unique protections for liquor wholesalers, hurting competition and costing consumers. “The three-tier system is our life and blood,” said Donn Lux of Luxco, a bottler and blender near St. Louis. But “we believe the (franchise) standard should be the same for everybody.” Both sides have dipped into the modern toolkit of political persuasion — YouTube videos, statehouse rallies, news releases, anonymous fliers. A group associated with liquor suppliers recently posted a video comparing the liquor system with the Berlin Wall. And both sides have lobbied up. State records show Major Brands has hired 19 lobbyists, while the liquor suppliers have countered with more than two dozen of their own. By comparison, Kansas City Power and Light has two Jefferson City-based lobbyists. “Everybody’s represented well on this issue,” said Missouri GOP Rep. Mike Cierpiot, chuckling. “They’re working the halls pretty hard right now.” Those lobbyists cross traditional party lines, illustrating the tangled nature of the discussion — and the role of money. One-time Democratic operative Jack Cardetti is working alongside conservative strategist James Harris against the bills, for example. DemocratSteve Glorioso is teamed with GOP consultants Jeff Roe, former GOP House Speaker Steve Tilley and über-GOP lobbyist Jewell Patek to push the bills through. Not everyone is pleased by the hard-sell tactics. “Political consultants know only one way — that’s to throw mud,” said Sen. Jason Holsman, a Kansas City Democrat. Even the tea party is conflicted. Grover Norquist’s Americans for Tax Reformsupports the suppliers, while Missouri’s conservative Eagle Forum supports the wholesalers. And companies directly involved in the issue have taken seemingly contradictory stands. Glazer’s, a Texas-based wholesaler, is on the manufacturers’ side, while Kansas Citybased Boulevard Brewing Co., a supplier, decided last week to support the restrictions “in solidarity with our wholesalers,” according to Jeff Krum of the company. For reasons that aren’t completely clear, Anheuser-Busch InBev, maker of Budweiser and dozens of other popular beers, hasn’t taken a public position on the bills. A year ago, the international brewer with major facilities in St. Louis, said it wanted to cut its distribution costs, but apparently hasn’t yet brought its lobbying muscle to the Missouri debate. A full accounting of the special interest spending on the liquor bill may never be available, but all sides believe it may have already reached seven figures. With just a few weeks until adjournment, the fate of the bills remains uncertain. Several lawmakers said they’re waiting for a signal from Gov. Jay Nixon, who vetoed a similar bill last year because he said it didn’t do enough to protect small brewers and vintners in the state. Legislators don’t want to engage in a major floor fight on liquor issues, they said, without some insurance Nixon will endorse the final result. Kansas The liquor issue in Kansas is simpler, and, for now, quieter. For several years, grocers and convenience store operators have pushed for expanded liquor sales in their Kansas stores. They want to sell spirits, wine, and full-strength beer in their stores. Those businesses tried again this year, much to the consternation of the state’s liquor store owners, most of them are smaller firms who want the business to themselves. “It would put at least half the liquor stores in the state of Kansas out of business,” said Marshall Rimann, who owns two liquor stores in Johnson County. “It’s a business killer and a job killer.” But big-box retailers and convenience store owners — through a non-profit company called Uncork Kansas — say wider liquor sales would be more convenient, competitive, and would save consumers money. “We’re still mystified why we have to operate under Prohibition rules in Kansas,” said Mike Thornbrugh of QuikTrip, one of the members of the Uncork Kansas group. “Name me any other business that has that kind of protection.” Both sides have spent time and money discussing the issue with lawmakers.Uncork Kansas, for example, reported spending almost $15,000 for lobbying expenses in the first three months of the year. As a non-profit, the group is also required to file a federal tax return. But a database of those returns has no record of the filing, and a spokeswoman for the group could not immediately provide a copy. “They’re spending a lot of money,” said Kansas Rep. Stan Frownfelter, a Kansas City, Kan., Democrat who opposes expanding liquor sales to bigger stores. The Kansas Association of Beverage Retailers, which represents the smaller stores, shows spending of $1,100 in its January lobbying report. The bill expanding liquor sales in Kansas remains stalled in a House committee, but could emerge in the veto session later this month. And all sides expect it to come back next year if it isn’t settled this May. “Obviously, there’s a lot of business and money at stake,” state Rep. Kleeb said. Read more here: http://www.kansascity.com/2013/05/05/4216856/missouri-kansas-lawmakersface.html?storylink=twt#storylink=cpy