Population and Development Linkages Gavin W. Jones JY Pillay Comparative Asia Research Centre National University of Singapore Introduction • • • General agreement among economists that lowering population growth rates in high fertility populations is favourable for development But “the relations between population and economic growth are part of a whole complex of interrelations and interactions, which suggests that under different configurations of factors and conditions, the impact on economic factors may vary” (UN,1973) “Demographic bonus” literature strengthened the case for lowering fertility rates. Lowered dependency rates helped create the high savings and investment rates that fuelled the East Asian miracle. Southeast Asian population policies Indonesia, Thailand and Philippines all introduced anti-natalist policies in 1970. The ASEAN-Australian Population Program – 1981 report on “Population and Development in ASEAN – a Status Report” (Herrin, Pardoko, Lim and Hongladarom) What did it say? What has happened since then? Table 1. ASEAN 5 Countries –Demographic Indicators, 1980-2010. Populatio n growth rate Total Fertility Rate Infant Mortality Rate Per capita GNP* Secondary School E.R. % Urban Malaysia 1980 2.3 3.9 28 1820 46 42 Malaysia 2010 1.8 2.1 5 8150 67 72 Thailand 1980 2.3 3.9 54 710 28 27 Thailand 2010 0.3 1.5 12 4320 84 34 Philippines 1980 2.8 5.5 62 700 65 38 Philippines 2010 1.7 3.3 23 2060 85 49 Indonesia 1980 2.4 4.7 84 510 29 22 Indonesia 2010 1.4 2.5 29 2500 78 50 Singapore 1980 1.3 1.8 13 4920 n.a. 100 Singapore 2010 2.4 1.3 2 43980 n.a. 100 Remarkable progress in socio-economic development, and in demographic transition. What were the contributing factors? “Virtuous circle” The relationship between economic and demographic development is not a simple one of cause and effect, but occurs in a broader context of patterns of governance and economic policymaking. Andrew Mason: potential benefits of reduced fertility can be realized “only if countries adopt sound development policies that encourage innovation, saving and investment, efficient allocation of labour, rapid growth in industrial and manufacturing employment, investment in human resources, and the elimination of gender bias” Figure 1.Total Fertility Rate and Number of Births (in thousands) in Southeast Asia, 1960-2010. South Eastern Asia TFR 2 2,000 1 0 0 2005-2010 4,000 2000-2005 3 1995-2000 6,000 1990-1995 4 1985-1990 8,000 1980-1985 5 1975-1980 10,000 1970-1975 6 1965-1970 12,000 1960-1965 7 TFR Number of Births (thousands) Births 14,000 8 5,000 4,000 3,000 4 2,000 3 2 1,000 1 0 0 Births 7 6 5 2005-2010 2000-2005 1995-2000 TFR 2,000 1,500 1,000 4 3 500 0 1,600 8 1,400 7 1,200 6 1,000 5 800 4 600 3 400 2 200 1 0 0 TFR 2005-2010 TFR 2000-2005 Indonesia 1990-1995 0 Births 1995-2000 0 1985-1990 1 1990-1995 100 2 1980-1985 3 1985-1990 200 1975-1980 4 1980-1985 300 1970-1975 5 2,500 1975-1980 6 1965-1970 400 1970-1975 6,000 1960-1965 7 1965-1970 TFR 1960-1965 500 Number of Births (thousands) 2005-2010 2000-2005 1995-2000 1990-1995 1985-1990 1980-1985 1975-1980 1970-1975 8 Number of Births (thousands) 2005-2010 2000-2005 Births 1995-2000 1990-1995 1985-1990 1980-1985 1975-1980 1970-1975 1965-1970 Malaysia TFR 1965-1970 1960-1965 Births TFR 1960-1965 Number of Births (thousands) 600 TFR Number of Births (thousands) Figure 1. Cont’d Philippines 8 7 6 5 2 1 0 Thailand TFR What caused the decline in fertility? Family planning programs? General socio-economic development? The argument largely irrelevant in SE Asia now, because fertility is now low. BUT Still an issue in ◦ ◦ ◦ ◦ Lao PDR Timor Leste Philippines Indonesia (surprisingly) Figure 2.Thailand’s Age Structure, 1970 and 2010 (Numbers in Millions). Thailand- 1970 Male Female 80+ 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4 4 3 2 1 0 1 2 3 4 Thailand- 2010 Male Female 80+ 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4 4 3 2 1 0 1 2 3 4 100 Total 60 Child Old Age 0 20 60 0 40 40 2030 2025 2020 2015 2010 60 60 2030 80 2025 2020 2015 2010 2005 2000 1995 1990 1985 80 2030 120 100 2025 140 2020 160 20 2015 Thailand 2010 0 2005 Child 2005 Old Age 2000 60 2000 Total 1995 120 1995 100 1990 140 120 1990 Singapore 1985 140 1980 SOUTHEAST ASIA 1985 160 1980 0 1980 20 1975 60 1975 140 1975 Child Old-Age 1970 160 140 120 100 Dependency Ratio Total 1970 100 Dependency Ratio 120 Dependency Ratio 160 1970 80 2030 2025 40 2030 80 2025 2020 2015 2010 2005 2000 1995 1990 1985 1980 1975 1970 Dependency Ratio 80 2030 40 2020 2015 2010 Dependency Ratio 40 2025 20 2020 2015 2005 2000 1995 1990 1985 1980 1975 1970 20 2010 2005 2000 1995 1990 1985 1980 1975 1970 Dependency Ratio Figure 3.Trends in Dependency Ratios, Southeast Asian