Cowboys and Indians: Perceptions of Western Films Among American Indians and Anglos Author(s): JoEllen Shively Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 57, No. 6 (Dec., 1992), pp. 725-734 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096119 Accessed: 16/09/2009 14:12 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review. http://www.jstor.org COWBOYS AND INDIANS: PERCEPTIONS OF WESTERN FILMS AMONG AMERICAN INDIANS AND ANGLOS* JOELLENSHIVELY University of Michigan I examinesociologicalmodelsof howpeopleuse andinterpretculturalmaterials.Myfocus is on howminoritiesparticipatein and reworkthe centralmythsof the dominantculture. Afterviewinga Westernfilm, matchedgroupsof AmericanIndianand Anglo males answeredwrittenquestionnaires andparticipatedinfocus-groupinterviews.AmericanIndians andAnglosbothlikedthefilm,butfor differentreasons.IndiansperceivedWesternsas representing a set of valuesabouttheland,autonomy,andfreedom,whileAngloslinkedthe Westernmythto theirownhistoryandturnedit intoan affirmation of thevaluestheirancestorsstrovefor and imposedon the West.Theseresultsimplythatthe meaningimputedto culturalworksvariesoversocialspace.Lackof dataon audienceinterpretations of cultural productshas renderedexistingmodelsof the culturalsignificanceof Westernfilms and othergenresspeculative. T 1972 to arguethatWesternsresembleprimitive myths. Drawingon Levi-Strauss,Wrightdeveloped a cognitive theoryof mythic structuresin which "thereceiversof the Westernmyth learn how to act by recognizingtheirown situationin it" (p. 186). Wright'smain thesis is thatthe narrativethemesof theWesternresolvecrucialcontradictionsin modern capitalism and provide viewers with strategiesto deal with their economic worlds. The popularity of Westerns, Wrightargued,lies in the genre's reflectionof thechangingeconomicsystem,whichallows the viewers to use the Westernas a guide for living. These explanationsof the Western'spopularity attendto culturaltextsbutignoretheviewers, whose motives and experiencesarecrucial.The lack of solid dataaboutaudienceinterpretations of variousformulasrendersexisting models of the culturalsignificanceof Westernsand other * Directall correspondence to JoEllenShively, Degenres speculative. partmentof Sociology, Universityof Michigan,Ann While growingup on an Indianreservationin Arbor, MI 48109-1382. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the the midwesternUnited States, I observed that AmericanSociological Association,August 1991, in fellow Indiansloved Westernmovies andpaperCincinnati.Ann SwidlerandMorrisZelditch,Jr.,con- backs. Subsequently,I observed this phenomtributedsubstantiallyto the developmentof the un- enonon Indianreservationsin OregonandNorth derlyingresearchand I benefitedfrom theirvaluable Dakota,as well as amongIndianswho lived off commentsas well. I am gratefulto SarahM. Corse, the reservations. As scholars have noted JamesG. March,HowardSchuman,RussellThornton, (McNickle 1973; Cornell 1987; Snipp 1991), culhe dominantapproachto understanding turalproductstypicallyselects a particular populargenrefor analysisin thehope of generating conclusions about the societal values expressedin the culturalproduct(some exceptions areRadway1984;Griswold1987;andLiebesand Katz 1990).1Forexample,Cawelti(1970, 1976), on the basis of his readingof Westernnovels, concludedthatthese novels area vehicle for exploringvalue conflicts,such as communalideas versus individualisticimpulses, and traditional ways of life versusprogress.Caweltiarguedthat Westernsareformulaicworksthatprovidereaders with a vehicle for escape andmoralfantasy. In the major sociological study of Western films, Wright(1977) used his own viewing of the most popularWesternmovies from 1931 to and the Editor and reviewers of the ASR for their careful readings and insightful comments. This research was supportedby a grant from the National Instituteof MentalHealthandby a Dean's Research Awardfrom StanfordUniversity. IMuchworkhas involvedliteraryandfilm studies. However, literarytheories such as reader-response theory (Iser 1974; Fish 1980), pertainmostly to an "impliedreader"within the text, and psychoanalyze what ethnicity,gender, religion, etc., in films mean (Friedman1991). This work is interesting,but irrelevant for a study of how real audiencesactuallyrespond. AmericanSociological Review, 1992, Vol. 57 (December:725-734) 725 726 AmericanIndianshave always lived in a culturally, economically,andpoliticallymarginalsubcultureand are ambivalentaboutAmericanvalues of achievementand acquisitionof material wealth.Thus,it seemedunlikelythatIndianswho like Westernswould need them as conceptual guides for economic action as Wright alleged. The popularityof WesternsamongIndiansmust be explainedin otherways. In an argumentsimilarto Wright's, Swidler (1986) suggested that culturalworks are tools used by peopleto contendwith immediateprobin a