Six Months Later: Civil Society
Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
A Survey of Civil Society Perception on the Transition, the Constitution and the
New Democratic Institutions
Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
August 2011
The Foundation for the Future is an independent, multi-lateral and not for profit organization,
created in 2005 and fully committed to promoting democracy, Human Rights, the Rule of Law and
reforms through supporting Civil Society Organizations’ (CSOs) relevant initiatives in the Middle East
and North Africa (MENA) region at large. The Foundation has its regional headquarters in Amman,
JORDAN.
August 2011
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Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
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Contents
Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................... 4
Rationale and background for the study ..................................................................................... 4
Survey Method and Description of Sample ................................................................................. 5
Summary of key findings ............................................................................................................. 6
I. Civil Society and the New Egypt: a Cautious Optimism.............................................................. 8
II. Civil Society and the Freedom to Act: ‘Areas for Improvement’ ............................................ 10
III. Civil Society and the New Political Order: A Progressive Agenda .......................................... 12
Constitution before elections .................................................................................................... 12
A strong support towards secularism........................................................................................ 13
Priorities for the new constitution ............................................................................................ 15
IV. The Next Egyptian President as Portrayed by Civil Society.................................................... 17
Annexure ....................................................................................................................................... 19
Questionnaire ............................................................................................................................ 19
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Executive Summary
The health and viability of democratic systems is often linked, inter alia, to the robustness of
local or national civil society. Where government is genuinely representative, civil society is
given the space to flourish and transform with the demands of the people, thus serving as an
intermediary in the channeling of grievances, demands and expressions of local needs.
The Foundation for the Future understands the unique role of civil society, and since 2007 has
been working to empower civil society organizations (CSOs) across the Broader Middle East and
North Africa (BMENA) region by providing them with financial assistance (through grants) as
well as expertise through capacity- and knowledge-building initiatives.
Rationale and background for the study
2011 is a year like no other, with profound movements for freedom and reform spreading
throughout the Arab world. In these moments, the Foundation has closely followed the
unfolding of events of historical magnitude; several of its local partners have participated on the
front lines of the Arab Spring demonstrations across the region, particularly in Tunisia, Egypt and
Yemen. These events have been marked by powerful images, such as the announcement of
Hosni Mubarak’s resignation on February 11.
The situation in Egypt is particularly challenging. The energy and passion of the Egyptian people
that culminated in the Revolution has not yet waned. What is unclear is whether or not that
power will be able to be effectively directed to result in a viable democratic state,
representative of the various parties and aspirations, currently vying for attention on the
national stage. Understanding that civil society organizations are often closely connected to the
populations they target, and on the front lines of transitions, the Foundation wanted to give the
floor to civil society organizations and activists, to hear their take on recent events and
controversies surrounding the formation of the new government. Six months into the
transition, it was time to pause and reflect with them on the future of Egypt.
The Foundation for the Future envisions a BMENA region where a vibrant civil society, reforminclined governments, accountable institutions and reliable private sector are engaged towards
the full observance of citizens’ rights; the enjoyment of freedom and Human Rights as endorsed
by respective international conventions; and the prevalence of values of democratic
inclusiveness and good governance. Operating in a region undergoing powerful political
transformations, the Foundation is intended to accompany worthy initiatives and processes
aiming at democratic reforms and transitions, and is therefore particularly committed to
observe and understand the issues at stake and the possible roles for civil society in a redefined
context. This was an important motive of conducting the Civil Society Perception Survey in
Egypt.
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Survey Method and Description of Sample
In nearly five years of working with civil society in Egypt, the Foundation has got to know over
300 CSOs – NGOs, local community groups, research centres, advocacy and human rights
groups, etc. In July, 369 organizations have been contacted and invited to take part in an online
perception survey whose structure had been designed by the Foundation. The Foundation was
entirely responsible for the management, design and control of this survey.
Questions ranged from their operations since the revolution, their confidence in political
transition, and their hopes for the future of their country. The survey specifically focused on
issues of internal governance that will shape the future nature of the Egyptian State; it
deliberately chose not to discuss matters of diplomacy and geopolitics which have been raised in
recent months.
