7KH0DUFKRIWKH3D[WRQ%R\V
$XWKRUV%URRNH+LQGOH
5HYLHZHGZRUNV
6RXUFH7KH:LOOLDPDQG0DU\4XDUWHUO\7KLUG6HULHV9RO1R2FWSS
3XEOLVKHGE\Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture
6WDEOH85/http://www.jstor.org/stable/1921899 .
$FFHVVHG
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
.
Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve
and extend access to The William and Mary Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
_D
4
~~~~~~~~~t>
THE PAXTON EXPED TIN.
By Hery_
Daw kin.
Reprodue
Philadelphia.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
.-
.
bytermL'sion ofths
Lry
TH E
WILLIAM
AND
MARY
QUARTERLY
A MAGAZINE
OF
EARLY
INSTITUTIONS,
THIRD
SERIES
AMERICAN
AND
HISTORY,
CULTURE
C~L
1946
October,
lltTVol.
HII
No. 4
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON BOYS
By
BROOKE HINDLE*
The riots of the Paxton Boys in the winter of 1763-1764
were events of more than local significance. They grew out of the
difficulties of the French and Indian War, and they looked forward toward the American Revolution. Francis Parkman has
pictured them as a phase of the Indian wars, and Charles H.
Lincoln has indicated their influence on the Revolution.' But the
intensity of feeling these affairs generated in the province of
Pennsylvania has not always been fully appreciated. Moreover,
the partisan attitudes developed at the time have been carried over
into some of even the most recent writing on the subject. It is
profitable, therefore, to re-examine the story of that eventful
winter.
By 1763, many tensions and pent-up forces had been developed in Pennsylvania, one of the most obvious sources of
trouble being the religious and national heterogeniety of the
population. The city of Philadelphia was even then quite cosmopolitan-peopled by Anglicans, German Lutherans, ScotchIrish and English Presbyterians, Quakers, and many smaller
*Mr. Hindle is an assistant instructor in the Department of History at
the University of Pennsylvania.
I Francis Parkman, The Conspiractcy of Pontiac and the Indian War
after the Conquest of Canada (Boston, 1898); Charles H. Lincoln, The
Revolutiownry Movement in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1901).
Copyright, 1946, by The Institute of Early American History and Culture.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
462
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
groups.2 The three eastern counties were only less diversely
settled. Here dwelt the bulk of the Quakers. The German element was concentrated on lands to the west of the original settlements but contiguous to them. This group easily dominated the
eastern half of Lancaster County and much of Berks and Northampton, but few Germans were found west of the Susquehanna.
The frontier areas were settled by the Scotch-Irish. In 1759,
William Smith estimated the total population at 250,000 of which
25,000 were Anglicans; 30,000 Mennonites and other "Quietist"
sects; 50,000 Quakers; 55,000 English, Scotch, and Irish Presbyterians; and 65,000 German Reformed and Lutherans.3
The politics of the colony were nearly as confused as the
population. By this time, a proprietary colony was something of
an anachronism, and the unicameral assembly was unique. The
assembly, dominated by the Quaker party, had built up a long
tradition of opposition to the governor and his council who formed
the spearhead of the proprietary party. The mass of Scotch-Irish
and Anglicans were wont to support the proprietary party while
the Quaker party could count on solid Quaker support and generally on most of the German votes. As a result of this ferment,
politics in Pennsylvania had enjoyed a lively past and when John
Penn replaced Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton in October, 1763,
he found that he had to contend with a group of very experienced
politicians who had already succeeded in making the assembly the
supreme legislative organ.4
Representation was apportioned in such a way that the three
eastern counties elected twice the number of representatives allotted
to the five western counties. Had the apportionment been fair,
western representation would have exceeded that of the eastern
counties with the city of Philadelphia holding the balance of
2
Robert Proud, The History of Pennsylvania in North America (Phila-
delphia, 1798), II, 280.
