Name: Emilia Frölich
Supervisor: Per-Markku Ristilammi
Instructor: Margareta Popoola
Programme: IMER Master programme
Course: Project Work, 15 credits
Date: 09/05/27
Dubstep a journey into dark sounds, urban spaces
and contemporary youth identities
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TABLE OF CONTENT:
ABSTRACT
p. 3
INTRODUCTION
p. 4
BACKGROUND
p. 5
PURPOSE
p. 7
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
p. 7
METHODOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
The interview – power relations and social positions
Limitations in my choice of method
p. 8
p. 8
p. 10
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
From Subculture to Neo-tribes
CCCS and it's criticism
Postmodernism
A rethinking of class
p. 11
p. 11
p. 12
p. 13
p. 15
DUBSTEP AND ITS MUSIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Club music and its relation to drugs
Dubstep and its rude cousin Grime
Electroclash – the opposite of dubstep?
Dubstep and the media
p. 16
p. 18
p. 21
p. 22
p. 24
MUSIC AND ITS REPRESENTATION OF PLACE
The city
The university
Dubstep in Sweden
p. 26
p. 26
p. 27
p. 28
DUBSTEP AS PART OF A WIDER CLUB CULTURE
Clubbing – an experimental consumption
p. 31
p. 33
COMPUTER VS VOICE – A GENDER PERSPECTIVE
The female as anti-technological
p. 35
p. 36
MUSIC – COMMODITY OR CULTURE
Dubstep and commercialism
p. 39
p. 40
CONCLUSION
p. 42
BIBLIOGRAPHY
p. 46
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ABSTRACT
This paper concerns processes of youth identification and formation of lifestyles in relation to the
recent British music genre 'dubstep'. The music style is viewed as a modern youth leisure practice
which construct social meaning and belonging in an urban translocal environment. The research,
based on analytical data and qualitative interviewing, has proven that modern youth lifestyles can
not be analysed through the theoretical scope of subcultures, as these tend to be homogeneous and
out dated. Therefore, a postmodern approach has opened up to possibilities to understand youth
identification as fragmented and interrupted processes, influenced by a hybrid of transnational
cultural meanings and spaces. The paper also discusses the role of media and the growth of
consumerism in relation to youth identifications, and it suggests that the dubstep scene can be
viewed as a respond to, and sometimes a borrowing of, the representation of the modern urban
youth which can be found in newspapers, as well as fashion and music magazines. Furthermore,
several postmodern youth studies has celebrated the rejection of old unequal categories of gender
and class when analysing the way contemporary youth socialise and create belonging. However, my
study questions this notion and claim that structural power relations still exist and to a certain
extend determine lifestyles, behaviour and motivation among different youth.
Keywords: youth, dance music, gender, urban, consumerism, street culture, postmodernism, club
culture, media, lifestyle
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INTRODUCTION
The focus on popular culture within the academic world has evolved alongside the growth of the
consumer society, which started to develop in Britain after the Second World War. Late capitalism
has often been associated with the emphasis moving away from people being workers, towards
people being consumers. The market of the industrial production rapidly realised that the new found
leisure time needed to be provided with leisure goods. Post-war Britain witnessed several socioeconomic changes, that came to affect all classes, all ethnicities and all generations. Sociologists,
who previously had focused mostly on institutions such as work and education, gradually started to
acknowledge how the process of consumption opened up to new groupings, social relations and
identities. Consumption further had an effect on art and other institutions of amusement. When
people were able to choose a style or a taste, scholars developed a new theoretical framework
concerning 'subcultures', which referred to particular youth groups, organised through certain styles
or music tastes. The activities within these style-based youth groups, started to be analysed as
cultural practices.
Consumerism is a vital part of the modern society and is deeply intertwined with our daily life.
Being a consumer opens up to several alternative lifestyles, which involve different cultural
practices. These type of practices has become essential to study, since it has been acknowledged that
they have a major impact on processes of identification. It has been recognised that identities
formed through consumer choices demonstrates how we want to be perceived, rather than how we
actually are (Firth, 1998: 274). When a lifestyle is available for purchase, we become someone,
rather than being someone. For young people, clothes and tastes are essential tools used in order to
be perceived in the 'accurate' way.
Today, many scholars within sociology and anthropology claim that music and other artistic
practices have strong links to identification. People use music not only to locate themselves in a
particular social context, but also to preconceive knowledge about other people and places. Artistic
productions have the ability to give people a chance to express opinions about their social
environment - people, who may not be able to express it through public institutions, such as the
media or the academics. Additionally, the conventional forms of political participation does not
represent the whole society. There are many voices and opinions which are expressed through other
means, which might not always be acknowledged by the society. The conventional forms of
political participation are often controlled by the state, which frequently get criticised for not being
supportive enough towards ethnic minorities, young people or other individuals with low status
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(Martiniello & Lafleur, 2008). This is why cultural practices, such as music is interesting. The
artistic production offers an alternative mean of expression, where realities which are not always
justly represented in the society can be found. Cultural practices open up to further ways of
analysing identity, belonging and other social issues within our society. Cultural practices can be
viewed as a reflection of some ones everyday environment and social life, which is always of
interest for anthropologists and sociologists.
BACKGROUND – WHY I CHOOSE THE TOPIC
I have read a number of literature concerning music cultures in Britain and furthermore, the
expression of British identity through music in relation to the black diaspora. The black music
culture in Britain is strongly linked to the cultural politics and histories of Africa, the Caribbean,
and black America. In order to understand the local features of black British music, they have to be
explained within the context of diasporic cultural production. The musical forms in the black
diaspora can be seen as a creative response to the oppressive imperial and colonial history of the
New World, where Africans, through enslavement and later labour migration have been re-located
world wide. In the 1980's and the 1990's, many studies concerning the diverse diasporic music
styles in London were conducted. A new wave of music with a strong diversity and integration of
sounds developed. It expressed translocal connections and cultural exchanges, which demonstrates
that the British music culture is not static, it is a constantly developing process, which has
influences world wide.
Cultural production has proved to be a useful way of expressing British identity among Asians and
Afro-Caribbeans. The exchange of music cultures has showed signs of a democratic, anti-racist
interaction (Back, 1996: 215-220). However, I became curious to see what the contemporary music
production in London had to offer in terms of how the cultural practices reflected the modern
society. I have spent five years living in London and has a very personal relationship to the town. I
experienced the city different from the literature I read, which was focusing on the 'Thatcher era'
and its following years, when racism, segregation and high employment were acute problems in
Britain. The issues still exists on some levels, but the effects of globalisation, such as the expanding
diasporic flows, has gradually been standardised and London has been very successful in its
integration process.
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There are many music genres of today that demonstrate how the multicultural flow has led to an
enormous process of borrowing and mixing sounds from different music traditions. Bhangra is one
example, which is a dance genre associated with Punjabi traditions such as harvest festivals and
later has been re-invented using hip hop beats, by British South Asian youths. Bhangra gave these
youth a stronger connection to 'their' music and at the same time signalled a self-consciousness of
being South Asian and British (Back, 1996: 201-215). However, in modern studies, it is not only
issues of ethnic belonging that is of interest. Identifications are often fragmented and has come to
involve a multitude of belongings to different social affiliations.
In recent times, I have come across a new music genre called 'dubstep'. The name, which include
the word 'dub', made me draw an association with the Jamaican music genre, referred to as simply
'dub', which on a basic level can be described as style that remixes existing reggae songs, but with a
deduction of the vocals and often with an echo effect. Even though the Jamaican sound system
culture can be found in dubstep it is nevertheless classified as an electronic music genre, with 140
bpm (beats per minute), compared to for example drum and bass, which has around 170 bpm. The
sounds are created through instruments such as a drum machines, turntables, synthesizer etc., which
are organised through computer-programs and is defined by its heavy bass and its dark sound. It has
only existed for approximately 6 years and has its roots in south London. One of the main
characteristics of the genre is the several different music influences that exists in dubstep, which are
all related to the local London music production. In dubstep one can find '2-step', which is a subgenre of UK garage which has been influenced by drum n bass, which in turn is influenced by dub,
hip hop and techno. Since dubstep has covered several different local music cultures, dubstep is a
genre that could be viewed as something typical 'Londony'. It is a modern and interesting scene to
explore in terms of what the contemporary music productions of London reflect, express and
symbolize.
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PURPOSE:
With this essay I want to gain a deeper understanding of the reality of the contemporary London
youth, through studies of their leisure practices, such as clubbing, listening and producing music.
Moreover, I am interested in how a specific music genre, in this case dubstep, co-relates to its
immediate urban environment. I further want to explore how global forces facilitate the creation of
new forms of experience, identity and lifestyles.
Theoretically, I will critically analyse previous explanations and analysis of the relationship
between music, style, youth and society. I will argue and explain how certain theories and
categories has proven to be insufficient and out of date, when analysing cultural practices in
contemporary London. In addition, I will introduce more recent theoretical concepts and
demonstrate how they easier co-relates to my fieldwork.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
In what way does the dubstep scene correspond to processes of identification among youth?
What significance does categories such as class and gender have when studying the dubstep scene?
To what extent can dubstep be explained as a postmodern phenomenon?
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METHODOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
In order to understand how the dubstep scene is linked to wider social aspects of the young
generation of today, I want to study the contemporary youth's perception and relation to this specific
style of music. Therefore, I have chosen to use interview and observation as my research methods. I
decided to collect my own qualitative data, although the essay is relatively short. However, with my
experience of living in London, I considered myself to have an advantage, in terms of effectively
finding contacts, clubs and being, to a certain extent, an insider.
I have interviewed five young Londoners, which all are music producers or DJ's. Four of them are
also teaching music for teenagers. Additionally, three interviews were conducted in dubstep clubs,
where the informants were all under the age of twenty four. In Sweden I have interviewed two
females in their mid twenties, who frequently visit dubstep events in Malmö. The venues were I
have conducted my observation is club FWD in Shoreditch, a vibrant area in London with
numerous clubs, restaurants and art galleries. FWD is considered to be the first and most successful
dubstep club in London. I also visited a venue called Plan B, which is located in Brixton, an area
famous for its large West Indian population. In Sweden, I have visit Inkonst in Malmö, who once a
month runs a night called 'All out Dubstep'. Apart from interviews and observations, I have also
read dubstep reviews and visited dubstep blogs and forums online.
THE INTERVIEW – POWER RELATIONS AND SOCIAL POSITIONS
When discussing interviewing as a research method, it is essential to address the importance of the
different positions the interviewer and the interviewee hold. Unlike a spontaneous conversation, the
interview exists of predetermined social roles, which means that both interviewer and interviewed
knows the logic of the particular conversation. An ideal situation would be a communication free
from power practice, but it is almost always the interviewer that leads the conversation. Because of
these positions, it is common that the unbalanced power relation makes the respondent feel unease.