The questionnaire consisted of 12 questions with answering options aimed at gathering opinions
or perceptions (agreement/disagreement, support/opposition, order of priorities, etc)1. The
questionnaire was administered through an online survey software, where respondents had to
provide answers to each question (no “blank” answers). Respondents had the choice of
answering either in Arabic or in English2; the online platform was accessible between25 July and
7 August. A global statistical check was performed regarding the consistency of responses.
The respondent sample can be described as follows:
71 valid submissions were considered in the sample3; select respondents were
contacted to gain further insight into certain answers
61.1 % of the respondents are based in Cairo or greater Cairo, while 38.9 % are based or
operating mainly outside of the capital city
On average, each respondent reported working in 3 areas of expertise, including human
rights/justice (62.5%), youth empowerment (55.6%), democracy/governance (54.2%),
gender/women’s rights (51.4%), community empowerment/social development (50%),
or other (19.4%).
What is interesting to notice is that, even though the option “no opinion” or “I don’t know”
where given for almost all questions, very few respondents opted for those, and directly
expressed their opinion. This gives a stronger value to the results and findings for each question.
1
See questionnaire in Annexure.
The basis for translation was the questionnaire in English. The translation into Arabic was done by staff
fluent in both languages, and later reviewed and tested by native Arabic speakers not involved in the
project, to recommend refinements and corrections to the Arabic version of the questionnaire.
3
80 responses (i.e. 22% response ratio) have been collected online by the deadline of 7 August. However,
when several responses were registered with the same respondent identity (same name, same computer
used), the response was not considered as valid.
2
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The methodology of this survey was by no means comprehensive or expressive of Egyptians, or
even Egyptian civil society, as a whole. As the first such project directly undertaken by the
Foundation, it was instead a random sample survey designed to gain further insight into civil
society perceptions. Methodology was created accordingly.
As you read through the findings of the survey, let it provide you not with an authoritative point
of view of Egyptian society as a whole, but instead with valuable insight into Egyptian civil
society as it works for the betterment of its country during this historical period of transition.
Summary of key findings
Civil Society in Egypt is cautiously positive about the transition that has been happening in Egypt
since the January Revolution. After taking part in the demonstrations that eventually led to the
first free vote taking place in Egypt for decades, positivity seems to be the only correct response.
However, the signs of uncertainty are undeniable: demonstrators are still occupying Tahrir
Square on a regular basis, the country is still under military law, and a reliable date for elections
has yet to be agreed on. These signs have not gone unnoticed by CSOs, who seem to have not
yet fully claimed victory. They are slow to state an end to government oppression, and even
slower still to say that a viable democratic state has been created.
Beyond the very public signs of uncertainty, many members of civil society have their own
personal reasons to display caution. For some, the situation has not improved markedly. They
are still experiencing censorship, and fear public defamation and harassment at the hands of
authorities. Nearly 10% of the respondents have declared to have been unlawfully arrested or
imprisoned since January. While the situation has improved, it is still not the point it must get to
in order for civil society to take its rightful place in an open, stable democracy.
Most clear among civil society’s concerns is the need for a new government to be secular in
nature. Survey results showed overwhelming support in favor of steps to be taken to mitigate
the influence of political parties based on faith and religion on the drafting of the constitution
and the formation of the new government. Civil society is in favor of a secular state in which
religion has no direct influence on law and governance. The majority believes that every religion
should have equal rights, and citizens from all religious backgrounds should have the right to run
for president. However, CSOs seem more willing to claim the need for religious freedom than
they are to make a strong statement against the involvement of Islam in governance.
Given the civil society stance on democracy and religion, and the remarkable turnout of
Egyptians for the national referendum vote, one can assume that civil society as a whole is more
liberal and progressive-leaning than the Egyptian population at large. 77% of voters in the
referendum chose in favor of holding parliamentary elections before the drafting of the new
constitution, while CSOs are overwhelmingly against this timeline. They also responded
consistently with a liberal leaning, showing openness the idea of a female president and political
parties of mixed-religions.