broadsense lems.Swidlerdiscussed"culture" as comprising"symbolic vehicles of meaning includingbeliefs, ritualpractices,artforms,ceremonies as well as language,gossip, storiesand ritualsof daily life" (p. 272). Swidler was concernedwith how cultureshapesactionand with how people "use"culture.AssumingthatWestern movies are a story or an art form, how do AmericanIndiansuse this culturalproduct? I addressseveral issues thatprevious studies have made assumptionsabout,but have not addressedclearly.One issue is the generalquestion of how different groups appropriateand find meaningin culturalproducts.In particular,does Wright'stheoryaboutthe culturaluse of Westerns hold truefor AmericanIndianswatchinga "cowboysvs. Indians"film? Is the mythicstructureof a drama- the "goodguy/badguy"opposition in the Western- more salient than the ethnicaspectof the culturalproduct,or do Indians in the audienceidentifywith Indianson the screen,regardlessof who the good guys andbad guys are? Do IndianspreferWesternsthatportraysympatheticandpositive images of Indians, e.g., BrokenArrowand othermovies described by Aleiss (1987) andParishandPitts(1976)?Do IndianslikeonlyWesternsthatshowa tribalgroup otherthantheirown as the villains?Fundamentally,how do Indianslink theirown ethnicidentity to the Western,or limit this identityso they can enterthe narrativeframeof the Western? AMERICANSOCIOLOGICALREVIEW informantandone Indianinformantwho invited five ethnicallysimilarfriendsto theirhomes to watchthe film. Writtenquestionnaireswere administeredimmediatelyafterthe film, followed by focus-groupinterviews.An Anglofemaleconductedthe focus-groupinterviewswith Anglos; I conductedthe focus-groupinterviewswith Indians.(I am Chippewa.)(Transcriptsof thefocus interviewsare availablefrom the authoron request.) Respondentswereaskedwhy theylikedor did not like TheSearchersin particularandWestern movies in general.Basic demographicquestions includedracial identification,including "blood quantum"for Indians. The researchsite is the secondlargesttown on the reservationand has a populationof about 1,200.Equalnumbersof IndiansandAnglos live in the town.3Accordingto the TribalHeadquartersEnrollmentOfficer(Bighorn,12 May 1988), of the 600 Indians,approximately40 percentare Sioux, 10percentareAssiniboine,10percentare Indians of mixed Indian origins, and approximately 40 percentof the self-identifiedIndians are "mixed-blood,"i.e., Indianand white ancestry.BecauseI wantedto avoidthepossibleambiguity of asking how mixed-bloodsunderstand Westerns,all Indiansin my sampleclaim to be "full-blood"Sioux, and all Anglos claim to be white.4Because the Westerngenre is primarily 3 Of the approximately50,000 residentsliving on the 7 federallyrecognizedreservationsin this statein 1980, 48.5 percent are Indian and 51.5 percent are Anglo (Confederationof AmericanIndians1986, pp. 125-34). Underthe 1887GeneralAllotmentAct, more than 100 IndianReservationson the Plains,along the Pacific Coast, and in the Great Lakes states, were dividedup and allottedto individualIndians.The remainingland was declared"surplus"and opened up to white homesteaders.Under the terms of this Act, Indians were eventually dispossessed of almost 90 millionacres(Talbot1981,pp. 111-12). Today,whites continueto own land and live on these reservations between Inwhere their land is "checker-boarded" RESEARCHDESIGN dian-ownedland.On some of thesereservations,nonIndiansown as much or more land than the tribe or Matched samples of 20 Indian males and 20 Indiansdo, and the proportionwhite is equal to or Anglo2malesliving in a townon anIndianreser- higherthanthe proportionIndian.The researchsite is vationon the WesternPlainsof the UnitedStates on one of these reservations. watcheda Westernfilm, The Searchers.Ethni4 I have observed that "mixed-blood"Indiansaccally puregroupswere assembledby one Anglo knowledge and respect both their Indian and white ancestries.To avoid speculationabout whether the 2 "Anglo" refers to non-Indianwhite Americans findings might be associatedwith the self-identified and does not include those of Spanish or Mexican Indians'"Indianness"or "whiteness,"I includedonly full-bloods. descent. ANDINDIANS COWBOYS about males, only males were included in the sample.5 The respondentsdid not constitutea representativesample,but were assembledin an effortto create roughly matchedgroups. I attemptedto matchIndiansandAnglos on age, income,years of education,occupation,and employmentstatus, but succeeded in matchingmainly on age, education,andoccupation,andwas less successful on income and employment status.6In the analysis,neitheremploymentstatusnor income appearto affect the dependentvariables.Matching Indians and Anglos on educationrequired All me to excludecollege-educatedrespondents.7 subjectswere betweenthe ages of 36 and 64 the average age of Indianrespondentswas 51, and the averageage of Anglo respondentswas 