In order to avoid this, the interviewer can distribute power to the respondent and thereby create an
atmosphere that is more equal. Schostak and Barbour (2007) have acknowledged these power
structures which operate between interviewer and interviewed, but question if the power relations
always are homogeneous and fixed? There exist a unique interplay in every interview situation,
where the person holding the power can be shifting. The one who is in control is often associated
with the interviewer, since he/she leads and masters the interview. On the other hand, it is clearly
that the interviewee has power over the situation as well. He or she is after all the one that hold the
information.
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The access to the respondent's information is related to how the interviewee connect with the
interviewer. It is crucial that the respondent feel that the researcher is trustworthy, otherwise the
information given will be very limited. Therefore, the researcher needs to give a friendly impression
in order to get access to personal accounts and answers. The language of the interview plays an
essential role. Ideally, the questions should be described in a language that relates to the world that
the subject lives and acts in. Too much theory-based words may confuse the participant or even
worse - intimidate him or her, if the words are found too difficult to understand.
The social positions of the varied actors involved in the interview creates a unique combination of
beliefs, behaviour and opinions. In some occasions, it helps when the researcher and the respondent
belong to the same group, age, class, culture etc. Similarities can imply, on an unconscious level,
that the researcher and the interviewed are familiar with each other (Aspers 135, 141). Thus, in my
research, were I interview music artists, DJ's and clubbers, it is helpful that I have a personal
interest in music, belong to the same age-group and in a sense, is considered to be a 'Londoner'.
This gives me an impression of being more of an 'insider', which most likely will have a positive
effect on the information I receive from my interview subjects. Furthermore, if we share similar
social positions, the interview will appear more natural. It makes it easier for me to put myself into
the informants situation and in return, the interviewee might find it easier to express him/herself to
someone he/she has similarities with.
This reasoning is linked to the concept of trust, which plays a crucial role when getting access to
information. Interviews are very dependent on the social interaction and the interviewer have to
prevail some social skills. I believe that it lies in the nature of most interviews to search for
similarities between the participants. Just as the interviewer is searching for a common platform
where he/she can meet the informant, the informant is searching for signs that make the interviewer
trustworthy. In other words, both participants are trying to move away from being strangers by
searching for some kind of recognition. We trust people who seem familiar and friendly, not people
who are impersonal and strange. In order to gain trust, the interviewer have to find a balanced level
of both giving and taking. When I encountered people who are involved in the dubstep scene, I
think that my exposing of knowledge of the music helped me to appear as more trustworthy.
However, because I interview artists and supporters of the music who are inspired and enthusiastic
about the topic, they appeared happy to promote their culture and did not seem to have any
particular issues with trust.
9
The content of the interviews is connected to what relation the interviewed has towards the topic.
There is a risk when interviewing people who are involved in a culture, that they are not able to
look critically at the culture they feel part of and as a consequence, the information I will receive
will be one-sided and biased. Nevertheless, the fact the they actively defend their culture and find
certain questions intimidating is still a valuable outcome. The interview has evoked feelings or
reactions that are representing a 'truth', even if their verbal arguments is limited to one set of idea of
what dubstep means for the people involved.
My interpretation of the information given in the interview is connected to the individual meaning
that I read into what has been said. I have found a meaning outside the written words, which is
highly subjective, because it is not taken from the words in the conversation. Another person may
have found another meaning, which would have resulted in a different outcome. This demonstrates
that the result or the final analysis of an interview is very individual.
LIMITATIONS IN MY CHOICE OF METHOD
Qualitative research methods operates most efficient when the researcher has time to get to know
the subjects and carefully go through and analyse the material. In this case, the time has been very
limited and as I only spend a week doing fieldwork, it has restricted me in my quality and amount
of conducted interviews. The main problematic issue is – how valid are my conclusions,
considering the critical amount of interviews and observations I have collected within this limited
time? Will I even be able to make substantial conclusions based on seven recorded interviews and
three observations? Are they representative? I will in relation to my lack of participants defend my
fieldwork's validity by discussing the use of interview as a method from a postmodern perspective,
where every participant represent their own truth. Knowledge is relative and therefore does not the
quantity of opinions make something more legitimate or more real. Every story in itself is true and
valid.
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THEORETICAL BACKGROUND - FROM SUBCULTURES TO NEO TRIBES
Several scholars within the field of cultural studies, sociology and anthropology (Bennett, 1999),
(Maffesoli, 1996), (Muggleton, 2005) claim that contemporary cultural analysis of youths are in
need of a serious reconfiguration of its theoretical framework. The concept ‘subculture’ has proven
to be outdated when studying youth lifestyles of today and its usefulness has been strongly
questioned alongside the development of new analytical concepts. In order to understand why
subcultural theory is not workable when studying contemporary youth culture, a short genealogy of
youth cultural analysis in post-war Britain is necessary.
The first time youth culture was acknowledged academically was in the 1950’s, when fundamental
social changes took place in Britain that brought a new set of experience for young people. Post-war
British culture came to involve leisure and leisure goods, which was the beginning of the consumer
based society we live in today.
Studies concerning youth, style and musical life has often been associated with The Birmingham
Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) who were responsible for the development of
subcultural theory. Postgraduates from the University of Birmingham published numerous amount
of studies concerning how youth in Britain expressed their life and reality through various cultural
practical forms. The young peoples relationship between education, family and leisure activities
was analysed through a theoretical framework strongly influenced by the American subcultural
model. The American youth studies were mainly focusing on youth gangs and their connection to
their locality. The first works of CCCS were following the same path, and youth gangs came to be
associated with the deprived area where these young men (it was only males involved in these
studies) lived their everyday life. What came to differentiate the British youth studies from the
American, was the shifting emphasis from youth gangs, to groups of youth expressing a particular
style, such as the Teddy boys, mods and skinheads. The groups who adopted an alternative style
was now referred to as ‘subcultures’. Their deviant behaviour were explained as ‘the collective
reaction of youth themselves, or rather working-class youth, to structural changes taking place in
Britain post-war society’ (Bennett, 1999: 600). In the famous CCCS work ‘Subcultural Conflict and
Working Class Community’ (1972) Phil Cohen highlights the fact that this collective reaction was
in fact a response to how the traditional British working class communities were going through a
process of shattering, because of the urban redevelopment of several city neighbourhoods that took
place in the 1950’s. Subcultures were in general explained as a shared experience were young
people expressed their conflicting feelings towards the new social situations that started to develop
11
in the British society. The deviant style enabled the youth to perceive themselves as the other, and
not only a person from the unrespectable and low status working class.
CCCS AND ITS CRITICISM
In the 1970’s, almost all texts produced by members of CCCS concerning different British
subcultures, had a strong theoretical emphasis on class positions. The strong emphasis on class, led
to the development of theoretical concepts such as ‘bricolage’, which refers to a process were items
from the dominant culture are reconfigured into alternative meanings and new identities. An
example would be how the meaning of safety pin was transformed within the punk movement and
started to be used as a type of decoration.
The subcultural theories were often heavily influenced by a neo-Marxist perspective, where the
youth resisted both the parent culture, or in other words the traditional working class culture, and
the dominant culture. However, the usage of a Marxist perspective determines that the young
people involved in subcultures can only belong to the working class, considering the fact that
subcultures are operating as a political force against the dominant classes. Middle class youth
groups, such as the Hippie movement or working class youth who were more conventional than the
radical Teddy boys or Mods were therefore not given the same attention (Muggleton, 208-209). The
participants of subcultures then, seem to be associated exclusively with the the working class and
further only of young men. One of the strongest critique directed towards the subcultural theory is
its neglect of young women's practices and social life. The earlier works of CCCS offers no cultural
analysis with a gender perspective. It was argued that girls did not participate in sub-cultural
activities because of parents being stricter with regulations on their free time. Their territory were
simply constructed around the house and the bedroom, which was not where subcultural activities
were taken place. However, McRobbie (1980) argues that the researchers of subcultural studies fail
to understand that the social life of the youth takes place at home as well as on the streets. She
further criticises the sociologists of the CCCS to ignore girls in subcultural studies because the
female consumption of cultural forms, are viewed as more conventional and less interesting
(Bennett, 602-603).
The CCCS ‘project’ has also been criticised for the way their theories do not coincide with the
reality. The validity has been questioned because of the lack of empirical data. Methodologically,
observations and interviews have rarely been conducted or has the qualitative information that does
appear been taken from secondary sources. The meaning of youth cultures for the actual youth has
12
not been given the same attention as for the sociologists themselves (Muggleton, 210).
The lack of qualitative interviews, the absence of a gender perspective, and the frequently used
explanation of subcultural practices as a class positioned resistance makes the analysis of
subcultures reductionistic and insufficient. The portray of subcultures appears homogeneous with
fixed categories and a non-conflicting reality.
POSTMODERNISM
A theoretical shift became apparent in the 1980’s, when meta-narratives such as Marxism were
strongly criticised. The meta narratives were challenged by postmodern theory, which claimed that
knowledge has always arrived from somewhere in the social order and is never stable or neutral.
The postmodern idea was embraced and welcomed in the youth cultural studies. Having its roots in
artistic movements expressed through architecture, fashion and music, it was considered to be a
very effective theoretical framework to use when analysing the relationship between youth, music
and popular culture. With the help of postmodernism, youth cultural studies quickly moved away
from the old Marxist position, which limited the research with its fixed set of participants and
categories. On the contrary, postmodernism saw the fluidity and the contradictory relationship that
existed in youth cultures.
Postmodernism was further an answer to the new set of social changes in the country. Comparing it
to modernism, which was associated with manufacturing and industrialisation, postmodernism
reflected a new time that co-related to the reality of a decline in heavy industry. Instead, postmodernity is “characterized by greater choice, flexibility and individuality, paradoxically it is also
associated with ‘risk’, uncertainty and insecurity” (Nayak, 2003:31).
Postmodernism can be understood as critical tool, deconstructing old notions of nation, gender and
race through a strategy where margins are placed in the centre. Universal truths which are found in
meta-narratives such as Marxism, Islam and Christianity are rejected in postmodernism, where
rationality and logocentric thinking are viewed as being ideas constructed by hidden power
structures that are intertwined with the value- and moral systems which operate in our society. Even
though Marxism was completely abandoned, issues of class systems were still analysed. However,
not in terms of economic inequalities, but through style-based identities. Postmodern thinkers are
therefore more reflexive in their interpretation and allow contradictions, since this is how reality
actually is. In postmodernism, there is no singular emphasis, nothing is valued and there exists
13
multiple truths and narratives. Thus, using a postmodern perspective on subcultural studies means
that there is no priority to study masculine norms rather than female, resistance rather than
conformity, working class rather than middle class or white youth rather than black.
Postmodern works on youth studies have a tendency to focus less on political economy, labour and
education, as scholars from the 70’s and early 80’s did, and rather study social practices such as
dance, music-scenes and consumption. Night-clubs and shopping mall has become the field for
contemporary scholars, compared to the school, the street or the workplace (Nayak, 30-33).