3 Quoted in Guy Soulliard Klett, Presbyterians in Colonial Pennsylvania
(Philadelphia, 1937), 35.
4 Lincoln, Revolutionary Movement, 23.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
463
power;5 and had the disfranchised poorer classes in the city been
given the right to vote, control of the city's assemblymen might
easily have eluded the eastern aristocrats. As it was, the counties
on the Schuylkill could dominate the assembly, and in 1763, that
meant control by the Quaker party. Legislation was inevitably
attuned to eastern interests and to the interests of wealth. The
West was unable to remedy this injustice but recognized it as
fundamental because it prevented the rectification of other grievances. The frontiersman's complaint was well known long before
Hugh Williamson put it into resounding words: "For God's sake,
are we always to be slaves, must we groan for ever beneath the
yoke of three Quaker Counties."6
The other grievances resulting from this condition paled into
insignificance before the overwhelming problem of Indian defense.
On that issue, governmental stalemates, eastern political control,
and Quaker professions of non-resistance combined to produce
an irresolute and ineffective Indian policy. Faced with a choice
of evils, the frontier tended to blame the legislature for stalemates
between the governor and the assembly. They felt that few of
the eastern politicians understood or cared to understand the
problem. And the Quakers, in the assembly and in private or5 The following table is constructed from figures in Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1775), V, 120. It varies slightly from Lincoln, Revolutionary
Movement, 47.
Representation in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, 1760
Members by
Taxables
Actual Members
Taxables
2
4
2,634
Philadelphia City
8
8 (base)
5,678
Philadelphia County
8
7
4,761
Chester
4
8
3,148
Bucks
8
4
5,635
Lancaster
2
5
3,302
York
4
1
3,016
Berks
1
3
1,989
Northampton
2
2
1,5011
Cumberland
6 Hugh Williamson, The Plain Dealer: Or Remarks on Quaker Politicks
in Pennsylvania, No. 3 (Philadelphia, 1764), 22.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
464
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
ganizations like the Friendly Association,6a came in for their most
bitter condemnation.
In the years that intervened between the first settlements and
Pontiac's War, considerable friction had developed between the
Indians and the white men. The Indians could complain of numerous injustices, but the underlying cause of unrest was the
constant expansion of white settlements. Anglo-French conflict for control of the continent gave the injured natives an opportunity to wreak vengeance on their oppressors, and Braddock's
defeat in 1755 opened the Pennsylvania frontier to all the horrors
of Indian warfare. The need for strong measures could no longer
be ignored and enough Quakers gave up their seats in the assembly in 1756 to allow the passage of defense measures. Men and
money were provided, a chain of forts was thrown around the
frontier. Finally in 1758, Forbes' advance brought the Indians
to terms.
But the frontier had much to find fault with in the conduct
of Indian affairs even after the Quakers surrendered their majority in the assembly. Assembly and governor continued to work
at cross purposes: imperial requisitions were seldom met in full;
the assembly would grant defense bills only at the price of concessions that the governor refused to consider. The winning of
the right to tax proprietary estates removed one stumbling block
but added nothing to general harmony. Meanwhile, in competition with government, the well-heeled Friendly Association carried
out a vigorous policy of appeasement. This Quaker organization
sought to win the Indians with kindness and gifts. Its policies
were not without good effect, but they drew only abuse from the
frontier, the governor, and the royal officers.