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Most heartening perhaps of the findings is that civil society still feels more capable than ever to
enact change for the betterment of Egypt. This is the most important point. The details of
transition may still be uncertain in Egypt, but as long as the people of Egypt continue to push for
their rights and freedoms, the process of democratic transition will continue. As this happens,
civil society will continue to step in its important role towards the establishment of a new
democratic state of Egypt.
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I. Civil Society and the New Egypt: a Cautious Optimism
When asked very general questions about their perceptions of the new Egypt, CSOs seemed
basically optimistic, yet cautiously so: their answers seemed to remain more or less split
between “somewhat agreeing” and “somewhat disagreeing”. However, considering the
frequently changing state of Egyptian politics and society currently, such cautiousness is prudent
and to be expected. Indeed, while 73.6% of respondents either strongly or somewhat agree to
say that they feel optimistic about the future of Egypt, 65.3% consider that progress has been
made for Egypt to be a true democracy. This compares with the general perception by public
opinion: according to various surveys, between 6 and 9 in 10 Egyptians are optimistic about the
future4.
The rather cautious optimism expressed by civil society probably takes roots in several setbacks
of the recent months. Indeed, when follow-up questions were asked to select respondents
concerning why or why not progress had been made for Egypt to become a true democracy, one
respondent cited the continued trying of civilians in military courts (up to 10,000 since the end
of January according to local and international media sources), and the fact that elections have
yet to be held for the return of legitimately elected authority to civilian hands as to why he
4
David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, « Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future », The New York Times,
25 April 2011: “The poll found Egyptians remarkably bullish on their revolution and, in its aftermath, their future.
Nearly two-thirds said they were satisfied with their country’ direction, and 6 in 10 were optimistic about the future.
Although open political elections would be a novelty in Egyptian history, most had some degree of faith that they had
won democracy. Forty-one percent said a free and fair choice in the next election was very likely *…+”; IRI Egypt Index
opinion survey, 5 June 2011, p.2: “when asked about the general direction of their country, 89% said it was heading in
the right direction”; El Hayat Television Network in collaboration with TNS Global Market Research, “Egypt 100 days
without Mubarak – how do Egyptians perceive the government, the revolution and the future?”, 26 May 2011: the
survey found 76% of respondents to be optimistic about the future of Egypt, 85% believing that the situation of
democracy is “positive” since the revolution and 73% thinking that Egypt is moving in the right direction. Similarly, a
study conducted in March 2011 by Gallup’s Abu Dhabi Center (Egypt: The Arithmetic of Revolution) found that 88% of
Egyptians agreed with the statement “democracy will help progress” (the highest percentage among Muslim
societies).
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strongly disagreed with the statement. These setbacks seem to overshadow the initial
democratic gains achieved in the weeks following the fall of the Mubarak regime, such as the
dissolution of institutions such as the Assembly, the National Democratic Party and the local
councils, who have proved not to be representative.
The only statement to which CSOs reacted in an almost exclusively positive way in fact was
concerning their own ability to be an actor of change in Egypt: an overwhelming 95.9% of
respondents declare to “feel much more powerful to be a catalyst of change” - a heartening
response given the dire need for a strong civil society at this point in Egypt’s history. This is
however to be balanced out against a persistent mistrust between civil society and governing
bodies:

41.7% of respondents still express a certain fear of government oppression

52.8% of respondents still consider that authorities are not yet open to interact with
civil society on issues affecting the transition to democracy
It is an unfortunate paradox that at the precise moment when civil society feels most capable
of effecting positive change, it feels as though authorities are continuing to block or be
unreceptive to their efforts.
It must also be noted that perhaps the most balanced split between positive and negative
responses occurred with the statement concerning fear of government oppression. This
statement perhaps more than any of the others speaks to the previous regime’s legacy in the
government today, and the remnants of the iron-fist style of control. Until civil society feels free
to operate without fear of its government, democracy will be unable to truly flourish.