52. Most of the respondentswere married.8 I chose The Searchers(1956) as the Western film to show because its major conflict is betweencowboysandIndians.Accordingto Wright 727 (1977), The Searchers was one of the period's top-grossingfilms, a sign of mythicalresonance. The film starsJohn Wayne - a criticaladvantagefor a Westernaccordingto IndianandAnglo informants.Briefly, The Searchersis about Indian-hatingEthanEdwards's(JohnWayne) and MartinPolly's (Jeff Hunter)five-year searchto find Debbie Edwards, Ethan's niece (Natalie Wood), who has been kidnappedby Comanche Chief Scar (HenryBrandon).In the end, Scaris killed, and Debbie, who was marriedto Scar, is takenback to the white civilized world. FINDINGS I began my researchwith the assumptionthat people understandmovies based on their own culturalbackgrounds.Therefore,the experience of watchingWesternmovies shouldbe different for Indiansand Anglos, especially when watching scenes in which Indiansareportrayedin distorted,negativeways. My most strikingfinding, however,is an overall similarityin the ways Indians andAnglos experiencedTheSearchers. All respondents- IndiansandAnglos - indicated that they liked Westernmovies in general. Furthermore,in the focus interviews,they saidthey wishedmoreWesternswerebeingproduced in Hollywood. I askedthe respondentsto rankthe threetypes of films they most liked to watch from a list of 10 (musical,gangster,horror, and so on). All 40 subjects- both Anglo and Indian- rankedWesternsfirst or second; the Westernwas far and away the most popular genre.Seventy-fivepercentrankedWesternsfirst. Combatmovies were a distantsecond, and science fiction movies were third. On both the writtenquestionnairesand in the focus interviews,all respondentsindicatedthat theylikedTheSearchersandconsideredit a typical Western.OneIndianandtwo Anglosreported thatthey had seen the film before. In responseto the question,"Withwhom did you identifymost in the film?,"60 percentof the Indiansand 50 percentof the Anglos identified with JohnWayne, while 40 percentof the Indians and45 percentof the Anglos identifiedwith Jeff Hunter.9None of the Indians (or Anglos) identifiedwiththe Indianchief, Scar.Indiansdid not link theirown ethnicidentityto Scarandhis bandof Indians,butinsteaddistancedthemselves fromthe Indiansin thefilm. The Indians,like the 5 My data show that the Westerngenre is popular among women, but because the major focus of this study is on racial differences and because I had a limitedbudget,I controlledfor genderby looking at males only. 6 The medianannualhouseholdincome for the Indians was $9,000; the median annualhousehold income for the Anglos was $13,000. Seven of the 20 Indianmen were unemployedat the time of the researchcomparedto 3 of the Anglo men. Of currently employedIndians,fourwere workingpart-time;three of currentlyemployedAngloswereworkingpart-time. Thereareno significantdifferencesbetweenthe Indians in my studyandthe 1980 Censusdataon income andunemployment(U.S. Bureauof the Census 1986, Tables 9, 10, 25; U.S. Bureau of the Census 1988, Table 234). Occupationsof the Indiansincludedbartender,farm worker,mechanic,factory worker,carpenter,and food-service worker.Occupationsof the Anglos includedjanitor,school bus driver,bartender, storeclerk,factoryworker,carpenter,mechanic,foreman, andpostal worker. 7 IndiansandAnglos differedin the proportionwho completedhigh school, but this differencehad no effect on the analysis. Among Indianrespondents,25 percent had completed high school and 60 percent had some high school. For Anglo respondents,80 percent had completed high school and 20 percent had some high school. 8 To obtainmatched20-personsamples, 11 groups comprising 30 Indians and 25 Anglos watched the film. Of these, 2 Indians and 3 Anglos had "some college education"and 8 Indiansand 2 Anglos were mixed-blood.Theserespondents'questionnaireswere 9 One Anglo identifiedwith Laurie,Jeff Hunter's not used andthe respondentswere not involvedin the girlfriend.It was difficultto tell why. focus interviews. 728 Anglos, identifiedwith the charactersthat the narrativestructuretells themto identifywith the good guys. In the focus-groupinterviews, both Indiansand Anglos reiteratedtheir fondness for John Wayne. For both audiences,the Indiansin the film were eitherneutralor negative. Whatstoodout was not thattherewereIndians on the screen,but thatthe Indianswere the "bad guys." For example, in the focus groups respondentswere asked. "Do you ever root for the Indians?"Both Indiansand Anglos consistentlyresponded,"Sometimes,when they'rethe good guys."Theirresponsessuggestthatthereis no strong ethnic bias governing whom the respondentsrootfor andidentifywith.Instead,antagonismis directedagainstthe bad guys. The structureof oppositionsthatdefinestheheroesin a film seemsto guideviewers'identificationwith the charactersin the film and overridesany ethnic empathy. The