In relation to the youth and their different choice of styles, postmodernism allow one to understand
the dynamic and indefinite forms of youth representations. The 'looks' used by young people are
fragmented and interrupted and it is an expression of the 'tangible connections between the general
conditions of life today and the practice of cultural analysis' (McRobbie, 1994: 13)
The shift from subcultural theory to a more postmodern approach towards relationship between
youth, music and style has led to a new theoretical framework, where the focus no longer is on the
group, but on the individual and the different spaces where the 'postmodern persona' negotiates
identities. The identifications that might be shared by more than one has then come to be described
not as subcultures, but as argued by Maffesoli, 'neo-tribes' (Bennett, 1999: 605). According to
Maffesoli, the formations are scattered and shaped rather through a state of mind, which is
expressed through style, then by a fixed class or culture. “It is a case of a kind of collective
unconscious (non/conscious) which acts as a matrix for the varied group experiences, situations,
actions or wanderings.” (Maffesoli, 1996: 98) Maffesoli's very fluid concept of tribes has been
popular, since it is a considerable attempt to move away from identifications based on class, gender
and race. Collective identities in the modern society are not linked to a fixed culture, class, nation or
locality. Tribes, in a Maffesoli sense, is not a determined group, rather, what characterise them is its
constant movement in and out of groupings and styles.
In the post-subcultural studies, there has been many theoretical suggestions of how to understand
social identity among the contemporary youth. Several scholars prefer to use the concept 'lifestyle'
rather than culture because it offers a clearer understanding of the social practices and everyday life
of young people. “Lifestyles do not constitute or substitute ‘identities’, but represent them” (Chaney,
2001: 7 in Pilkington and Johnson, 266). Miles has a similar way of thinking, when he argues that
young people of today or not in need of a fixed subcultural loyalty in order to construct their
14
identity, rather they “construct deterritorialized lifestyles that are as flexible as the world around
them” (Miles 200: 159 in Pilkington and Johnson, 266)
The concept of 'lifestyle' has also proved to be useful in the way it demonstrate how individuals
actively choose a lifestyle through consumption, rather than, as the CCCS scholars would argue,
being born into certain ways of being according to class background. The concept of lifestyle
therefore shows an understanding for the fact that consumerism actually offers the individual new
ways of negotiating structural inequalities, rather than determine them (Bennett, 1999: 605-607).
A RETHINKING OF CLASS
In contrast to Maffesoli's very postmodern and inconsistent tribalism, a number of scholars have in
recent times reconsidered the subcultural theory and have not fully given up the class perspective
when analysing youth culture.
In contrast with the critics of the subcultural theory, Pilkington and Johnson's study re-focus on the
aspects of class among youths in relation to their lifestyles, which is directly linked to the process of
consumerism. They claim that it is often the middle-class youth who stress the importance of
consumption of certain 'trendy' commodities. Youth identities of today are closely related to the
transnational media and the flow of information through images and objects.
“Where imaginations of modernity are rooted in national economic prosperity, global consumption
may facilitate a near universal middle class identity and a growth in cultural diversity and
opportunity” (Pilkington & Johnson: 268).
Global connectivity can be associated with a growing disconnection at the local scale, and Smart
and Smart argue that this generates class divisions. These divisions can be described as a 'digital
divide' between the local and the transnational. Working-class communities often contain an
effective local network, however, lacks the transnational engagement which is needed in order to
make a progress in the global economy, where digital and transnational knowledge is necessary.
Smart and Smart further argue that awareness of the global economy and technology is
“differentially distributed and that working-class communities may develop a localism that reduces
understanding of the challenges and opportunities that globalization poses” (Smart and Smart 2003:
274).
One of the reason to this divide is related to the decline of industry work and the fact that the labour
market offers a minimum amount of well paid jobs for those without high educational
qualifications. As a consequence, these trends have led to the development of an underclass that is
socially excluded from the labour market and therefore without the resources needed to advance and
15
upgrade (Smart and Smart: 272-274).
Tracy Shildrick has studied different social groupings of youth in Deighton, a town in North East
England and has in her study demonstrated how certain types of neighbourhoods is connected with
lower versus higher social positions. The local areas mark a differentiation between the young
people Shildrick studied, in how they socialise and what style they identify themselves with. The
interest in the socio-economic aspects of young people's lives has made Shildrick not to completely
dismiss the CCCS's subcultural theory. She argues that there exists an essential connection between
unequal class structures and youth's cultural identification (Shildrick, 2006: 64-71). The old notions
of subculture were exclusively constituting class relations in their analysis of subcultural behaviour
and motivation. Shildrick acknowledges that there exists a multiple of social identities, but are not
willing to ignore the class structures, as they are actively present in youth interactions.
DUBSTEP AND ITS MUSIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Even though dubstep is described as 'fresh', and modern, it should not be viewed as something
being newborn and detached from previous musical genres. Cultural practices and alliances does
not begin as an unwritten story, rather it is produced in a historical context. Dubstep co-relates to
traditions and social relations of older generations of producers and consumers (Connell & Gibson,
2003: 14)
One of my informants, Fabio, a music producer from North London compares the uprising of
dubstep to another local music tradition of the 90's, namely UK garage. Several of the people I
interviewed, as well as dubstep blogs on the internet, points out the strong influences of UK garage
and its sub genre 2-step in dubstep productions.
Fabio states that:
“Dubstep came out of garage, which was a bigger revolution. Garage was a DJ revolution,
everyone wanna get into vinyl. Dubstep is nothing new, youth has always been loud and using
revolting ways of expression.”
Fabio explains that even if UK garage was more ground breaking than dubstep, music productions
among young people always seem to contain some level of challenging elements, both musically
and socially. Additionally, Fabio compares the young dubstep producers with his own teenage years
when he discovered UK garage. His friends were not from his school, they were located at the
estate in Islington, where he lived and normally 'hang out'. Fabio got in contact with UK garage
16
through the pirate radio stations of North London, which influenced Fabio to produce his own
music. Eventually, some of Fabio's friends came to play on the pirate radio stations as well, such as
FreakFM in Stoke Newington.
“Garage started in North London, around 96-97, I was sixteen, seventeen. It died 2001 when it got
commercialised. The tunes were only good for a week, it was more like quantity over quality, it
became boring, not very inspirational”.
UK garage has often described as an attempt to move away from the dark and ominous jungle
scene, which in turn has been described as a rhythmic resistance in the troubled times of
Thatcherism. Jungle got the black British youth involved in the dance culture which led to the
import of the Jamaican sound system culture with sounds of reggae, dub and dancehall MC's
(Reynolds, 1998: 255-256). After the downfall of jungle, many ex-junglist's, now with money in
their pockets, started to develop a new style, both socially and musically. The new scene was
moving away from the street mentality, and towards a more glamours way of living, which involved
designer clothes, champagne, cocaine – and UK garage (Ibid, 377). Thus, the Garage-style's dress
code signalised wealth. In addition, Fabio mentions the importance of wearing the right Reebok
shoes and portraying yourself as if you are affluent.
Even though Fabio believes that the young producers of dubstep share similarities with the young
producers of UK-garage in the 90's, he claims that the dubstep-scene differ from the UK garagescene. For instance, the dress code is different. On dubstep events people often wear 'hoodies', a
slang word for a sweater with a hood on. Moreover, 'hoodies' has a wider meaning and is often
linked to troubled teenagers, hanging around on the streets, drinking, smoking cannabis and
committing petty crimes. They have further adopted a dress style associated with hip hop, where the
'hoody' plays a central role as it conceals the face.
Dick Hebdige was one of the most profound scholars writing about subcultures in Britain. In his
book Subculture – the meaning of style (1978) he writes about the significance of symbols and signs
within the different subcultural styles. Objects, which normally are considered neutral and without
any specific connotation are used by subcultures in order to express resistance through coding
systems. When using the object in a subcultural context, it transforms into a symbol of the particular
group, representing an opposition of 'the normal'. Hebdige argues that the process of taking over
the meaning of certain objects (such as the safety pin among the Punks) represents a “symbolic
17
violation of the social order”, which always will attract attention and provoke the “silent majority”.
In a way, Hebdige's argument can be applied to the contemporary use and association of the
'hoody'. Young people referred to as 'hoodies' are considered to often carry out anti-social
behaviour, which in other words can be explained as an “interruption of normalisation”(Hebdige,
1978: 17-19). Furthermore, the 'hoody' is in itself a piece of clothing, a neutral object, but
“are taken by subcultural groups made to carry secret meanings which express, in code, a form of
resistance to the order, which guarantees their continued subordination” (Hebdige, 1978: 18).
However, Hebdige's explanation is limited in the way that it is leaving out all the dubstep
participants, which are not considered to be 'hoodies'. Hebdige does also incline that the subcultural
groups always are subordinated, which is an assumption that has been strongly criticised by modern
scholars. Hebdige's theory is insufficient since it does not consider the fact that it actually is a
hybrid of young people that visit dubstep clubs or listens to dubstep. Dubstep in London is
supported and produced by London youth, which are British black, British white or British Asian.
Several previous studies about youth, music and identity have focused on the second generation
immigrants and how they are using their music production as a way to express their double identity,
connected both to their parents origins and to Britain. An elaboration of sounds, regional and
international, reflect their own experience of belonging to more than one locality. Dubstep, on the
other hand, is different. The producers and supporters can not be traced to a specific ethnicity and
the music influences are not specific to just one ethnic or cultural tradition.
CLUB MUSIC AND ITS RELATION TO DRUGS
Another significant difference according to Fabio, is the social play between men and women in the
clubs. In clubs were UK garage were played, flirting was an important element. People were
dressed up and as Fabio admits, “boys came to the club to pick up girls”. Reynolds argues that the
voluptuous elements in UK garage, which are normally quite unusual within the dance club scene,
was a consequence of the increasing use of cocaine, which evokes feelings of sexual desire
(Reynolds, 1998: 380). Dubstep however, is considered to be very gender neutral. The attitude
found in dubstep clubs is strongly connected to the experience of the actual music. The DJ is
central, which can be seen in the way the clubbers is organised so that they all face the DJ. There is
a minimal contact with other clubbers and no recognition of gender differences.
18
Fabio believes that the focus on the big bass makes it difficult to dance to dubstep, people are rather
appreciating the music by nodding the head to the rhythm of the bass. He further perceives dubstep
as 'meditation music' with 'a touch of anarchism'. In addition, Fabio explains that it is common that
people are smoking marijuana inside the clubs, even though it is either legal to smoke cannabis or
smoking in general in public premises.
“When it was legal to smoke inside, it was even worse. The smoke used to hit you as soon as you
walked down the stairs, then everyone was smoking.”