Interestingly enough, there seemed to be a slightly liberal leaning for CSOs that were based in
Cairo or Greater Cairo, versus those outside the capital. Those in the area of Cairo were 9% less
optimistic about the future of Egypt, and in 10% more instances they felt that authorities were
open to consult with CSOs about issues in transition. One CSO representative explained that
“besides the National Council for Human Rights – which is a semi- governmental institution- civil
society organizations did not receive any invitation to participate in contributing to the
formation of Egypt’s future on any level. Also, not one NGO was invited to the National Dialogue
that took place.”
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II. Civil Society and the Freedom to Act: ‘Areas for
Improvement’
A true democratic transition in Egypt will require that civil society can take a more active role
than what has been previously possible. However, such a partnership between government and
CSOs simply cannot exist if leadership still feels threatened by democratic growth. Thus, in
order to gauge the progress of transition, it is helpful to better understand how civil society
perceives its own freedom to act, and the treatment they have received from the government
since the revolution.
The general picture is one that clearly depicts major improvements in the possibility for CSOs
to act and think freely: on all 4 major types of restrictions that can affect civil society
(censorship, unlawful arrest and imprisonment, defamation and harassment, obstacles in
daily operations), significant improvements are perceived by respondents. However, the
persistence of certain restrictions is preoccupying and shed lights on numerous possible areas
for improvement.
This graph shows the percentages of CSOs who answered “very regularly” or “occasionally” when
asked how often their organization was affected by the mentioned governmental constraints and
restrictions, both before and after the Egyptian Revolution of February 2011.
The main perceived “gain” since February seems to be a significant improvement in the
possibility for civil society groups to freely express their views and opinions: while 90.3% of
respondents declare to have been affected by censorship and obstructions to freedom of
speech before February, this proportion is down to 34.7% in the new Egypt. Even though 34.7%
is not a negligible figure, the drop is significant, and illustrates an important development
towards the democratization of the regime.
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A second hurdle facing CSOs is the refusal of access to funding or refusal to register new
projects or conduct activities, still imposed by authorities in certain cases, and still permitted
by the current regulations and laws ruling the third sector, and in particular the law 84/20025.
Almost 1 in 3 respondents (29.1%) declared to still be facing such difficulties in their daily
operations.
Another 1 in 5 respondents (20.8%) still declare to be affected by public defamation and
harassment by authorities. When asked about the nature of censorship and harassment by the
government before and after the revolution, two different respondents said that it was usually
due to their acceptance of aid and funding from foreign institutions. 39 CSOs and political
groups have recently joined forced to denounce what they call “a fierce and systematized
crackdown by the country’s military junta” and submitted official complaints to several special
UN rapporteurs6 regarding frequent incidents of defamation against groups receiving funds from
foreign countries, which CSOs consider as an attempt to discredit civil society as a whole.
The fact that almost 1 in 10 respondents (9.7%) declare to face, even today, unlawful arrest
and imprisonment is a preoccupying finding.
5
In this regard, refer to the various campaigns coordinated by the Arab Program for Human Rights
Activists (APHRA) to reform civil society laws, www.aphra.org.
6
Amro Hassan and Jack Shenker, « Egyptian Human Rights groups accuse junta of smear campaign », The
Guardian, 24 August 2011. See also Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, www.cihrs.org.
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III. Civil Society and the New Political Order: A
Progressive Agenda
Constitution before elections
Six months after the ouster of President Mubarak from power, elections have yet to be held,
and a constitution has yet to be written. While a popular referendum on March 19 gave
consensus to elections being held before the drafting of the new constitution7, a number of new
proposals have gained public support amongst secularists and liberals since then. The majority
of alternative timelines proposed seem to be geared towards mitigating the expected influence
of non-secular, extremist or non-progressive parties, whether by drafting a constitution before
elections, or better clarifying the secular nature of the state in a government issued document.
The CSOs who responded to this survey seemed split between various plans of action, but
were generally unified about the need to assert the secular and democratic nature of the new
Egypt. In fact, 79% disagreed with the idea of Islamic parties gaining a parliamentary majority
and impacting the constitution-drafting process, and 68.4% were opposed to elections being
held as soon as possible, as this could be too early to ensure that the political system (and
political parties in particular) effectively represents the full spectrum of opinions. More
specifically, 71.1% of respondents agreed that it would be unfair and unwise to hold elections
7
The referendum was passed with 77.2% approval (despite calls for boycott) amidst a 41% voter turnout.