In the summer of 1763, when Pontiac's War brought a new
series of bloody incursions to the back country, the whole length
of the sprawling frontier contracted violently and recoiled upon
6' The Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with
the Indians by Pacific Measures was organized in 1756. The Association
acted as mediator at a series of conferences held in a vain attempt to heal
the breach between the Indians and the government of Pennsylvania. Trying
to secure redress of the Indians' grievances, this extra-legal association incurred the displeasure of the proprietors who charged the Friends with
fomenting trouble for political reasons.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
465
the eastern settlements. "Carlisle was become the barrier not a
single Individual being beyond it."7 Destitute refugees crowded
the towns, taxing the capacity of the inhabitants to maintain
them. Yet all that Governor Hamilton could get from the assembly in this crisis was a bill providing for a force of 700 frontiersmen to guard their own homes. Offensive action was prohibited
and the force was divided into small groups which were tied to
particular localities.8 The complete failure to meet General Amherst's requirement of 1,000 men provoked an explosion on his
part: "I cannot help repeating my Surprize at the infatuation of
the People in your Province, who tamely look on while their
brethren are being butchered by the savages, when, without doubt,
it is in their Power, by exerting the proper Spirit not only to
protect the Settlements, but to punish the Indians that are hardy
enough to disturb them."9
The frontiersmen felt even more exasperated, but in this
case, their own conduct was not blameless, since their rough handling of the Indians had done much to create the existing situation. Moreover, when Colonel Bouquet called for resolute aggressive action, the West as well as the East failed him.'0 With
little help from either the frontiersmen or the Philadelphia government, Bouquet, nevertheless, won a significant victory at Bushy
Run in August. That eased the danger to some extent. With the
relaxation of the siege of Detroit and the progress of negotiations, a lasting peace seemed in sight. Under the protection of
the rangers, the frontier farmers returned to their homes to
gather in the fall harvest. No murders were reported during the
month of October and "the conversation of the people in general,
began to turn upon other subjects.""
Conversation might seek new topics, but the minds of the
westerners could never become wholly disengaged from the
7 Pennsylvania Gazette, July 5, 1763.
8Statutes at Large of Pennsylvanic (n.p., 1899), VI, 297-301.
9Pennsylvania Colonial Records or Minutes of the Provincial Council
(Harrisburg, 1852), IX, 62.
10 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 190.
11 Samuel Hazard, The Register of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1830),
XII, 10. On pp. 9-13 Hazard reproduced a letter from a Quaker dated
Philadelphia, February 29, 1764. It is a very fair account of events. The
original was examined by Parkman and printed in part in his Conspiracy
of Pontiac, III, 243-246.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
466
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
eternal Indian menace. This moment of uncertain peace gave
them a chance to reflect upon their losses. In quest of an explanation for their great misfortunes, the frontier folk fell avidly
on the public support of Indian communities within the settled
areas. Suspicion descended on the Indians who were maintained
by the Moravians at Nain and Wechquetank, on the handful still
living on the manor of Conestoga near Lancaster, and on still
others at Wyalusing on the Susquehanna. The frontiersman had
never made the nice Quaker distinction between friendly and
enemy Indians. To him all Indians were treacherous. Rumors of
the complicity of these protected Indians with the hostile tribes,
therefore, found ready credence.
Antagonism against the Moravian Indians rose to such a
high pitch that the Christianized natives were moved to Nazareth
as early in 1763 as October 11.12 Later, when charges against
the Indians were laid before the assembly, it was decided to disarm the communities from Nain and Wechquetank and move them
to Philadelphia.13 The Quakers supported this move in order to
protect the Indians; their opponents, to protect the white settlers.
On November 11, 127 Indians reached the city and were met with
passionate hostility. "The rage of the people in Philadelphia is
indescribable," wrote the Reverend Bernard Adam Grube, "and
we had to stand five hours before the barracks and be insulted."14
The Indians' only friends seemed to be the Quakers who convoyed them through "thousands" of tormentors to the boats which
took them to Province Island at the mouth of the Schuylkill.15
The rage of the frontiersmen was still stronger. A deepseated anger against the other Indian communities, especially that
at Conestoga, rose with the news of the protection that had been
extended to the Moravian Indians. In September, John Elder
wrote the governor urging the immediate removal of the Conestoga
group,16 but nothing was done. "People began to threaten them
12 John W. Jordan, "Biographical Sketch of
Rev. Bernhard Adam
Grube," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XXV (19011), 17.
13
14
Vote'sof Assembly, V, 284.