Indians'identificationwiththe good guys in the film is similarto Jahoda's(1961, p. 104) observationsof African audiences reacting to films set in AfricathatportrayAfricansas "rude, barbaricsavages."Jahodafound thatthe majority of Africansdid not identifywith the Africans on the screen- only a minorityof highly-educatedAfricansidentifiedwith the Africans. AlthoughIndiansandAnglos reliedon cues in The Searchersabout whom to identify with, in otherways the fictionalframeof the film did not completelycapturetheseviewers.Whendiscussing The Searchers, Indians and Anglos rarely used the main characters'story names. Instead they used the actors'names- JohnWayneand Jeff Hunter- which suggestsa strong"stareffect."AlthoughJohnWayneplaysdifferentcharactersin differentfilms, these audiencesassociatedhis "cowboy"personalitywiththeoff-screen JohnWayne,not with specificmovie characters. On one level, they saw the actoras embodying all his movie roles. For example, when asked, "Why do you think Ethan Edwardshated the Indiansin this movie?"the Indiansand Anglos respondedin similarways: Indians Well, JohnWaynemighthave hatedIndiansin this movie, but in othermovies he doesn't hate them. (Mechanic,age 5 1) Well, they've killed his brotherand his brother's wife. He doesn't hate Indians in all his movies. (Cook, age 56) Anglos JohnWayne doesn't like the Indianshere because they've killed his brother's family. But in other AMERICANSOCIOLOGICALREVIEW movies, he's on their side. He sticks up for them. (Foreman,age 56) Sometimes he fights for the Indians like in Fort Apache. (Bartender,age 48) Both Indiansand Anglos reportedthat they liked all of John Wayne's movies, whetherhe playeda boxing champion,a pilot, or a cowboy. In all of his films, they see the strongpersonality characteristics of "theDuke,"or"Dude,"as some of therespondentsreferredto him.ForbothIndians and Anglos on this reservation,being called "cowboy"or one of John Wayne's nicknames, often "Dude"or "Duke,"is a token of respect. Indiansoftensee themselvesas "cowboys,"greeting each otherwith, "Howya doing, cowboy?," or "Longtimeno see, cowboy,"andreferto their girlfriendsor wives as "cowgirls."Fixico (1986) described a similar emulation of the cowboy amongreservationIndiansin ArizonaandSouth Dakota. The respondentstalkedaboutJohnWayne as if he were one of them and they knew him personally- like a good friend.Believing in John Waynethe man is partof the charismaattached to the cowboy role. It is a self-reinforcingcycle: BecauseJohnWaynealwaysplays good guys characterswith whomviewersempathize- it is easy to identifywithJohnWayneandall he represents.Levy (1990) notedthat,"becauseacting involves actualrole playing and because of the 'realistic'natureof motion pictures,audiences sometimesfail to separatebetweenplayers'roles onscreenand theirreal lives offscreen.The difference between life on and offscreen seems to blur"(p. 281). For respondents,John Wayne is the Cowboy, both in his movies and in real life. This focus on "JohnWaynein real life" is similarto LiebesandKatz's(1990) findingthatwhen retelling episodes of the TV series "Dallas," Americansand Kibbutznikstalk aboutthe "real life" (behind-the-scene) personalities of the actors. TheReal and theFictional:Patternsof Differences AlthoughAnglos andIndiansrespondedin similarways to the structureof oppositionsin thenarandvaluedcharrative,thetwogroupsinterpreted acteristicsof theculturalproductdifferentlyonce they "entered"the narrative.The narrativewas to fit theirown interests.Although (re)interpreted bothIndiansandAnglos saw someaspectsof The Searchersas realand othersas fictional,the two COWBOYSAND INDIANS 729 Table 1. Ranksof Reasons for Liking The Searchers,by Ethnicity AmericanIndians Reason Anglos Weighted Ranked Ranked Ranked Sum 1st 2nd 3rd of Ranksa Weighted Ranked Ranked Ranked Sum 1st 2nd 3rd of Ranksa Action/fights 2 4 5 19 2 6 4 22 JohnWayne 5 3 2 23 2 3 0 12 IthadcowboysandIndians 6 5 3 31 3 2 5 18 Scenery/landscape 6 3 2 26 3 5 6 25 3 Humor 1 5 6 19 0 1 1 Romance 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 Authenticportrayalof Old West 0 0 0 0 10 3 3 39 Other 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 aRanksare weighted: 1st x 3; 2nd x 2; 3rd x 1. groups differed on what,they saw as authentic andwhatthey saw as fictional. Table 1 shows how the two groupsresponded when asked to rank their three most important reasons for liking the film. The Kendall rankordercorrelationcoefficientof X = .29 indicates thatIndians'andAnglos' reasonsoften differed. Thetwo groupsagreedon the importanceof "action and fights,""it had cowboys and Indians," and "the scenery and landscape"as reasonsfor likingthe film. They also agreedthat"romance" was not an importantreasonfor liking the film. But the differencesbetweenIndiansandAnglos in Table1arestriking:None of theIndiansranked "authenticportrayalof the Old West"as an importantreasonfor