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before more political parties have an opportunity to become established- an idea originally
endorsed by Interim Prime Minister Essam Sharaf before he came under fire for his comments.
Respondents are generally inclined to support a timeline that contradicts the political schedule
already announced, which would see elections being held before a Constitution is drafted. In
this regard, the 73.7% of respondents who would prefer to see a constitutional council
established before elections are held seem to agree with the position of the so-called “MillionStrong” protesters that endorsed the “Constitution First Campaign”. This campaign is led by a
coalition of liberal and leftist organizations to reverse the timeline proposed in the national
referendum and elect a constitutional council to write the constitution before elections are held.
More interestingly, there is an almost unanimous (92.1%) endorsement for the writing of a bill
of rights before elections – a bill of rights that would frame the overall spirit of a new
constitution. This plan has been endorsed by presidential hopeful Mohamed El Baradei, and
corroborated by recent opinion polls and surveys8.
A strong support towards secularism
The secular nature of the State seems to be a strong aspiration for civil society representatives
and even a high priority for 66.1% of respondents (see below, Priorities for the new
constitution): 79% of respondents agreed that the new constitution should include provisions to
protect the secular nature of civil institutions, which is reminiscent of calls by various groups to
task the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces with this responsibility. This is also similar to the
calls by the National Consensus Conference led by the previous Deputy Prime Minister Yehia El
Gamal to include an article in the constitution ensuring the secular nature of the state.
This particular issue – the relationship between Islam and democracy – has been a point of
contention or even controversy in Egypt over the past few months, and was thus particularly
interested to include in the survey. The CSOs who took part in this survey seem to have strong
secular views on the matter, expressing a concern for pluralism and progressive statements.
Indeed, 62.9% of respondents disagree with the idea that “any government must gain legitimacy
from Islam”, which is consistent with the previous finding regarding the secular nature of the
State, and the opinion that, for 77.4% of respondents, clerics or religious leaders should not play
a formal role in politics and law-making9. A significant 62.9% of respondents strongly agreed
8
Chelsea J. Carter, « Survey Finds Egyptians favor advisory role for religious leaders », CNN, 6 June 2011 :
quoting a recent study published by Gallup Abu Dhabi Center, the journalist mentions that a large
majority of Egyptians would strongly favor the inscription of freedom of speech, freedom of religion and
freedom of assembly in the new constitution.
99
This could be compared with recent public opinion polls such as « Egypt from Tahrir to Transition:
Egyptians on their assets and challenges and what leaders should do about it », Abu Dhabi Gallup Center,
June 2011, p.6: « *…+ religion remains important to most Egyptians (96%), and 92% say they have
confidence in religious institutions. It is not surprising, then, that many Egyptians reject the idea that
government should carry on its business without considering religious doctrine ». However, « the majority
of residents in the Arab world’s most populous nation desire a democracy informed by religious values, not
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that there should be an article written in the constitution assuring the separation between
religion and government, in discordance with the article 2 of the existing constitution which
mandates that the principles of Islamic law are the prime source of legislation. This also places
civil society groups in discordance with the general public opinion: indeed, according to recently
published opinion polls, “nearly two thirds of Egyptians said civil law should strictly follow the
Koran”10.
What is interesting to notice is the civil society representatives who responded to the survey
have a progressive and consistent view on the issue of religion and politics: it is not a matter of
being anti- or pro-Islam, it is precisely a matter of secularism, taking into consideration all
religious faiths that compose Egypt today. Respondents assert in a large consensus (91.9%) that
“an Egyptian citizen of any religion should be allowed to run for President” and strongly agree
that political parties themselves should not have a religious ‘label’ (80.6% of respondents
consider that political parties should not have a specific religious focus and 90.3% consider that
political parties should not exclusively represent one specific religious segment), which
somehow contrasts with the general public opinion11. When asked specifically why he felt this
aversion, one respondent replied simply that “pluralism is a core principle of democracy. If
a theocracy ». Indeed, according to the survey, 69% would favor an advisory role for religious leaders
when it comes to drafting legislation and only 14% said religious leaders should have full authority.