Jordan, "Biographical Sketch of Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube," Pa.
Mag., XXV, 17.
15 Ibid.
16
Quoted in Klett, Presbyterians, 253.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
467
with what was likely to be their fate."7' Later evidence indicated
that the rumors against the Indians had some basis in fact. Individual Indians had certainly maintained communication with
hostile tribes but no real proof of the more extreme charges against
them was ever presented.18
Then in the second week of December, Matthew Smith and
five companions from the vicinity of Paxton decided to investigate
the report that an hostile Indian had been tracked to Conestoga.
Smith believed he could see dozens of strange, armed Indians in
the little village, and the six returned for help.19 John Elder and
at least one magistrate heard of the proposed expedition against
the settlement before it materialized. Elder sent a written message
to the party in an attempt to dissuade them, but it had no effect.20
Shortly before dawn on the morning of December 14, about fifty
armed and mounted men descended upon Conestoga, murdered the
six Indians present, and burned down their cabins. The Lancaster authorities later rounded up fourteen surviving Indians and
placed them in the Lancaster workhouse for their protection.
However the Paxton Boys were convinced that one of the surviving Indians was a murderer, and thinking their job but half done,
assembled again on December 27 under the leadership of Lazarus
Stewart and Matthew Smith with the intention of riding on Lancaster. This time, Elder tried to restrain them personally but was
effectively brushed aside.2' Matthew Smith later maintained that
the intention of the second expedition was to carry off the murderer without molesting the other Indians.22 Whatever the intention, all fourteen Indians were butchered in a few minutes.
The first massacre at Conestoga had aroused the lethargic
Philadelphia government to a degree that Indian depradations had
never achieved. Now the governor was able to act with con17 Rhoda Barber's Journal, unpaged MS, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
18 Many relevant depositions taken in Lancaster in February, 1764, are
preserved in "An Apology of the Paxton Volunteers Addressed to the Candid
& Impartial World," MS, in Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
19 "Narrative of Matthew Smith," Lnncdster Intelligencer and Journal,
May 16, 1843.
20 Peninsylvania Archives, 1st Ser. (Philadelphia, 1853), IV, 148-149.
21 "Narrative of Matthew Smith," Lanc. Intel. and Jour., May 16, 1843.
22 Ibid.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
468
WILLIAM
AND'MARY
QUARTERLY
fidence, sure of enthusiastic support from the assembly. At last
the government was a unit. Under date, December 19, John
Penn sent instructions to the magistrates of Lancaster, York, and
Cumberland counties to apprehend the murderers.23 On the
twenty-first, he sent a message to the assembly describing the massacre and noting a verbal communication from the surviving Indians requesting that "they may be removed to this City or its
24
He asked the assembly for funds with
Neighbourhood. .
which to accomplish this. On the following day, he issued a
proclamation enjoining all provincial officers, military and civil,
and all other subjects to aid in the apprehension of the murderers.25 This proclamation was printed in the newspapers and
posted in public places.26 After a delay of only three days, the
assembly replied to the governor's message with a bill of credit
and approval of the project for removing the Conestoga Indians.27
They also agreed to furnish funds to move the Wyalusing Indians
to Philadelphia. About twenty Indians in the city from Wyalusing had been sent to join the other Indians on Province Island, but
the governor never dispatched an official invitation to Wyalusing.28
It was as a direct result of the Conestoga massacre that the
assembly at last agreed to furnish the 1,000 men demanded by
Gage and by Amherst before him.29 However, this contribution
to imperial defense was counteracted, to some extent, by a contraction in provincial forces. Jonas Seely and John Elder were
removed from command of their companies of rangers,30 and, all
provincial militia east of the Susquehanna was placed under the
command of Major Clayton, hitherto commander of the Northampton companies alone.
After the Lancaster massacre the governor, on recommenda23
Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 92-93.
Votes of Assembly, V, 289.
Col. Recs., IX, 95-96.