That drugs are extremely common within both youth cultures and club cultures is nothing new, but
there seems to be a connection between what type of drugs that are being used, to what type of
scene or lifestyle. According to Reynolds, the use of cocaine creates a different atmosphere at the
clubs, where the feeling of being more alert, having more energy and being extremely excited effect
the social interaction in the club. When exploring the different drug-use that exists in different
scenes, it is interesting to know how a particular drug is connected to a particular scene. Is cocaine
used in UK Garage clubs because the energy in the drug correlates to the energy of the music? Or is
the energy of the music inspired by the energy of cocaine? Cocaine has never been associated with
street styles, but rather within circles where a certain wealth is apparent. The same distinction is
visible with the use of different alcohol beverages. Discursive assumptions are prescribed towards
the person drinking a pint of beer, as well as the person drinking a glass of champagne. The same
distinction operates within the use of drugs, and just as with alcohol, it is related to money and
status. The individuals who can afford champagne and cocaine is naturally assumed to live a more
glamorous lifestyle. In contrast, beer and cannabis is associated with the 'ordinary' people. The
teenagers use of particularly cannabis can therefore be explained through their economic
limitations. It is simply the cheapest and the most accessible drug available.
Lorna, a North London musician and a music teacher believe that the young people's use of
cannabis is connected with the production of the dubstep sound. She has noticed that:
“The skunk culture among teenagers is unbelievable, when you got 13, 14 year olds that are just
dropping out school because they are smoking skunk, their brain haven't finished growing and they
are destroying their lives from quite young, in the sense that they get into skunk and then naturally
dubstep comes through that...”
Q: Do you think there is a connection between the feeling of being high on skunk and the
19
sound of dubstep?
“Yeah, cause you got a frustration feeling about it in a way, but also the loudness of it, the vibration
you feel in your body, makes you kind of yearn for more, you want to feel larger than the city...
Teenagers and the skunk culture is much bigger than it used to be and its much stronger than it used
to be as well. A lot of schizophrenia is becoming more and more usual, they fucking themselves up
too young and then you get a lot of paranoia and that's when the gun crimes come in, because they
are very paranoid. Music is a reflection of the feelings they coming out with.”
Simon Reynolds has in his music blog in the Guardian noticed an increase in the usage of the drug
ketamine, (a tranquilliser normally used on horses) in the British club scene and argues that the
'chemical actually seemed to be driving the direction of a style of music and shaping the vibe on the
dance floor' (The Guardian, 090305). He further sees a connection between the famous dubstep
producer who has named himself 'Zomby' and how that is precisely what ketamine-users are
referred to as. In a dubstep forum Reynold found a comment from a ketamine user and a dubstep
fan;
"The heaviness of ketamine is magic with sub-bass. The dissociation that it gives fits perfectly with
the dark, mechanical feeling of the music. And the psychedelic neon-like effects of the drug fits
perfectly with the alien feeling of dubstep. In fact, I find that dubstep is the exact same feeling that
ketamine gives: a tension between wilderness and mechanization, a tension between being hollow
and being holy... There's a quote from Fight Club that describes exactly what I'm trying to say: 'Lost
in oblivion. Dark and silent and complete. I found freedom. Losing all hope was freedom.'”
However, the link between dubstep and ketamine is strongly criticised, which is demonstrated in the
comment's on Reynold's article. A lot of the answers is stating that ketamine has been in the club
scene long before dubstep emerged. Reynold also get criticised for stereotyping the genre through
wild allegations based on rumours. Even though many of my informants have confirmed the usage
of ketamine among the youth today, there is a lack of empirical information to conclude that it is
related to dubstep in particular.
DUBSTEP AND ITS RUDE COUSIN GRIME
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There is no clear class distinction within the dubstep scene. Fabio refers to the artists as being
'producers from the estate', which in a British context often is associated with considerably poor
living conditions and a dependence on housing benefits. However, dubstep has also been described
as a 'white middle class thing', compared to the additional contemporary London music genre
'grime', which is significantly more distinct in its ethnicity and class belonging.
Robin, a music producer from London states that:
“Who are into dubstep? White kids. Middle class white kids. It is. Because its not working class
white which is... funky house. I know I'm being were genre specific here, but it does kind of work
like that. Its not working class black in the city, that's grime... Dubstep is white, definitely.”
Compared to dubstep, grime is seen as a genre easier to outline in its participants and its motivation.
An essential difference between grime and dubstep is the fact that grime consists of lyrics. The
genre is a British form of hip hop, which has elements of UK garage, but also drum n bass/jungle
and Jamaican dance hall. The producers of grime are more than often of a West Indian origin,
something many music reviewers argue is what makes grime different from American hip hop. It
has, just as dubstep, dark elements and consists of low frequency bass lines. The sometimes
different backgrounds of dubstep producers and grime producers can thus be demonstrated through
their musical influences. As Robin puts it:
“I mean a lot of the kids who are into grime has been brought up on reggae, because of their
parents. Dubstep kids often have a good knowledge of reggae but they have also been brought up
with drum n bass and more psychedelic stuff as well, Pink Floyd, shit like that, all the trippy stuff...“
Moreover, grime has reached a different controversy in the media than dubstep. It is often
associated with youth gang crimes and knife violence. The conservative leader David Cameron has
questioned the music style and claims that it “encourages people to carry guns and knives” (BBC
NEWS, 2006). Furthermore, a former culture minister in the UK, Kim Howells, has stated that in
the grime culture, “killing is almost a fashion accessory” (Ibid, 2006).
It seems as if there exists an ambivalence between perceiving grime as a genre that in an honest and
blunt way expresses the harsh reality of several young individuals of today and on the other hand, a
genre which glamorise and promote gun and knife violence.
One of my informants, Meena, a youth worker and a DJ in London explains that:
21
“Grime is an expression of what they see in the street. The flipside is that on a certain level it is also
promoting it, people are thinking; are the lyrics leading to more gang crimes?”
Many of my informants have suggested that there is a link between dubstep and grime, considering
that both are being relatively new genres and both have sprung up and developed in the same city.
However, there also exists a distinction between them, where grime is considered to contain a
'rudeboy' mentality, it is more radical, rough and 'real', compared to dubstep, which consists of, at
least in comparison with grime, more white, middle class supporters and producers.
ELECTROCLASH – THE OPPOSITE OF DUBSTEP?
When dubstep is not being compared to its subversive cousin grime, dubstep also hold perceptions
of being an unpolished underground scene with powerful and resonant sounds, representing
something distinct and 'cutting-edge'. In order to further understand the deeper symbolic language
of the dubstep scene, I will introduce a study of another recent dance music style, referred to as
'electroclash'. It was apparent in cities such as New York, Los Angeles and London, with its peak
years being between 2001-2004. Brent Luvaas argues in his article 'Reproducing pop – the
aesthetics of ambivalence in a contemporary dance music' (2006) that the electroclash scene has a
close, but ambivalent relation to the media, which can be seen in the way the electroclash lifestyle
'engage and respond to meanings within existing media text' (Luvaas, 2006: 167). Comparing
electroclash to dubstep has proven to be an interesting way to define the dubstep scene and further
analyse how the style corresponds to the stereotypes and meanings created about the contemporary
youth by the media.
Just as dubstep, electroclash started as an underground scene, but its popularity rapidly developed
into a trendy club movement with electro hits frequently appearing on chart lists. The wide
recognition spread in such a high speed, that the popularity of the genre just as quickly started to
fade out. As soon as the electro explosion was visible on MTV and in the majority of music
magazines, the alternative value and the underground feeling of the genre was lost.
Luvaas study of a music scene is contemporary and offers a perspective which is helpful when
analysing how dubstep can contribute to a deeper understanding of the social reality of the youth
today. He analyses the cultural expressions of electroclash as a way to demonstrate the enormous
involvement the media has in the everyday life of the young generation. Alongside the escalation of
media influence, the youth of today are brought up in a time where the power of meanings
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produced by media, are almost impossible to separate from a reality free from a media-structured
order of truths. The power of the media is so effective, that it 'structure the experience of
contemporary life' (Luvaas, 2006: 168). Electroclash artists are very aware of the substantial media
promotion, and play with these constructed representations, but the ambiguous part of their
relationship lies in the fact that these artists never fully abandon them (Luvaas, 2006: 167-168).
Moreover, Luvaas is moving away from the subcultural theory when he states that electroclash is
not a subculture nor an enclosed community, but rather have more things in common with
Maffesoli's concept of 'neo-tribes'. The young individuals are characterised by a consumer taste and
style, rather than by classic categories such as ethnicity and class (Luvaas, 2006: 167-172).
As with electroclash, dubstep producers and supporters are not representing a specific class or
ethnic group. The influences found in dubstep are entangled with music styles which long ago lost
its ability to be traced back to a single distinct cultural or ethnic origin. The various genres that
dubstep has directly been influenced by, are already fusions of different music traditions, containing
rhythms, languages and instruments from different parts of the world. Rather, dubstep has a clear
connection to its locality, the city of London, where these eclectic music cultures has developed, in
correlation with the post colonial situation of Britain, the urban experience and the force of
globalisation.
The electroclash scene is characterised by its fascination with the artificial. It has been described as
the revival of the 1980's, with its commercial pop, neon fashion and love to plastic. Furthermore,
electroclash often follows a science fiction theme, where cd and vinyl covers often consists of space
motives, the songs contain 'robotic' noises and the clubs are named 'Synthetic' or 'Plastic Factory'.
The obsession with the popular culture of the 1980's, Luvaas believes is associated with the fact that
the generation producing electroclash, people who are now in their twenties and early thirties, grew
up to the music of this decade. There is a nostalgic element to the sound, since it is the first type of
music that electro clash producers clearly remembers. In addition, the era of the 80's also represent
the decade where forces of late capitalism was introduced and carried out, in terms of more
cooperate control and an expanding materialistic obsession. Thus, the attraction to wealth and the
material, which the electroclash artists often refer to, can also be viewed as an ironic respond to
how the media constructs truth and biased representations of ethnicity, gender and essentially,
youth.
“Rather than avoiding the tropes and clichés of popular music,..electroclash artists make explicit
use of them, subverting their meanings and playing with their underlying conventions. They co-opt
23
the images and sounds of the commercial mass media instead of waiting to be co-opted by it, and
then they use irony as a means of disavowing any ideological link with the appropriated material.
Irony, here, has become a distancing mechanism” (Luvaas, 2006: 169).
Thus, the electroclash scene recognises the hegemonic forces that exist within the music industry,
through their conscious play with media constructed symbols and meanings. The irony and
exaggeration demonstrates a certain distance, but yet this play is taking place within a space where
the material still has an overhand, a status that is not completely neglected. It demonstrates that the
relationship between youth and media has a complex character, where they neither fully resist, or,
fully embrace the mass media (Luvaas, 2006: 173-174).
DUBSTEP AND THE MEDIA
Luvaas argue that electroclash, through sound and style, can be seen as a response to how the media
is too deeply intertwined in our daily lives. Electroclash further questions the construction of
unjustly representations of, for example, youth. Is this an argument that fits into a dubstep context
as well?