10
David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, « Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future », The
New York Times, 25 April 2011
11
David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, « Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future », The
New York Times, 25 April 2011: “50% said it was very important for religiously based parties to be able to
participate in government”;
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political parties discriminate based on religion, this is contradictory to the idea of a democratic
Egypt”. He also felt that religious groups used religion to gain votes, but beyond that had very
few effective clear plans as to how they would implement government programs.
Also, a slight liberal leaning of CSOs based in Cairo was again apparent as 100% of them said that
a citizen of any religion could run for president, and 10% less of them said that the government
should gain its legitimacy from Islam.
Priorities for the new constitution
Respondents were also asked to rate various issues in terms of their level of priority to the new
constitution, and the following findings were made:
 Top priorities are, equally, the democratic nature of the state and the independence
of the judiciary for 91.9% of the respondents12, which compares with the concerns
expressed by Egyptian public opinion in recent months
 Not surprisingly, press and media freedoms also rank high in terms of priority (85.5%),
as they are usually strong safeguards of pluralism, transparency and freedom of
expression – all core democratic principles; similarly, respondent are giving a high
priority to an adequate balance of power between the executive, legislative and
judicial branches of government (72.6%)
 The control over armed forces seems to be a point of debate. The statement “the
control of the military should be divided between the executive and legislative
branches of government” aimed at introducing the idea of a parliamentary oversight of
the defense sector, and gauge civil society perception on the matter. Interestingly, only
48.4% of the respondents do consider this as a high priority for the new constitution.
This ambivalence probably reflects the dilemma facing the Egyptian people today: on
the one hand, the army still benefit from the respect of most Egyptians, for the
adjuvant role that it played in the Revolution and its prominent role in Egyptian politics
over the past century. As one observer put it, “the January 25 revolution would not
have reached the threshold of democratic transition where it now stands were it not for
the role the army played in resolving the conflict between the old regime and
revolutionary forces”13. On the other hand, progress has been slow, and disappointing
12
David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, « Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future », The
New York Times, 25 April 2011: “(…) asked about their most important concerns for the future, the
broadest majority – 82% - said improving economic conditions was very important; 79% said a fair judicial
system was; 63% said law and order; the same portion that said freedom of speech; and only 55% said
honest elections”.
13
Dr. Gamal Abd El Gawad, Director of Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, « The Army in
the Post-Revolution Constitution », presentation given on 27 July 2011 during the conference « Ways to
Strengthen the Democratic Transformation in Egypt », co-organized by the Cairo Institute for Human
Rights Studies, the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF) and the Foundation for International
Relations and Foreign Dialogue (FRIDE).
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to many. Finding the adequate and stable constitutional formula for the army is a key
challenge of the coming years, for democracy to grow and sustain in Egypt.
 The question of including formally in the constitution a quota for the representation
and participation of women in political life seems to create a debate even within civil
society. It was the lowest of priorities for respondents to the survey (only 30.6%
consider quotas for female representation to be a high priority, this proportion growing
up to a significant but not overwhelming 62% among organizations who described
themselves as specialized on gender and women’s rights), and it was even not a
priority at all for 29% of respondents. This reflects within civil society similar lines of
divide that have appeared in Egypt in recent months, as the question of “women
quotas in politics” was growing into a controversy14. Indeed, many voices have started
to criticize the idea of a quota, not only because it is seen as a policy introduced by the
former regime, but also because – as a respondent put it – “quotas are a form a
positive discrimination that can cause a parliamentary candidate to be considered
based on gender, not on their capability to carry out the job, and this is simply
undemocratic”.
14
In this regard, refer to the campaign coordinated by the Egyptian Coalition for Civil Education and
Women’s participation (such as « The cancellation of Women's Quota without alternative legal methods
that guarantee women's political participation is pushing women back to the zero point » in May 2011)
and the Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights, www.ecwr.org.