26Pennsylvania Gazette, December 22, 29, 1763; Pennsylvania Journal,
24
25 pa.
December 22, 1763.
27
28
Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 97.
Ibid., 136-137; "A Brief Account: of Some Public Occurences in the
Province of Pennsylvania in the administration of Governor John Penn,"
Penn Manuscripts: Indian Affairs, IV, 44, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
29 Votes of
Assembly, V, 289.
30 Pa. Archives, 1st ser., IV, 153-154.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
469
tion of the council, wrote to Colonel Armstrong at Carlisle and
John Elder at Paxton asking them to use their influence to discourage and suppress further rioting,3' and to attempt to apprehend the ringleaders. A similar letter was sent to Edward
Shippen at Lancaster who was asked, in addition, to give intelligence of any future movements on the part of the rioters. It is
notable that the resulting correspondence nowhere disclosed the
identity of the Paxton leaders, though all three of the men appealed to must have had means of discovering who some of the
rioters were, while Elder was well acquainted with the leaders.
Penn continued to exert himself in the attempt to restore
order. On the thirty-first, he sent letters to Amherst's successor
General Gage and to Sir William Johnson.32 Of Gage, Penn
sought support from the Carlisle garrison in the anticipation of further disorders. To Johnson, he expressed apprehension over the
effect of the killings on Indian relations in general. On January
2, 1764, he issued another proclamation that was more severe than
the first. In addition to demanding "diligent search" after the
perpetrators of the massacre, he offered a reward of two hundred pounds for apprehension of "any three of the Ringleaders of
the said party."33 As the proclamation explained, the term "ringleader" included any person "concerned in the Immediate shedding
the Blood of the said Indians." Such wording might have been
interpreted to exclude Lazarus Stewart who was an acknowledged
leader of the rioters though he said he killed no one.34 But the
problem never arose, for no arrests were made at this time. The
Philadelphia government seemed unable to exercise effective control in the West.
Soon the different attitudes of the governor and the assembly
began to produce friction once again. On February 4, the governor sent dispatches to the magistrates of Lancaster directing them
to get depositions from everyone with any information about the
massacres.35 That was a distinct modification of the assembly's
\
31 Pa.
32 Pa.
33
34
1843.
35
Archives, 1st ser., IV, 155, 153.
Col. Recs., IX, 104, 105.
Ibid., 107.
Lazarus Stewart, "Declaration," in Lanc. Intel. and Jour., April 25,
Pa. Archives, 1st ser., IV, 160.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
470
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
demand that the coroner, sheriff, and magistrates of Lancaster be
summoned to Philadelphia to give testimony.36 There was a strong
suspicion, especially among the Quakers, that these men had not
fully co-operated in the maintenance of law and order. Feeling
that the pace set by the governor was too slow, the assembly then
prepared a bill requiring that all men charged with Indian murder
be brought to Philadelphia, Bucks, or Chester County for their
trial. Many Philadelphians distinctly disapproved of this infringement of civil rights and created "such a Clamour in the House
and out-a-doors" that the bill was tabled after the first reading.37
Meanwhile, the massacres had inaugurated a "war of nerves"
with the fate of the Moravian Indians being the nominal ccssus
belli. The frontier, far from being satiated by the blood of twenty
Indians, saw in the massacres an unfinished job. Instead of abating, the furor against the Moravian Indians continued to rise.
Many accusations were recited against them, including the charge
that one of the murderers who had escaped at Conestoga and at
Lancaster had fled to Province Island.38 With the news of the
Lancaster massacre, came intelligence that the rioters were contemnplatinga march on the seat of government. In his letter of
December 27, Edward Shippen had reported that "some people
say they heard them [the rioters] declare they would proceed to
the Province Island, and destroy the Indians there."39 Ominous
reports continued to filter into the city. An anonymous letter,
dated Lebanon, December 31, 1763, informed the governor and
council that many inhabitants of Paxton, Lebanon, and Hanover
townships were planning to march on the capital. The portents
were so dark that Edward Shippen remarked, "God only knows
where this Tragical affair will terminate."40 He hoped that it
would not bring civil war.