The media representation of London youth is frequently associated with a destructive lifestyle,
involving knife crimes, cannabis smoking and gang culture, which portrays the teenage generation
as lacking both ambition and talent. Even though this perception is far from an accurate account of
all young people in London, these kind of problems does exists and Meena believes that music is a
way out of that lifestyle. The young males producing it are 'normal street kids', who might not do
very good in school, but are looking for other ways of finding a career.
There are many essential differences between electroclash and dubstep. For example, dubstep
completely lack the fun, the shallowness and the colourful fashion. The fact that electroclash artists
are “dancing in tight clothes, flirting with the audience and singing songs about eating candy”
(Luvaas, 2006: 178) is as far away from the dark underground dubstep scene that is possible. As
mentioned before, dubstep clubs tend to be completely gender neutral, with no particular
acknowledgement of the distinction between males and females. Further, the dress code is the
opposite of electroclash's avant garde, plastic neon style, since the people who attend dubstep clubs
are often dressed very neutral and casual, in jeans, sneakers and ordinary tops and sweaters.
Moreover, there is no irony in dubstep, it is serious, dark and real. Instead of electroclash's catchy
melodies, there is a heavy bass line, instead of the high heels and the make-up, there are hooded
24
sweaters and sneakers, and it has absolutely no elements of glamour or decadence.
Just as the formation of electroclash is negotiated and motivated in relation to the imagery and
knowledge production of the media, dubstep is also effected by the media's role in shaping a
representation of London youth. The dark sound, the small underground clubs and the general
subversive attitude towards the mainstream does correlates to the typical 'street kid', the 'estate boy'
that is frequently portrayed in the British newspapers. However, if the scene includes people of all
social classes, it becomes problematic to assume that all the participants of dubstep only express
their everyday situation, without any elements of 'fakeness'. Even though the dubstep scene gives
the impression of being 'real', there exists a conscious social code and a style that in some cases has
been adopted by people, in order to share a belonging to the scene. Luvvas argues that the
classification of the scene, the style or the music genre is not a process controlled by the artists and
the fans, rather it is articulated by the music journalists and recording labels (Ibid, 173).
Consequently, the identity formation through music is not developed on equal terms, since it is
'mediated by relations of power' (Connell & Gibson, 2003: 15)
Dubstep, as well as electroclash, perform an active dialogue with the stereotypes constructed
through media. Dubstep can be viewed as a respond to, and sometimes a borrowing of, the
representation of the modern, urban youth, which can be found in the newspapers, but also in shape
of fashion styles on MTV and in music magazines.
The comparison of dubstep with both electroclash and grime, demonstrates that dubstep has no
fixed definition. One of the reasons why dubstep supporters, as a group, appear ambiguous and
inconclusive is because dubstep contains several musical influences, creating a community of
people who would normally be involved in different settings. The movement of sound through
migration flows and internet technology opens up to new global networks, were musical taste
shapes transnational affiliations (Connell and Gibson, 2003, 106-107). The idea of the dubstep
lifestyle appears different, depending on what other youth music lifestyles it is being compared to.
In relation to grime, it is seen as less rebellious, however, next to electroclash, it has regained its
radical elements and its creditability. Dubstep has to be understood within its historical context –
how previous music styles has developed and influenced modern music styles and how it operates
as a respond to the local context - the social, political and economic conditions at the time.
MUSIC AND ITS REPRESENTATION OF PLACE
Connell and Gibson highlight the importance of analysing popular music in relation to its spatial
25
organisation. The production of popular music can be seen as a movement of people, sounds and
cultures across space, where narratives of a specific place is being articulated. The identification
through music, cultural or ethnic, is therefore strongly connected with our perception of a particular
place. This perception is developed and structured through various media such as television, film
and music. The exposing of images and narrative is deeply intertwined with our everyday life.
Several understandings of certain places are directly linked to popular music. For example,
Roskilde and Glastonbury or most likely associated with music festivals, while Kingston, Memphis
and Nashville often are related to reggae, blues and country. Perceptions of cities can also be
connected to one specific group, such as Liverpool and the Beatles or Seattle and Nirvana. Several
electronic music genres are even named after the city where its first started to be produced, such as
Detroit-techno or Chicago-house. Moreover, a genre can also be named by the country of origin,
such as UK-garage or where its mostly played, which is the case with the genre Goa-trance. Thus,
myths of places can often be traced to music productions, where the heritage of a certain music style
or genre forms popular impressions about particular cities or places.
THE CITY
One of the most common word used by my informants to describe what dubstep sounds like was
‘London’. The majority of the people I talked to made a strong connection to the city where dubstep
was born, even though it today also is produced outside London and the UK. The city is an essential
geographical site, where music productions continue to reinvent new styles and sounds. This can be
explained through the migration flows which constantly transform the city. The big city recreates
old musical traditions but let it self be influenced by the social and cultural shifts that migration
brings. The local music productions of the city is therefore never fixed or homogeneous, it operate
and breathe off the multiple origins and cultures that exists in their immediate everyday
environment (Connell & Gibson, 2003: 1-9). Moreover, larger cities contains a wider network of
studios, clubs, audience and managers, where music productions can easier develop and gain
recognition (Ibid, 92).
The sound of dubstep is linked to the urban actuality, since the city is the environment where
dubstep producers have been brought up, where they live and where they create meaning and
context. Through their everyday life, they actively participate in the course of the city and thus, it
represent a familiarity, a frame of reference. Fabio believes that the fact that many young producers
who have been brought up on council estates in various parts of London, referred to as 'the concrete
jungle' by Fabio, has an effect on the sound of the music. There is a direct link between the hard,
26
cold and dark sounds of dubstep and the urban experience of the producers. Lorna share his
opinion;
“There is a strong city element to dubstep, its almost like a cry of the pressure of the city, a kind of
dark night feeling... You know that thing about gun culture and how scared the youth are these days
and how hip hop for example, how much they talk about violence and gun crimes and in film,
there's so much of it and how the sound are becoming very like dark and electronic... You could
really feel that in the music, you could really feel that city feeling, especially when you come from
the city.. and when you listen to it you can feel the city in the music. It's an expression of reality. Its
just like with reggae, it comes from Jamaica, that's a feeling, that's the Jamaican feeling, you
know... Dubstep has been born in London and that's a feeling of London in the music. It's not a
feeling of sunshine and happiness, its a feeling of city life, how busy we all are, how we don't smile
very much or say hello to people, we got a lot of stress, a lot of demands”.
THE UNIVERSITY
At a dubstep event in London, a young girl told me that:
“Dubstep is popular here, but you can find any kind of music in London, its very diverse. Dubstep is
more concentrated as a lifestyle in Leeds and Bristol, because of their university communities.”
Music and its affiliation with a specific place does not only have to refer to a city, region or a
country. As mentioned above, the typical British council estate has operated as a site of inspiration,
where rural nature is replace with the urban concrete built environment. In hip hop, the street and
the neighbourhood are also considered to be important places when discussing the emergence of
particular sounds. What most of the diverse places associated with music has in common, is the
sense of community. In order for a scene to grow, there have to exist an appreciative and supporting
audience. University towns have proven to be successful place for alternative music styles to
develop. All universities consist of several social networks, in which the young students look for
social gatherings and entertainment. The university years tend to be a time of exploring and
experimenting, which makes the university a natural place for new sounds to develop and spread.
The university life consists of university radio, bars, cafés and clubs especially directed towards the
students where independent music flows and gain recognition. The unique university environment,
with its mobile population and vibrant culture interest makes it a comfortable place for innovative
music production (Connell & Gibson, 2003: 102-103).
27
DUBSTEP IN SWEDEN
In the transnational world, where music travels through advance communication technology and
migration networks, music rarely stays local. It often reaches a global audience, beyond regional
and national boundaries. Music press and record companies are rapidly promoting a local sound and
the global distribution has lead to local music styles appearing in unexpected places, far from the
geographical context.
Malmö, Sweden's third biggest city offers since the last 6 months dubstep nights at several different
clubs every weekend, all located in the area called 'Möllevången'. This area is described as a
colourful and diverse neighbourhood, with a large population consisting of young, politically active
people. Here, markets and shops offer food from all over the world and the club venues are famous
for their impressive selection of world famous DJ's and artists. The interest of dubstep in Malmö
has grown fast. There are five large venues around Möllevången, and dubstep are frequently being
played at least in three of these. 'Retro', a relatively small but popular bar, has since a couple of
months organised a night called 'Fish n Chips – London Style Beats, Bass & Jungle', which offers
not only dubstep, but other music styles related to London and UK. Another club called 'All out
dubstep', has reached an enormous popularity through their always remarkable line up including the
most famous dubstep artists from UK.
The sound of dubstep has clearly captured the youth of Malmö, but what happens to the locality of
the music when its taken out of its geographical context? Is there still a sense of place, or is that lost
once the music has been globally distributed? Even though several music scenes has been supported
and sometimes reproduced worldwide, specific sounds are often 'bound up in wider processes
through which places are mythologised: a fetishisation of localities' (Appadurai, 1990: 16 cited in
Connell and Gibson, 2003: 110). The local origin plays an essential role in the process of making
sense of a style or a scene. As the case with dubstep, the cultural origins of a music style is often
traced back to the place where the musician and his/her first audience is located. The 'fetishisation'
of a place is related to issues of authenticity. The importance of knowing the origin of a genre or a
style signalise an awareness of the 'roots', which, if you are far from where it all started, counts as a
valid reason to belong to the scene.
Felice is a Swedish art student who is living at Möllevången and frequently visit the dubstep events
in the area. She is aware of how knowledge and experience of the place of origin plays an important
28
role;
“There are a lot of Swedish people coming back from London who goes like: I lived in London for 5
years, look what I found in a fancy underground record shop in London... and then that becomes
really trendy.” (my translation)
Being experienced of, or familiar with the origin of the music is thus linked to a certain status,
where the individuals who have a closer connection to the place appear to have more creditable
knowledge about the particular sound. Felice further explains how this status has developed,
“Sweden has always found it extremely trendy with everything OUTSIDE Sweden. A real Swede
doesn't like to be recognised as a Swede, we want to give the impression that we are cosmopolitan”.
(my translation)
Fabian Sjö, in his study of the Swedish club culture, makes a similar conclusion when he writes that
Swedish clubbers does not want to be classified as a 'Svensson', a ordinary Swede. The Swedish
clubbers rather identify themselves with the global youth culture, (Sjö, 2005:35) which confirm
Felice's statement about wanting to be part of the cosmopolitan world. This type of mentality can
also be described as a global openness and a curiosity of wanting to know more about the world,
which in this case is a process taking place through music.