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IV. The Next Egyptian President as Portrayed by Civil
Society
The CSOs were also asked to respond to statements about the next Egyptian president, and the
criteria that they believe he/she must fill. The largest majority (77.4%) believed that the next
president must have two Egyptian parents, and believed (67.7%) that he/she must have no
record of collaboration with the Mubarak regime.
Even though respondents were not in favor of female quota for political representation, they
also strongly disagree (54.8%) with the idea that the new Egyptian President would have to be a
man. A slight tendency for organizations to be more liberal if based in Cairo or Greater Cairo was
apparent as organizations based in the capital were 10% more likely to disagree that the
president must be Muslim or male.
The issue of religion is, there again, a point of contention: 46.5% agree that the next President
should be Muslim, and an almost equal proportion (46.8%) would disagree with the same
statement.
When asked to rank a list of pertinent issues in terms of what level of priority they should take
with the new president, respondents seemed to favor issues that would help Egypt regain
stability and develop into a stronger democratic state than those that would draw national
attention outside the country, or focus on the past. Job creation and economic recovery were
ranked the highest priority more often than any other issue and by far (priority number 1 or 2
for 74.2% of the respondents). This is the confirmation that the new regime is particularly
expected to create opportunities and social justice.
Security sector reforms (priority 1 or 2 for 51.6% of respondents) and the ratification as well as
implementation of key international human rights conventions (priority 1 or 2 for 35.5% of
respondents) are respectively the second and third priority by order of importance.
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On the other end of the spectrum, finding a resolution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict was the
lowest priority, indicating once more that the political revolution in Egypt are, first and
foremost, a matter of internal priorities according to respondents.
It was interesting to notice that transitional justice and the prosecution of prominent leaders of
the previous regimes is perceived as a high priority for only 1 in 6 respondents (16.1%) and as a
low priority by a large majority of them (61.3%), precisely at the time when former President
Mubarak was called to court for a first hearing on 3 August.
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Annexure
Questionnaire
Egyptian Civil Society Perception Survey - Questionnaire
1. Organization details
Respondent name
Organization Name
Date of establishment of the
organization
2. Main location (one choice)
o Cairo/Greater Cairo
o Central Egypt
o Upper Egypt
o Delta/Lower Egypt
o Other
3. Main expertise (multiple choice)
o Human rights/Justice
o Democracy/Governance
o Gender/Women’s rights
o Youth empowerment
o Community empowerment/Social development
o Other
4. How often has your organization been affected by any of the following constraints or
restrictions from authorities in the past (before the Egyptian Revolution of February
2011)?
Very
regularly
Occasionally
Never
No
opinion
Censorship/lack of freedom of
speech
o
o
o
o
Unlawful arrest and imprisonment
o
o
o
o
Page 19 of 25
Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
August 2011
Public defamation and harassment
by government forces
o
o
o
o
Refusal to access funding/ no
permission to register new project
or conduct activities
o
o
o
o
5. How often has your organization been affected by any of the following constraints or
restrictions from authorities since February 2011?
Very
regularly
Occasionally
Never
No
opinion
Censorship/lack of freedom of
speech
o
o
o
o
Unlawful arrest and imprisonment
o
o
o
o
Public defamation and harassment
by government forces
o
o
o
o
Refusal to access funding/ no
permission to register new project
or conduct activities
o
o
o
o
6. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the transition since the
Egyptian Revolution of February 2011?
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
No
opinion
I feel very optimistic for the
future of Egypt
o
o
o
o
o
As a civil society
representative, I feel much
more powerful to be a catalyst
of change in Egypt
o
o
o
o
o
I feel that authorities are open
to listen to civil society and
consult with them on key
issues of the transition
o
o
o
o
o
My fear of government
oppression has decreased
since the Revolution
o
o
o
o
o
Major progress has been made
for Egypt to become a true
democracy
o
o
o
o
o
Page 20 of 25
Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
August 2011
7. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the new Constitution and
the electoral process (according to your personal opinion)?