likingthemovie, while 50 percent of the Anglos rankedit as the most importantreason. The resultsin Table 1 suggestthatthe distinctive appealof the Westernfor Indianshas two elements:(1) the cowboy's way of life - the idealizedWesternlifestyle seems to make this culturalproductresonatefor Indians;and(2) the settingof the film, the beauty of the landscape (MonumentValley)movesIndianviewers.When askedin thefocus groups,"Whydidyou like this film, andwhatmakesWesternsbetter(or worse) than otherkinds of movies?"Indiansreported: "Westernsrelateto the way I wish I could live"; "Thecowboy is free";"He'snot tied down to an eight-to-fivejob, day afterday";"He's his own man";and "He has friends who are like him." Whatmakes Westernsmeaningfulto Indiansis thefantasyof beingfreeandindependentlike the cowboy and the familiarityof the landscapeor setting. The setting also resonated for Anglos, but Anglos perceivedthese films as authenticportrayalsof theirpast.In the focus groups,Anglos, but not Indians,talkedaboutWesternsas accurate chronicles of their history. When asked, "Why did you like this film, and what makes Westernsbetter(or worse) than other kinds of movies?" Anglos said, "My grandparentswere immigrantsand Westernsshow us the hardlife they had";"Westernsare aboutmy heritageand how we settled the frontierand is about all the problemsthey had";"Westernsgive us an idea about how things were in the old days"; and "Westernsare trueto life." What is meaningful to Anglos is not the fantasy of an idealized lifestyle, but that Westernfilms link Anglos to their own history.For them, Westernfilms are like primitivemyths:Theyaffirmandjustifythat theirancestors'actionswhen"settlingthis country"were rightandgood andnecessary.'0 Indiansseemedambivalentabouthow the Old West was portrayedin TheSearchers.In the focus groups, I asked Indiansif the film was an authenticportrayalof the Old West andthey responded: As far as the cowboy's life goes, it's real, but you don't get to know the Indians,so it's hardto say it's totally authentic.(Bartender,age 42) I thinkit's realin some ways, like whenyou see the cowboy andhow he was. (Mechanic,age 51) ' Describingtherole of the mythamongTrobriand Islanders,Malinowski(1948) wrote:"Themythcomes into play when rite, ceremony, or a social or moral rule demandsjustification,warrantof antiquity,reality, and sanctity"(pp. 84-85). 730 The cowboys are real to me. That's the way they were.ButI don'tknowabouttheIndians'causeyou never see much of them. (Farmworker,age 50) Yeah, the movie is more aboutthe good guys than thebadguys. I mean,thebadguys arethere,butyou don'tget to know themvery well. Mostlythemovie is aboutthecowboys, the good guys, anyway.(Carpenter,age 48) For Indians,the film was more aboutcowboys than about Indians.This does not hinder their enjoymentof the film or make it less meaningful, becausethey did not view the Indianson the screenas real Indians. Both Indians and Anglos were asked, "Are Indiansandcowboys in thisfilm like Indiansand cowboys in the past?"and, "Arethey like Indians andcowboys today?"Anglos replied: I thinkthe cowboys andthe settlersareprettymuch like those in the old days. It's hard to say if the Indiansarelike Indiansin the past. (Mechanic,age 39) They're not like Indianstoday. (Foreman,age 56) Indiansdon't go aroundkidnappingwhite women and childrenthese days. (Bartender,age 48) Probablythey'resimilarto how some of theIndians werein the past,I meanIndiansreallydid scalp whitemen.(Postalworker,age49) Yeah,andtheykidnapped whitechildrenandwhite women.Mygrandparents usedto tellstoriesabout howtheirparentstoldthemtobecarefulwhenthey playedoutside.Theyhadtostayclosetotheirhomes, 'causethe Indiansusedto kidnapchildren.(Bus driver,age49) Anglos thoughtthecowboys in theWesternwere similarto cowboysof thepast,andtheysuggested thatIndiansin the film were similarto Indiansin the past.However,they did not thinkIndianstoday are like Indiansin the film. Whenaskedthe samequestionsaboutwhether Indiansandcowboys in the film are like Indians and cowboys today and in the past, Indiansreplied somewhatdifferently: Thecowboysarelikecowboysin thepast.Maybe someIndiansinthepastwereliketheIndiansinthe films.(Bartender, age58) They'renot like Indianstoday.I mean,the only timeIndiansdressupis forpowwows.(Cook,age 60) In thismovieandothermovieswithIndians,you don'tget to knowthem.I mean,they'renotreally people,likethecowboysare.It'shardtosaythey're like Indiansin thepast.Forsurethey'renot like Indianstoday.