A music journalist from a Malmö newspaper is, in relation to the Swede's approval of
cosmopolitanism, upholding the notion that music consumers want music to be related to a specific
locality. In a review of the latest album produced by the dubstep artists 'Burial' and 'Four Tet', Jonas
Grönlund writes:
“With digital motorways only a broad band connection away, the geographic does not hold the
same important meaning of how music sounds any more. But thank God that it still produces
albums and sound files where traces of a local environment is evident..[..] With [Burial and Four
Tet's] collage of samples, they have created a soundtrack of their own [London] neighbourhood,
which is dirty and beautiful at the same time...[..] The album is unexpected and the most pleasant
London trip of the summer”. (My translation)
The music journalist clearly states that music for him is a journey through different places. He
prefers when the music creates spatial images, and in the case of dubstep, the musical pictures are
29
associated with the urban milieu of London. The connection between dubstep and the big city life of
London is thus as apparent for Londoners, as for Swedes.
Belonging to a global music culture, rather than a national one is a very evident motivation among
Swedish clubbers. Perhaps the small size of Sweden makes it difficult to produce and consume a
variety of vibrant and exciting music styles. However, the club environment – even though it might
be Swedish DJ's and producers performing, does represent a wider affinity with a global youth
movement, were the social codes of the club culture seem to be universal.
Sweden is not unacquainted with London. According to the BBC News website, there were in 2001
a population of 22,000 Swedish people living in the UK. Considering that this is an increase with
10,000 since 1991, one can assume that there lives at least 30,000 Swedish people in the UK today.
Information from SCB states that with the exception of the U.S and Scandinavia, Britain is the most
common destination for Swedish people to emigrate to and settle down for longer or shorter
periods. These individuals have family members and friends who are on some levels connected to
the UK and London as well, where physical experiences and imaginary ideas contribute to a
network of narratives of London. Geographically, London is very close to Sweden and there exists a
number of cheap airlines which offer flight tickets which often cost less than a train journey
between Malmö-Stockholm. Furthermore, having English as the secondary language makes the UK
and London a comfortable choice to travel to or live in. For those who does not have a family
member or a friend living in the UK or never used the discounts on flight tickets, the Swedish
representation of London is obviously further developed through the information received from the
mass media. One could say that Sweden is familiar with London, not only through stereotypical
imagery, but through actual experience and information about the ordinary, everyday life of the city.
The primary and secondary narratives of Swedish people's experience of London, leads to a wider
consciousness of the London life, beyond Big Ben and red double deckers, which could be a reason
why the dubstep scene is attractive and seemingly easy to grasp for the Malmö youth.
Sjö points out how Swedish clubbers are actively distancing themselves from the typical 'Svensson'way of going out, in terms of how they go out and why they go out. People going to a pub/disco
does not have an special requirements, and is not looking for any particular kind of music to be
played. They are not driven by a special music interest, which is the case for the clubbers who is
motivated by the talent of specific DJ or a producer. Furthermore, the disco/pub people (a term used
by Sjö's informants) does not have any musical preferences. They listen to what ever is being
30
played on the radio or on the TV. This observation was also done by my Swedish informant Samira,
a freelance photographer, Möllevången-citizen and a recent dubstep fan. When I asked her if it were
people with a certain lifestyle that visit dubstep events she answered:
“People who listens to the radio chart hits don't have any particular music interest, they don't have
any particular demand of what they listen to. They have never heard about dubstep, so in that way, I
guess people who have a music interest go. I'm sure that the radio people would be interested if
someone introduced them to it, but they would not go and search for something new themselves.”
(My translation)
Sjö also mentions how the pub/disco people never have the musical experience as their main
interest on a night out. Dancing and listening to the music is secondary, compared to flirting,
drinking and socialising. Even though this differentiation surely exists, it seems to be a very clearcut distinction, which I doubt matches the reality. Club nights and pub nights can not only be
divided into different types of people, since several people prefer a sociable pub-night out in some
occasions, and a musical club night at other occasions. However, the distinction was made by Sjö's
young informants, who perceive the club people more in a subcultural context, where all
participants are unified and part of a homogeneous group. The identity of a 'clubber' cannot be
associated with everyone that actually visit and take part of a music event in a club.
DUBSTEP AS A PART OF A WIDER CLUB CULTURE
The dubstep participants can also be understood as being part of a post youth-culture related to the
wider clubbing generation, where dubstep, as well as drum n bass/jungle, UK garage and
electroclash are sub genres within the contemporary dance club movement. This approach is also
concerned with similar social issues, such as notions of identification, belonging and consumption,
but include all young people who frequently take part in dance club activities. It is the experience of
clubbing which is at centre, rather than what particular sub genres reflect and express.
Several scholars (Malbon, 1999, Thornton, 1995, Redhead, 1997) claim that the British club culture
has a major impact on the lifestyles of young people today. The weekend entertainment of clubbing
attracts more British youth than the social alternatives such as watching theatre, live music, comedy
or cinema does. As clubbing is being a common activity of the contemporary youth, the club
becomes an important social space for negotiating identities and belonging. However, it becomes
clear that clubbing cannot be seen as a subcultural activity. It involves such a variety of youth, that
31
it can not be viewed as a homogeneous group with a fixed motivation and a fixed identity. The
scholars of the CCCS believed that subcultural belonging and activity was always driven by a
resistance of a social or class position. Malbon believes that youth cultures can be understood in
several more ways;
“The practices of youth cultures can be as much about expression as about resistance; as much
about belonging as excluding; as much about temporarily forgetting who you are as about
consolidating an identity; as much about gaining strength to go on as about showing defiance in the
face of subordination; and as much about blurring boundaries between people and cultures as
affirming or reinforcing those boundaries.” (Malbon, 1999:19)
The club culture thus involves a multitude of motivations and meanings for the different young
participants, where the social and the musical act of clubbing is deeply intertwined with an
individual everyday life.
Many of my informants have found it difficult to uncover any political elements of dubstep, because
of the lack of lyrics, which is the easiest way to express a clear political message. McRobbie
believes that the political in club culture can be described as a postmodern condition, where not
taking an active political stand still can express a resistance of the mainstream and the music
industry's creation of stereotypes (McRobbie, 1994: 172). As mentioned before, the club is seen as
something alternative, in relation to pubs or discotheques.
One of my informants, James, a British dubstep clubber and a student, describe dubstep from a
postmodern perspective when he says that:
“Dubstep do not have a particular lifestyle or a culture. The music is very varied, so everyone will
find something in it that they like. Because there are no lyrics, the interpretation is personal.”
Larsson also highlights how club music is free of interpretation as there exists no categorisation or
rules. The experience of clubbing, or especially dancing, is individual, but at the same time there
exists a strong sense of companionship and association with other clubbers. An ego loss occurs, as
well as a oneness, since there is no opposition between any particular groups (Larsson, 1997: 22).
My informant Robin makes an interesting point when he goes back to the cultural roots of dubstep
and explains that:
32
“Dubstep has a kind of a revolutionary spirit, because it is intertwined with dub music, reggae
music and latin music. It's battle music, that's the whole thing with sound systems, you gotta have a
better tune than the next person, the drums have to be harder, the bass have to be harder, no matter
what, your tune have to smash the other tune. That's the culture of it ... so much of it comes back to
the reggae sound system thing”
Even though Robin demonstrates the structure of how the music is constructed, the revolutionary
spirit that Robin talks about does not seem to be a resistance against anything in particular.
However, the political motivation of dubstep seem to be easier to explain, as Robin link the genre to
the general political climate of Britain as a nation:
“We don't like to admit it but we are a very corrupt country. You're very lucky if you break through.
The pacts are pretty strongly set in this country on where you're born, who you're born to, where
you go to school. I think a general feeling in this country is powerlessness and a lot of frustration.
The freedom people was given by Thatcher, I mean having a lot of money and that gives you
freedom, is what we bought into. We do not have time to be our own individual person, only making
money, you know. All those things are part of the parcel of the English experience and that's what's
behind a lot of the power and the angst and shit in English music.”
CLUBBING – AN EXPERIMENTAL CONSUMPTION
No matter the motivation or the purpose, and despite the different club genres, club geographies and
club visitors, the club culture as a modern phenomena is structured and controlled by a consumer
logic. Previous theories has concentrated on the commodification of different youth styles, but
Malbon believes that even though it exists a material market for clubbers such as fashion related to
different dance music genres and clubbing accessories, the consumption is invested in the club
experience in itself. Being socially or musically motivated, attending a club is a participation in a
form of gathering. Clubbers spend money on temporary commodities, material only to a certain
extent. There exists commodities, but they are used in order to participate in an experience (paper
ticket) or to enhance the experience (a bottle of beer, a pill) where the material value is meaningless.
What is significant, is how these commodities help one to come closer to an experience. The
investment is nothing one can physically hold on to, apart from the intangible memories of the
happening. Malbon call this 'experimental consuming' and argues that purchasing experiences is an
essential part of the contemporary society. Hence, clubbing for the youth is a form of consumption
33
just as travelling, wine tasting or gambling is for adults (Malbon,1999: 16-22).
The investment in a club experience is still a consumer choice connected to the process of
identification. It can be viewed as a 'self-investment' which reconfirm an image one want to portray
of oneself, where a particular garment or accessory – a specific style, has been replaced by a
presumed lifestyle. One of the essential features of the clubbing experience is that it is shared
among others. A club is suppose to be crowded - an empty club is a failed club. Purchasing the
ability to participate in a club then, is a reassurance of an individual identity as well as belonging to
the group of other clubbers.
Group identifications in a club, where dancing is central, replaces a verbal communication with an
embodied one. It is not enough to only make an appearance in the club, one have to perform
according to the coded structure, which reveals if one really belong or not, if one is an authentic
clubber. This authentic test, or in other words, the socially accepted performance, is defined through
a counter performance, which signalise the lack of creditability. The ability to read the codes and
understanding how to fit in can be compared to Pierre Bourdieu's concept of 'habitus' (Ibid:29). For
Bourdieu, habitus is product of hidden social structures in the society, which are unconsciously
embodied by individuals. These cultural structures exist both in people’s mind and body and operate
in the daily practices of individuals, groups and societies. Habitus is deeply inscribed in people and
shapes behaviour, taste, preference and habits. Every one has an individual habitus, which is
influenced by ones gender and class, as well as ones political and religious background.
Each social fields then have their own habitus, but these are in their own followed by additional
'sub-habitus'. Knowing how to behave in order to be perceived as a clubber is further connected
with the sub-habitus of a particular dance club genre. As discussed previously, UK Garage operate a
different set of meanings and behaviour than dubstep. Thus, containing a general club habitus might
not be sufficient, since different club versions are different social fields.
Understanding that clubbing is an essential social phenomena among the majority of the
contemporary youth is important, but on the other hand, one have to acknowledge that different
dance music genres contain different representations, meanings and identities.