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
No
opinion
Parliamentary elections should
be held as soon as possible,
before drafting a Constitution
o
o
o
o
o
A Constitutional Council must
be set up to write a
Constitution before national
elections are held
o
o
o
o
o
It would be unfair and unwise
to hold elections before
political parties have more
time to become established
o
o
o
o
o
There is not problem with
Islamic parties gaining a
majority in Parliament and
having a great influence in the
electoral and constitutiondrafting process, therefore
elections should be held as
soon as possible
o
o
o
o
o
Before drafting a Constitution,
a Bill of Rights should be
approved that would
supersede the Constitution
o
o
o
o
o
The new Constitution should
provide certain provisions to
protect the secular nature of
civil institutions
o
o
o
o
o
8. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the criteria for the next
President?
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
No
opinion
The next President must have
no record of collaboration
with the previous regime
o
o
o
o
o
The next President must have
no ties with the army
o
o
o
o
o
The next President must be
Muslim
o
o
o
o
o
Page 21 of 25
Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
August 2011
The next President must be
male
o
o
o
o
o
The next President must have
two Egyptian parents
o
o
o
o
o
9. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the role of Egyptian civil
society in the democratization process?
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
No
opinion
Leaders should be recruited to
take on new political and
governmental leadership roles
o
o
o
o
o
CSOs should form a large
portion of a Constitutional
Council to draft a new
constitution before elections
are held
o
o
o
o
o
Civil society must play a
significant role in security
sector oversight in the new
regime
o
o
o
o
o
It should play a major role in
educating the public about
their rights and responsibilities
as voters in a democracy
o
o
o
o
o
It should play a major role in
raising awareness of the public
on their basic human rights
o
o
o
o
o
It should play a major role in
election monitoring in the
upcoming elections
o
o
o
o
o
It should act as a watchdog to
hold the new government
accountable to the promises
they have made to Egyptian
citizens
o
o
o
o
o
Page 22 of 25
Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
August 2011
10. Rank the following statements according to their level of priority in the new
constitution in your opinion
High
priority
Medium
priority
Low
priority
Not a
priority
at all
No
opinion
Quotas for female
representation in government
o
o
o
o
o
Guarantees for the
independence of the Judiciary
o
o
o
o
o
Media and Press freedoms
o
o
o
o
o
Control of the military clearly
divided between the executive
and the legislative branches
o
o
o
o
o
An even balance of power
between the judicial, executive
and legislative branches of
government
o
o
o
o
o
The constitution clearly stating
the democratic nature of the
State
o
o
o
o
o
The constitution clearly stating
that there is a separation
between religion and the State
o
o
o
o
o
11. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the link between religion
and the State?
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
No
opinion
There must be a clear
separation between religion
and government in the new
Constitution
o
o
o
o
o
Political parties should not
exclusively represent one
religious group
o
o
o
o
o
There is no issue with political
parties having a specific
religious focus
o
o
o
o
o
An Egyptian citizen of any
religion should be
constitutionally allowed to run
for President
o
o
o
o
o
Page 23 of 25
Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
August 2011
Clerics should not play a
formal role in politics and
legislation
o
o
o
o
o
Any government must gain its
legitimacy from Islam by
having a Shura council, a
Muslim President and laws
based on Sharia
o
o
o
o
o
12. What should be the priorities of the new President and government? Rank the
following statements from 1 (highest priority) to 5 (lowest priority) [one choice per
statement]
1 (highest
priority)
2
3
4
5 (lowest
priority)
Job creation, employment and
economic recovery
o
o
o
o
o
A solution to the IsraeliPalestinian conflict
o
o
o
o
o
Ratification and
implementation of key
international human rights
conventions
o
o
o
o
o
Security sector reform
o
o
o
o
o
Transitional justice and
prosecution of prominent
leaders of the previous regime
o
o
o
o
o
Page 24 of 25
Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt
August 2011
Foundation for the Future
7 Al Najaf Street
Um Uthaina
Amman 11195
JORDAN
Tel
+962 6 55 44 906
Fex
+962 6 55 44 907
www.foundationforfuture.org
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