Countries, 1970-2040 Indonesia Total Old Age Child 0 Philippines 160 Total 40 Child Old Age 0 160 Vietnam 140 120 100 80 Total Child 20 Old Age Dependency ratio trends very positive Over a period lasting decades, lowered dependency ratios facilitate development Over the long run, they also lead to population ageing The “window of opportunity” is only an advantage if the opportunity is seized. Rapid growth of labour force can be a disaster if education and job opportunities not expanded Changing internal structure of the labour force must be kept in mind Table 2. Southeast Asia: % growth of younger and older working-age population since 1980 1980-85 1990-95 2000-05 2010-15 Aged 15-29 15.6 8.0 4.1 0.4 Aged 30-64 16.4 17.2 14.3 12.8 Aged 15-64 16.0 12.7 9.8 7.8 Figure 4. Index of Projected Population Growth in Different Working Age Groups 2010-2030 - UN Medium Projections Southeast Asia 150 144.1 140 135.8 Index 130 126.3 120 123.6 107.8 100.0 102.5 103.5 2015 2020 105.0 104.8 2025 2030 90 80 2010 15-64 15-34 114.4 110 100 119.7 113.6 35-64 The issue of ultra-low fertility East Asian countries face this problem – also Singapore and Thailand Vietnam is considering its situation Delays in modifying population policies in East Asian countries. Why? ◦ ◦ ◦ ◦ ◦ Uncertainty – are the figures correct? Population momentum Unawareness about long-term implications Vested interests in maintaining F.P. program Table 3. Delays in modifying population policy after reaching replacement level Country Year in which replacement fertility was reached Year in which antinatalist policy was reversed Number of years elapsed % below replacement when policy reversed Singapore 1975 1984 9 25 Singapore 1975 1987 12 25 South Korea 1984 1996 12 20 South Korea 1984 2004 20 50 Taiwan 1984 1992 8 20 Taiwan 1984 2006 22 47 Japan 1973[1] 1990 17 25 Japan 1973 1994 21 China 1992 (?) No reversal 22 (+) 32 Comments Selective pro-natalist policies for highly educated. More general pro-natalist measures. Very mildly pro-natalist policies More serious pro-natalist measures Pro-natalist statement but no measures. Specific pro-natalist measures under consideration Mildly pro-natalist measures Angel plan was introduced in 1994, then revised in 1999 – More forceful pro-natalist measures. 25-30% below replacement in 2013; policy modified to allow only child to have 2 children after marrying. Some key populationdevelopment linkages affecting Southeast Asia •Population density •Population and environment •Education and population •Ageing •Urbanization and migration Figure 5. Secondary School Enrolment Ratio (% gross) China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia 90 China 80 Indonesia 70 Malaysia China India 60 India Indonesia Malaysia 50 40 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 30 Table 4.Trends in % of population aged 65+ Singapore Thailand Vietnam Malaysia Indonesia Philippines SE ASIA 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 5.6 4.5 5.7 3.6 3.8 3.1 4.1 7.3 6.6 6.4 3.8 4.7 3.2 4.9 9.0 8.9 6.5 4.8 5.0 3.7 5.5 13.9 13.0 8.2 6.9 6.3 4.9 7.1 20.5 19.5 12.9 9.7 9.2 6.3 10.3 Urbanization and migration Provinces with ultra-low fertility (Shanghai, Guangzhou) growing rapidly Provinces with higher fertility (Sichuan, Guizhou, Hubei) growing more slowly. Why? Gu Baochang: “China has entered a period in which demographic dynamics becomes dominated by migration rather than mortality or fertility” Table 5.Trends in % of Malaysia’s population – Selangor and Perak Year Selangor Perak 1970 9.4 15.0 1980 10.9 13.3 1990 13.1 10.7 2000 18.0 8.8 2010 19.3 8.3 The role of the United Nations in population policy leadership ICPD Cairo – major shift in approaches Post-Cairo – Reproductive health approach good for SE Asia But diversion of attention from need to reduce population growth rates not good for Africa. The world has tired of funding FP/RH programs, and successful promotion of HIV/AIDS has led to too little of the limited resources going to FP/RH. Turnaround in funding for unmet need for FP – 2012 London summit called by British Government and Gates Foundation - $4.6 billion promised by donors. Recent UN document on follow-up to ICPD – recognizes inequitable distribution of the fruits of development and stresses 5 pillars for population and development – dignity and human rights, health, place and mobility, governance and accountability, and sustainability. One working lifetime in population policy Experiences in Thailand – 1968-9 and 2012 Changes have been remarkable Conventional wisdom has frequently been proved incorrect Demographic factors need to be integrated in development planning – whether or not there is seen to be a demographic crisis of some sort. TERIMA KASIH!