(Bartender, age42) AMERICANSOCIOLOGICALREVIEW The Indiansaren't at all like any of the IndiansI know. (Unemployedfactoryworker,age 44) Indianstodayarethe cowboys. (Bartender,age 42) The phrase "Indianstoday are the cowboys," means that contemporaryIndiansare more like cowboys thanAnglos are, in the sense that it is Indianswho preserve some commitmentto an autonomousway of life that is not fully tied to modemindustrialsociety.Indianswantto be, and value being, independentand free - separate from society - more thanAnglos do. BecauseTheSearchersportraysIndiansnot as human beings, but as "wild, blood-thirstyanimals,"Indiansmight be expected to reportthat the Indianson the screenarenot like Indiansthey knowtodayorlike Indiansin thepast.How could they identifywiththe Indianson the screenwhen Indiansareportrayedin such a caricaturedfashion? The only connectionsthatIndiansmadebetween the Indianson the screen and Indiansof thepastandpresentwerewiththecostumesworn by the Indianson the screen. On somedeeperlevel, however,Indianrespondentsmay have identifiedwiththe Indianson the screen. For example, when asked in the focus groups, "What'sa bad Western like?" Indians reportedthat they like all Westernsexcept for films like SoldierBlue. All of the Indianrespondentswerefamiliarwiththisfilm. SoldierBlueis a 1970film basedon the SandCreekmassacreof 1864, when Colonel Chivingtonof the U.S. Calvaryambushedandslaughtereda villageof peaceful ArapahoandCheyennechildren,women,and menin Colorado.Inall of theIndianfocusgroups, this title was mentionedas one Westernthey did not like. This suggests that when films are too realisticandevoke unpleasantemotions,theyare no longer enjoyable. This finding resembles Radway's(1984, p. 184) findingsabout"failed" romancenovels. A "failed"romanceis one that evokes overlyintensefeelings of anger,fear,and violence. Such novels are discardedby readers becausetheyarenotenjoyable.SoldierBlue,however, is sympatheticto the Indians,andthe narrative leads the viewer to empathizewith the Indians.UnliketheIndians,Anglosreportedthatthey like all Westernsand could not think of an exampleof a bad Western. Anotherstrikingdifferencerevealedin Table 1 is that Indianscited "humor"as an important reasonfor liking the film, while Anglos did not. In the focus groups,Indianstalkedaboutseveral comic scenes in the film. When asked if humor was importantin Western films, they all said, COWBOYSAND INDIANS 731 Table 2. Ranks of QualitiesThatMake a Good Hero in a Good Western,by Ethnicity AmericanIndians Quality Anglos Weighted Ranked Ranked Ranked Sum 1st 2nd 3rd of Ranksa Weighted Ranked Ranked Ranked Sum 3rd of Ranksa 1st 2nd Bravery 8 6 4 40 3 4 1 18 Integrity/honesty 2 2 0 10 8 9 5 47 Independence 0 0 2 2 0 0 1 1 Toughness 8 8 4 44 0 0 0 0 Sense of humor 0 2 8 12 0 1 1 3 Strength 2 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 Loyalty 0 0 0 0 1 0 7 10 Intelligence 0 2 2 6 8 6 5 41 Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 aRanksare weighted: 1st x 3; 2nd x 2; 3rd x 1. "Yeah."Theyreportedthattheylikedhumorand wit in Westernmovies and valued this trait in theirfriends.Humoris a sourceof joy for them - a gift. Anglos, in contrast, never mentioned John Wayne'shumor.WhydidIndiansandnotAnglos respondto the humor?If Anglos perceivedthe film as an authenticstoryof theirpast,they may have concentratedon the seriousproblemsin the film, i.e., getting the white girl back. Perhaps Anglos were so preoccupiedwith the film as an affirmationof theirpast thatthey were unableto focuson theintendedhumor,oratleastothercharacteristicsof the film were more important.On the otherhand,Indians,who did not see the film as an authenticstoryof theirown past,may have focusedmoreon the intendedhumorin the film. Ideal Heroes Indiansand Anglos also valuedindividualtraits of the cowboy differently.Table.2 shows how thetwo groupsrespondedwhenaskedto rankthe threemost importantqualitiesthatmake a good hero in a good Western.A Kendallrank-order correlationcoefficient of X = .167 shows little agreementbetweenIndianand Anglo rankings. Indiansranked"toughness"and"bravery"as the two most importantqualitiesof a good hero in a goodWestern,whereasAnglosranked"integrity/ honesty"and "intelligence"as most important. Perhapsaudienceslook for exceptionalcharacteristicsin a good hero - qualitiesthey would like to see in themselves.To live free and close to the landlike Indianswish to live, exceptional braveryand toughness are necessary. Because Anglos do not wantto live like cowboys,bravery and toughnessare not as important.Responses of Indiansin Table 2 are similarto responsesin Table 1 and to the oral responses.For example, whentheIndiansdescribedJohnWayneas a reason why they liked TheSearchers,they concentratedon JohnWayne's toughness. While the two groupsdifferedon the qualities thatmakea goodhero,IndiansandAnglostended to agreeon the characteristics of a good Western. When askedwhat characteristicsthey liked in a good Western, a Kendall's rank-ordercorrelation coefficient between Indian and Anglo responses was high, X = .78, i.e., there were no pronounced differences between Indians and Anglos. For both groups,the threemost important characteristicsof a good Westernwere: "a happy ending";"action/fights";and "authentic portrayalof Old West."Like