COMPUTER VERSUS VOICE - A GENDER PERSPECTIVE OF THE CLUB CULTURE
The club culture has fascinated many scholars, and has among postmodernists been viewed as as an
34
interesting space, where identities are being negotiated in new ways, moving away from old
categories of classification. The first big club events in the end of the 1980's were strongly
influenced by the old hippie concept 'Peace, Love, Understanding and Respect'. The mentality has
been modernised and interpreted as a musical and a spiritual belonging, which goes beyond
stereotypical gender distinctions. However, there are also scholars who look at the club culture from
a feminist perspective. Technological skills are essential in the electronic dance music and Anna
Gavanas argues that it often works as a tool to 'create and maintain hierarchies' between men and
women (Gavanas, 2008: 131). Many female musicians uses their voice and therefore their body as
an instrument, a pattern which reaffirms old biased ideas where the woman is anti-technological and
closer to nature as oppose to the man (Dickinson, 2004: 168).
From a postmodern perspective, there seems to occur a transformation of the perception of
masculinity within the club culture. The message of the club culture is that of unity and friendliness,
rather than anti-social behaviour, which the old subcultural theories were pointing at. The
conception of masculinity has also changed in relation to the decreasing focus on the sexual at the
dance floor. The body is solely a tool for the dancing experience, which in many club cultures are
an individual act, where the sociable and the sexual dialogue often found in previous dance styles,
is absent. Since sexual communication often determines rather than unlocking femininities and
masculinities, the asexual environment found in the club culture opens up to new forms of
identifications (McRobbie, 1994, 168).
Several scholars (Maria Pini: 2001, Angela McRobbie, 1994, Kay Dickinson, 2004) have recently
been interested in young women and their construction of self within the clubbing world. The club
is an interesting space to to conduct feminist ethnography, because as a postmodern phenomena,
clubbing offers new notions of femininities. Through the asexual mentality and its individualism,
the electronic dance clubs offer a sense of safety and acceptance for women who are interested in
trying drugs, or in general escaping from the various pressures of being a conventional woman –
sexually attractive, soft and tender (Simonson, 2004: 86-87). In the world of clubbing, people are
not distinguish by any stereotypical categories such as gender or race. In a club, the act of dancing
is the central, which is not a gender neutral thing in its own. However, the dance is individual and
not constructed around a pair, where the two positions are based on a male leading and a female that
follows. Moreover, the dance carried out to electronic music is not predetermined and controlled, it
has a free form, where the individual interpret the sound in his/her own way. It is a personal, bodily
expression, which many clubbers has described as an inner journey (Larsson, 1997:22).
35
THE FEMALE AS ANTI TECHNOLOGICAL
However, Anna Gavanas is doubtful if the club culture is completely free from social stratification
and argues that 'the crafting of identities in electronic dance music settings is based on exclusions as
ell as inclusions' (Gavanas, 2008: 128) There exists other elements of the club culture which still
holds on to old gender stereotypes. This is clearly demonstrated when studying the prominent role
of the DJ, which tends to be a male position. The media and the music industry are often involved
in a process of niching producers and DJ's, contributing to a 'gendering', 'sexualisation' and
'ethnification' of the participants of the club culture. Gavanas disagree with the romanticised view of
the club world being detached from oppressive structures, and as a female DJ and
an
anthropologist, she is aware of the existing power relations within the electronic dance music scene.
The male dominated DJ booth for example, has strong connotations with power, as 'the legitimacy
of women is constantly questioned', (Gavanas, 2008, 131) which is a view that further disregard the
fact that women can have a serious music interest.
In order to mix or produce electronic music, the DJ or the producer needs to have advanced
technological knowledge and interest, something that often is associated with men. In order to
promote oneself and become successful in the club world, technological skills are necessary, thus
technology 'correspond to and legitimize hierarchies' (Gavanas, 2008, 131) The strong association
with men and technology, demonstrates a highly gendered view of who has the ability to be a
talented DJ. The women that do Djing, are considered to be 'unfeminine' and to a certain extent
deviant (Gavanas, 2008: 127-132).
UK garage has attracted more women than any other electronic dance genre. As a consequence, Kay
Dickinson has noticed that women has a quite powerful position within this scene, even though
within the limits of typical feminine behaviour. Therefore, the men are sharing the space which
normally have been exclusively male (Dickinson, 2004: 172). However, the influence that women
had in the UK garage scene, has been lost in the contemporary setting of dubstep. Through my
observations and interviews about dubstep, I have noticed that it is very male dominated scene. In
the dubstep events that I have visit, most of the girls were there because of their boyfriends. The
small number of women twho were there because of the actual musical experience, had all been
introduced to dubstep, through boyfriends or male friends.
In my interview with Fabio, he compares UK garage to dubstep and has observed that in dubstep,
the music is much more central. The heavy bass is difficult to dance to and he therefore believes
that people visiting dubstep events have to be passionate about the music, rather than just having a
'good night out'. The lack of women in dubstep clubs then demonstrates that women visiting clubs
purely for the music are rare, and the women that do are entering a male sphere, with a strong
36
gendered distinction between different spaces of the club culture. For example, the DJ booth is male
dominated space, and as long as the area in front of the DJ booth is considered to be a dance floor,
this space is considered to be female. If the club on the other hand does not offer dance-friendly
music, this space became male oriented as well. Thus, dancing, or in other words, bodily
expression, is suggested to be a feminised action, whereas Djing - being in control and holding the
power of the music that is being played, is associated with masculine behaviour.
Fabio has also noticed that UK Garage interested more girls than dubstep has done. The reason why,
Fabio believes is because UK Garage consist of vocals, which is considered to be the more usual
and accepted way for females to participate in musical activities. Fabio further notices that in grime,
there also seem to be more females involved than in dubstep. Even though grime is considered to be
a scene containing strong aggressive and masculine elements, there are several 'girls from the estate'
that raps. When I ask him why he thinks electronic music has an absence of females and is mostly
produced by males, he confirms Gavanas' theory of the male 'fetishisation' of machines when he
says:
“Boys like their gadgets and their toys.”
Even though producing music for women often involves entering a world with a majority of men,
not all females find it negative. Lorna look at the the lack of women in the music industry from
another perspective:
“I always felt that it's a benefit being female, in the sense that men has always been very open to me
and always been quite encouraging. In general, I think that men are quite encouraging when they
hear that females can play music. Women who can play an instrument are regarded as quite cool
and are generally supported and that's why you get a lot of females with a male band. I think
generally that a song sounds more beautiful when it comes from a woman. That touches me much
more, personally and I think a lot of people would agree. It got that high frequency, like birds, they
can sing high and beautiful and women are suppose to sing beautiful and when they do, it adds to
the beautiful appeal, so men are always very encouraging.”
Even though Lorna feels that she is included in the male dominated world, she is confirming the
typical roles of female and male within the music making. Women who has been able to enter the
male world, having musical talents such as playing an instrument are regarded as exceptional.
Moreover, through their birdlike voice, the stereotypical female role as being beautiful and soft is
affirmed. The point is not to disregard the fact that women, with their high frequency voice might
37
be more pleasant to listen to for some people, but to uncover the gendered structures which seem to
determine that certain musical acts are either female or male.
Lorna further adds:
“You stand out if you are a female DJ and if you're good you will be encouraged. I don't think that it
is a disadvantage to be woman, I think is just not many women who want to do it, its not many
women playing drums so, it seem to be something that men turn to much more than women.”
Gavanas further mentions how being a female DJ, questions her role as being a 'real' heterosexual
woman. Female DJ's are treated with suspicion and are expected to be engaged in typical feminine
things, such as attract men (Gavanas, 2008: 131). Since this type of behaviour is ignored by the
female DJ, who rather focus on her musical performance, her heterosexuality is questioned. The
gendered distinction is problematic in many ways. On one level, the classification seem to assume
that women are not suppose to make noise or being in charge, apart from when they sing
beautifully. When they engage in the 'man-machine relationship' they enter a territory where they,
through their choice of interest are questioned as women and further have people speculating about
their personal sexuality. In addition, it is also difficult for men to express their emotions through
song, since they are also taking the risk of loosing their masculine heterosexual status.
Even though the music industry contain mostly men, Lorna is positive towards the recent
progression of female involvement:
“A lot of the pioneers in the music industry are men, but you getting a lot more female managers
now and a lot of the people working in record companies are women. I think women had a whole
revolution, to tell you the truth... I think there is very much an equality in my point of view. I think
we got a great advantage. But with that said, there is not that many women actually doing music,
singing yes, but as musicians, producers or engineers, working on computers and stuff is still quite
rare.”
Even though a feminist perspective seems important in such a male dominated world as the club
culture is, it is essential to acknowledge that the females who are involved in the technological,
computer made parts of the music industry contribute to a reconfiguration of the female
representation in the electronic dance scene. Their increasing involvement can be viewed as an
empowerment, and a will to challenge the role women have in this field and further question fixed
38
ideas of femininity.
.
MUSIC – COMMODITY OR CULTURE?
A music production is often either viewed as a creative expression, or as a commodified product of
a capitalist industry. These two polarised view-points perceive music as either art or commerce.
However, Connell and Gibson argue that music has both an economic and a cultural value. Even
though they claim that studies of cultural economies lack ‘emotive importance’ and ‘cultural
meaning’, it is evident to analyse the economic aspects of commodified music cultures. Music has
strong links to the representation of identity, place and culture, but the economic impact can not be
ignored, since companies play an important role in the making of images, products and concepts of
popular music. Alongside the fact that music is travelling across cultures and styles, it is also
connected to the new global economic shift. There exists cooperate interest in entertainment
companies, which has led to an internationalisation of several musical artists and genres. It can be
viewed as a process which has led to an easier access to music from different geographical areas in
the world, but on the other hand:
“...some have suggested that popular music around the world has been caught up in a process of
convergence where, economically, different forms of media such as film, Internet, print and sound
are owned by the same few corporations and, culturally, texts are received via the same channels,
leading to a ‘standardised’ repertoire of sounds, styles and images of place, as more locations are
incorporated into a global popular cultural ‘matrix’.” (Connell & Gibson:10-11)
On a creative level, the expansion of communication technology and increasing access of music
through global forms of media has created a hybrid of creative musical styles and inspiration.
Indigenous music traditions are often incorporated with urban production centres in the U.S and the
U.K, where cultural identities constantly are being questioned and reconfigured. The new
transnational sounds demonstrate a reinvention as well as a attempt to return to the ‘roots’ (Connell
& Gibson: 6-11). However, it is important to understand that even if music creatively construct
identities and narratives of places through cultural flows, it is always connected with the global
market and its commodity-based logic (Ibid, 18). Music productions in general, have a complicated
and contradictory relationship to commodification, since it both destroy some of the innovative
elements of the production, but also encourage changes and helps the scene to move forward.
DUBSTEP AND COMMERCIALISM
39
As Luvaas pointed out previously, there exists an ambivalent relationship between electroclash and
commercialism. There exists elements of both celebration and condemnation (Luvaas, 2006: 172).
This argument is relevant within the dubstep scene as well. Even though dubstep expresses a clear
rejection of what's fake and conventional, which can be viewed as a form of resistance against the
mainstream, it has not completely abandoned the capitalist ideals of becoming famous through the
means of the commercial market.
Meena notices that the youth she is working with are not only artists, they are entrepreneurs as well;
“Young people are definitely in favour of commercialism. What's unique for dubstep is that the
producers are very young and they use the music as a way to feel empowered, the goal is to make a
living out of it. Young boys have a business mind, they know how to promote themselves and make
money. Artists like Skream and Benga are inspiring for young people, they are themselves young
lads who now are successful and touring the world. I mean, there are 14 years who are being signed
now, cus they are hungry to produce. Labels are looking for young fresh talents.”
Most artists, no matter what form, will eventually encounter the conflict of responding to the need
of the market, in order to make a living out of their passion. When an artist switches from being an
amateur to a professional, a profitable income is valued higher than the need to stay creative and
innovative. But how does this transformation correspond to the underground mentality of dubstep,
where the issue of authenticity seem to be such an essential part of the scene? It is important to
question who it is that want to keep the dubstep style the way it is. As Meena has noticed, the
producers themselves are working towards their dream, their career and are therefore willing to
change and develop the sound and the scene. However, the scene is determined by more than just
the producers. In order to understand the issue of authenticity, one have to acknowledge the media's
ability to manufacture and reinforce (sub)cultural ideas (Luvaas, 2006: 174). The seemingly strong
and typical characteristics of the dubstep scene then, can be viewed as a discursive construction,
and an attempt to make dubstep a commodity, a product.
The contemporary discussions associated with power relations and youth, are often centered around
issues of consumerism and the commodifying processes of youth lifestyles. Pilkington and Johnson
argue that in relation to the rapidly growing global market, young people of today tend to construct
their lifestyles through consumer choice, rather than it being shaped by a specific cultural heritage
or a specific class background. The modern youth have more than one affiliation and identify
40
themselves with more than one group, lifestyle or culture. The global world and its market offers a
hybrid of different social belongings, which are not always clearly linked to actual communities that
are shaped by class or ethnicity, but to ‘lifestyle enclaves’ where consumption is practised (Lash,
1994: 160 in Pilkington and Johnson, 266).(Pilkington and Johnson, 264-266). Therefore, the
relationship between a music scene and the music industry is ambiguous. On one hand, the music
industry obviously makes a genre move forward and expand, but on the other hand, this service also
exploit and commodifies the scene. The profit making logic behind the music industry
communicates through commodities. It is searching for symbols and characteristics which are made
into products that can signify the specific style. The manufacturing companies are inspired by a
local underground group of people, who often, through its new sound expresses an alternative to the
mainstream, but as the commercial exploitation expands, the new creations loose their credibility
and integrity. It is a common process – new trends and sounds eventually starts to feed back into
suitable industries and when they have become a public property, the creative spirit dies (Hebdidge,
1993: 94).
Lorna explains the mixed feeling towards commercialisation:
“Many people I know say that dubstep will be shit if it became commercial. People who are really
into dubstep will be really appalled if it became commercial, but then again, it will start to reach a
much bigger audience.”
Lorna states that dubstep fans want to keep it authentic, underground and true to its creativity. On the
other hand, as a musician, Lorna understands the importance of being appreciated on a wider scale,
which opens up to further possibilities to develop the music.
Authenticity then, always seem to follow a circle like pattern. New music genres are fascinating because
the freshness marks a difference from the commodified and ordinary productions. But as soon as a style
has been mapped and acknowledged, it slowly moves towards an inauthenticity, a pre packed concept,
through the process of its commercialisation. To complete the circle the process starts over again, when
new conventions develop as a response to the now consumer based genre.
CONCLUSION
The contemporary academic works about youth cultures often include the role of consumption in
youth lifestyles, the neglect of social and ethnic differences and the increasingly individualistic
identification. The subcultural theories in the 1970's and the 1980's were characterised by cultural
identity, class and resistance, which is not a very common theme of today's postmodern theorizing.
41
The strong group belonging has been replaced with youth shifting through a multiple of groups with
blurry boundaries and without a distinct collectivity.
The emergence of dubstep seem to confirm the postmodern condition of today. The music genre has
developed in one of the most multicultural cities of the world, London, where the cross-cultural,
experimental mixing of different translocal sounds has become a familiar process. Thus, dubstep is
not the first genre consisting of a inter crossed translocal music culture, in fact, dubstep is inspired
by a number of already hybridised styles. Apart from the music genre being heterogeneous, its
participants and supporters cannot be associated with a specific class or ethnicity. There exists no
strong dress code nor conscious political opinions. Many of the dubstep supporters do not even
engage solely in this genre, they listen to other music as well. Furthermore, the dubstep venues
tends to be very gender neutral, without any sexual interaction. Majority of the dubstep discussions
and affiliations take place online, where narratives, opinions and imagery of the dubstep scene
creates the idea of dubstep. The organisation of dubstep is therefore fluid, with its supporters being
located in different parts of world, without being characterised by their class or ethnic belonging. In
the modern world, the local has become reachable on an international level, where the locality is
being represented, not only by the local, but by individuals observing and participating in the scene
online and through other media forms.
However, just as the subcultural theories are being insufficient, the postmodern perspective tends to
overlook some essential issues. The postmodern view on club culture is a breath of fresh air,
compared to the subcultural theory which focused on distinct, homogeneous class based youth
cultures. The importance of understanding that there exist affiliations not only due to a working
class background was a necessary step in order to fully grasp the social life of multiple youth styles.
Postmodernism opened up the possibility to study not only working class boys, but females, second
generation immigrants, homosexuals and eventually even spaces such as the club where youth were
viewed as just youth expressing an individualism, rather than a gender, ethnicity or sexuality. The
club culture came to represent something new, were the young people themselves chose to leave old
subordinated classifications behind them. But how refreshing the postmodern club culture might
seem, it still consists of powerful structural hierarchies where old notions of gender roles and class
belonging still haunts the present reality.
The postmodern romanticised view of the club culture is strongly questioned when observing the
visible lack of women as music producers and DJ's. This highly male dominated position, makes it
42
impossible to ignore issues of gender. The fact that women are assumed to be anti-technological,
and only musically contributing through their voice, confirms one of the oldest stereotypes, where
women belong to nature, just as men belong to culture. The woman that gets involved in Djing or
producing electronic music are entering a male world with male norms, which is problematic, since
she is struggling to be viewed as a professional, rather than a woman.
There has also been an increasing refocus on class and social position among the more recent youth
studies. The postmodern thinking is intertwined with the global process of migration and cultural
forms, as well as the communication technology that has come to make the local global. However,
not all young people are involved in the global youth culture, which has been an essential space for
postmodern scholars where to analyse youth identifications and social life. There exists a digital
divide between those who have access to the global world, who live the global world, and those
who are trapped in their localities. This notion has made a number of recent scholars to reconsider
some of the subcultural theories of the CCCS about class and youth identities. In order to fully
capture the reality of youth life and identification today, a postmodern understanding of the global,
cross cultural influences are necessary, as well as an understanding of how structural hierarchies
which determine class and gender still exist and operate within youth styles of today.
Returning to the dubstep scene, I have concluded that many characteristics of the formation is
postmodern in the sense that it is not a distinct subculture, with a clear set of participants and a
homogeneous style. However, there are still concrete aspects of the scene that are useful, since it
expresses a preference of sound and a social life among the contemporary youth, not only limited to
young people with a specific class background or a specific gender, but also beyond the borders of
Britain. The dubstep scene are thus a changeable and hybridised postmodern phenomena, as well as
it involves a process of identification which is effected by power structures shaped by dominant
meta narratives.
There has been many informants stating how the producers and some of the listeners of dubstep are
'street lads' or 'kids from the estate'. Tracy Shildrick states in her article how 'there is now an
increasing body of evidence that notes that where young people are caught up in street-based youth
culture(s) they are very likely to come into contact with illicit drugs' (Shildrick, 2006: 67) The
frequent use of cannabis among certain London youth and the socialising on the street, rather than
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in school makes it difficult to not acknowledge the socio-economic situation of these youths. I am
not making the conclusion that the actual use of drugs is related to class, but when it is a everyday
commodity in their local neighbourhood, it points towards a living in area which is socially
deprived. The effect of being intoxicated by cannabis has clearly been visible in the observations I
have conducted. Apart from me witness people actually smoking cannabis inside the venues, the
participants express a feeling of apathy, with no particular social interaction with others. Even
though club music has an introvert tendency, there normally exists a contact with other dancers. In
addition, the sound of dubstep – dark, industrial, heavy bass and obscure, correlates to the lack of
concern and detachment that smoking cannabis sometimes can lead to. Furthermore, through my
informants, as well as through media, it is clear that a large number of youth in London have a
tough and difficult life, being exposed to drugs and violence in early ages. Music has often been
seen as an alternative way out, if education has been unsuccessful. Dubstep then, with its 'street'
character, does express a wider socio-economic reality of some of the participants. However, this is
when a postmodern perspective becomes necessary again. With the dominant forces of media and
the consumer industry, it is important to understand that the 'street' character of dubstep does not
only emerge from the producers social environment, it has also become a commodified culture,
where fashion and music contribute to a representation rather than a reality. As dubstep gains more
attention, it would be inaccurate to assume that the participants of the scene, both producers and
listeners, have a 'street' background. This becomes very explicit, when observing how and by who
dubstep has been consumed in Sweden. The harsh reality of the city of London, has transformed
into an attraction in Sweden. In a country with a large middle class and where a refined and polite
behaviour is the norm, the 'authentic' and rough sound of dubstep becomes exotic. London as a
locality, becomes mythified. The mythifiying process creates images of a vibrant and exciting place,
that attract youth who might be living in an environment lacking those elements.
Understanding that a culture, a city or a sound has multiple meanings, shaped according to its
context is an essential argument within postmodern theory. A world with no preconceptions and
dominant meta-narratives would be ideal, but unfortunately we are far from it. As demonstrated,
class cultures, as well as gender cultures exists and it can be found in the contemporary dubstep
scene. On the other hand, dubstep consists of a multiple of meanings, in relation to other genres and
compared to other nations. In order to fully understand the contemporary social life of youth, we
have to understand the hybrid of meanings, identifications and motivations that the younger
generation possess. However, within the global, translocal world, power structures still control and
effect the social conditions of many youth groups. Therefore, dubstep should be viewed as a modern
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example of a youth formation which should not be identified as rigid community where the musical
taste is associated with a fixed style, group of people or set of political opinions. However, even if
dubstep is not a traditional subculture, the people involved – no matter who they are, where they
come from or what they wear, are all affected by the structural hierarchies, which questions the
postmodern and slightly naïve notion that every young individual actually are free to
unconditionally choose style and identity.
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