the rankingof "a happyending"as the most importantingredient in a good romancenovel (Radway1984, p. 59), Indianand Anglo viewersranked"a happyendof a good ing"as themostdesirablecharacteristic Western.The essentialhappyendingfor my respondentsmay be relatedto Cawelti's (1976, p. 193) "epic moment" when the villain is conquered,the wildernessis subdued,and civilizationis established.The importanceof the"happy ending"may also supportWright's(1977) contentionthatthe outcomeof theWesternnarrative is important. For Indians,the importanceof a "happyending"in a good Westernfilm also reflectson their evaluationof SoldierBlue as a bad Western- 732 SoldierBlue does not fulfill the "happyending" criterionof a good Western.AlthoughIndians like action or fights, they are discerningabout whatkindsof actionor fights they enjoy. For both Anglos and Indians,the three least liked characteristicsof a good Western were: "heroridesoff intothe sunsetalone";"Indiansas bad guys"; and "romancebetween hero and woman."Both groupspreferredthat "the hero settlesdown."In some ways, the characteristics the respondentslike to see in a good Western supportCawelti'sassumptionsaboutthecultural significanceof the Western."I THEPOLITICSOF PERCEPTION Some Indiansdo identifywith the Indiansin the Westernand are not affectedby the film's signals aboutwhom to identifywith. Before taking my researchproceduresinto the field, I pretested them with 15 AmericanIndiancollege students at a West Coastuniversity(10 males,5 females). Because Indiansin the reservationsample differed in importantcharacteristicsfrom the Indians in the pretests(9 of the Indianstudentswere "mixed-bloods"),systematiccomparisonswere not possible. However,Indianstudentsrespondeddifferently fromIndiansin thereservationsample.Ethnicity was a salient issue for the majorityof the students. The narrativeof The Searchers did not "work"for the studentsand they were unableto fully enter the drama.For example, unlike the reservationIndians,a majorityof the Indianstudentsidentifiedwith androotedfor Scarandhis Indians or Debbie, the kidnapped girl. They thoughtDebbieshouldhavebeenallowedto stay with Scar and that the search should-not have takenplace at all. Likethe reservationIndians,the college-educatedIndiansdid not view The Searchersas an 11I collectedsome datain the field on femalereservation Indiansand female Anglos. These datareveal genderdifferencesas well as differencesby ethnicity. For example, women identified with the women in the film, while the men did not. Women ranked"romance"as one of the most importantreasonsfor liking the film, whereasthe men rankedit as the least importantreason. Women ranked"action/fights"as one of the least importantreasonsfor liking the film, while the men rankedit as one of the most important reasons.Like Anglo men, Anglo women saw the film as an authenticportrayalof the past, while the Indian women, like the Indianmen, did not. Indianwomen, like Indianmen, also distancedthemselvesfrom the Indianson the screen. REVIEW AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL authenticportrayalof the "OldWest"and were quickto point out stereotypicalportrayalsof Indiansin the film. They reactedagainstthe negative message in the film that"theonly good Indianis a deadone."They also pointedout many inaccuraciesin the film, suchas the use of Navajos and the Navajo language for Comanche, "Comanche"Indians wearing Sioux war bonnets, and Indianssometimes wearingwar bonnets while fishing. Neither the Indiansnor the Anglos in the reservationsamplementionedany of these inaccuracies. All studentsbut one reportedthat they liked Westerns in general, but preferredWesterns whoseplotsareabout"cowboysvs. cowboys"or "Indiansvs. Indians,"or a "cowboys vs. Indians" plot in which the Indianpoint of view is shown.Severalmale studentsindicatedthatthey and theirfriendsoften rentWesternvideos and namedthevideo storesnearesttheuniversitythat had the best selectionof Westerns. None of the studentsparticularlyliked John Wayne.Likethereservationsample,the students talked aboutJohn Wayne in "reallife" and referredto what they consideredraciststatements he madeoff-screenin variousinterviews. I askedeach student,"Do Indiansback home on the reservationlike Westerns?"and"Do they root for the cowboys?"All of them said, "Oh yeah, sure."One Sioux studentsaid his father hadmost of JohnWayne'sfilms on video, anda Chippewasaid that his uncle was named after JohnWayne.One Navajosaid of his reservation town, "Eversince they closed down the movie theaterseveralyearsago, everyFridaynightthey show a movie in the cafeteriaroom at the high school, and most of the time it's a Western.Everybodygoes." The heightenedethnic awarenessof the college studentsinterfereswith, or overrides,their responsesto the Westernso thatthey do not get caughtup in the structureof oppositionsin the narrative.Becausetheyidentifywith theirethnic group,-they see The Searchersthrougha different lens. Educationincreasestheirawarenessof anti-Indianbias in the film, producinga "revised eye" that framesthese films in ethnic terms.In this context,ethnicityis a constructof a particularcultureor subculture. CONCLUSION Althoughit would seem problematicfor Indians to know which charactersto identifywith in The Searchers,it was not a problemfor themat all - COWBOYSAND INDIANS theyidentifiedwith the cowboy andhis lifestyle. Indiansdid not focus on the Indians,who areoften portrayedon-screenas a faceless, screaming horde.Instead,theysawthecowboysas theywant to see themselves- as the good guys. What appearsto make Westernsmeaningful to Indiansis the fantasyof being free and independentlike the cowboy. In addition,the familiarityof the settingis important.Anglos, on the other hand, respondto the Western as a story abouttheirpastandtheirancestors.The Western narrativebecomes an affirmationof their own social experience- the way they are and what their ancestorsstrove for and imposed on the West are"good."Thus,for Anglos, the Western resemblesa primitivemyth. But it is not a myth in this sense for Indians- Indiansdo not view the Westernas authentic. Both Indiansand Anglos find a fantasyin the cowboy story in which the importantparts of theirways of life triumphandaremorallygood, validatingtheirown culturalgroupin the context of a dramaticallysatisfying story. Perhapsthis motive for ethnicgroupvalidationis more general andnot peculiarto cowboy movies. Oppositionsin the Westernnarrativeare importantto viewers.IndiansandAnglos bothroot for andidentifywiththe good guys. The strength of thenarrativelies in its Levi-Straussianoppositions, and Wright (1977) correctlyfocused on them.However,Wright'sthesis,thatviewerssee their own economic situationin Westernsand use its messages to deal with their economic world, is not supportedhere. Both Indiansand Anglos respondto "theirown situation,"but not in Wright'ssense. Wright'ssociological explanation of the culturalsignificanceof Westerns does not entirelycontradictCawelti (1976). AlthoughCawelti's discussionis too nonspecific, and thereforemore difficult to refute, my evidence is more compatiblewith Cawelti's argument thatviewers use Westernsas a fantasyfor exploringvalue conflicts (e.g., traditionalways of life versusprogress)andto affirmthe valueof their ideals and way of life. Cawelti's nonspecificityand Wright's incorrectexplanation may have resultedfrom theirfailureto ask viewersor readerswhy they like Westerns. The Indiancollege students,who by attending collegehaveoptedforsomeof thevaluesof white society, find othermeaningsin The Searchers. Because they are immersed in the intellectual worldof theuniversity,the symbolicimportance of thefilm forthemlies in its false representation of theirancestryandhistory. 733 JOELLEN SHIVELYis AssistantProfessor of Sociology and FacultyAssociate at the Centerfor Research on Social Organizationat the Universityof Michigan. Currentresearch includes a comparisonof U.S. Indian reservationswhereonly Indianslive with reservations where the proportion white is equal to or higher than the proportionIndian,particularlywith regardto socioeconomicstatus,assimilation,and ethnic identity,and a study on perceptions offilms by genderand race. REFERENCES Aleiss, Angela. 1987. "Hollywood Addresses Postwar Assimilation:Indian/WhiteAttitudesin BrokenArrow."American IndianCultureandResearch Journal 11:67-79. Bighorn,SpikeN. 1988.Personalcommunicationwith author.12 May. Cawelti,John.1970. TheSix-GunMystique.Bowling Green,OH:Bowling GreenStateUniversityPopuK lar Press. . 1976. Adventure, Mystery and Romance. Chicago:Universityof Chicago Press. Confederationof AmericanIndians.1986.iAdianReservations: A State and Federal Handbook. Jefferson,NC: McFarland. Cornell, Stephen. 1987. "AmericanIndians,American Dreams,andthe Meaningof Success."American Indian Cultureand ResearchJournal 11:5970. Fish, Stanley. 1980. 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Preparedby the U.S. Departmentof Commerce. Snipp,C. Matthew.1991.AmericanIndians:TheFirst Washington,DC: U.S. GovernmentPrintingOffice. of ThisLand.New York:Russell Sage Foundation. Wright, Will. 1977. Sixguns and Society: A StrucSwidler,Ann. 1986. "Culturein Action:Symbolsand turalAnalysisof the Western.Berkeley, CA: UniStrategies."AmericanSociologicalReview51:273versity of CaliforniaPress. MANUSCRIPTS FOR THE TheASAArnoldand CarolineRose Monograph Series invitesauthorsto submitmanuscripts forpublication. TheSerieswelcomesa varietyof sociologicalwork: orquantitative qualitative empiricalstudies,and theoreticalor methodological treatises. Forinformation, orto submita manuscript (fourcopies, please), contact the Editor,ProfessorTeresaA. Sullivan,Rose Monograph of Sociology, Series, 436 BurdineHall,Department of Texas at Austin,Austin,TX78712-1088. University