Uncertainty and rumor heightened the tension in Philadelphia.
Arrangements were made with some of the frontier people to ob36
Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 123-124.
37 "Journal of Samuel Foulke," Pennsylvania
Magazine of History and
Biography, V (1881), 67.
38 Letter from George Gibson, n.d., published in Lanc. Intel. and Jour.,
April 4, 1843.
39 Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 100.
40 Edward Shippen to James Burd, Jan. 4, 1764, Shippen Papers, VI, 75,
Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
471
tain intelligence of back country developments, but news remained
unreliable.4' On January 1, a traveler from Lancaster reported
that the rioters had already begun their march on the capital, but
it turned out to be Captain Robinson and a detachment of Highlanders which had been in Lancaster during the massacre.42 Usually the reports were not so exciting, but the inhabitants were kept
busy listening to rumors of troubles to come and to accounts of
preparations.
At the same time that the government was called upon to
face this threat of internal strife, Indian affairs began to look
more menacing. Whatever faults the frontier could find in the
ineffective defense provided by the government of Pennsylvania,
there can be little doubt that the massacres made matters worse.
Sir William Johnson felt that they might even "stagger the affections of the five hitherto well affected Nations."43 He feared
that friendly Indians would begin to doubt the faith of the English. Tribes to whom the various Conestogas belonged might take
their revenge. As for the threats of destruction of the Philadelphia Indians, Johnson lamented that the project "savours so
much of Madness, that I cannot account for .... " it.44 As early as
January, Colonel Burd reported the town of Northampton crowded
with refugees fleeing before the Indians.45 It was thought that
although the deep snow was preventing widespread Indian incursions from the other side of the mountains, spring might bring
renewed depredations.46
Increasingly concerned for the safety of the Moravian Indians, the government took steps to provide for their better defense. In his proclamation of December 22, Penn had forbidden
molesting the Indians quartered in the pesthouses on Province Island.47 Two days after the Lancaster massacre, the council decided
to send boats to the island to permit the Indians to escape to New
Jersey if threatened.48 The Indians, however, seeking a more
41 Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 10.
42
"A Brief Account," Penn MSS: Indian Affairs, IV, 44.
43 Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 130.
44 Ibid.
45James Burd to William Allen, Jan. 10, 1764, Shippen Papers, VI, 77.
46 Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 135-136.
47 Ibid., 95-96.
48 Ibid., 100-101.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
472
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
certain security, requested that they be sent to England.49 When
they modified their request and asked to be sent to Sir William
Johnson in New York, that course was resolved upon.50 Captain
Robinson agreed to conduct them as far as New York City which
was the Highlanders' own destination. William Logan, a council
member, offered to procure passports at Trenton and Burlington.
Penn then sent letters to General Gage, Sir William Johnson, Governor Colden of New York, and Governor Franklin of New Jersey
informing them of his plans. He stressed the fact that he "could
easily have afforded them a sufficient Protection" but that he chose
to gratify their request as a prudent Indian policy.5' The letters
seem to have been regarded as announcements of intention rather
than requests for permission.
Even before some of these letters were written, Robinson
had set out with the whole group of Indians. They embarked from
their island early in the morning of January 5, and were on the
march before the city began to stir.52 The attitude of the soldiers
toward their charges is not clear though it was asserted that they
"behaved very wild and unfriendly."53 Friendly or not, the troops
conducted the miserable savages through New Jersey without
difficulty, but on reaching Perth Amboy, they met resistance.
Governor Colden refused to let the Indians enter his colony. In a
revealing letter to Penn, he branded the Indians as "rogues, and
thieves" not to be trusted.54 In language similar to that being
used by the Pennsylvania rioters, he exclaimed, "The minds of
the people are so generally irritated against the Indians living on
the North East Branches of the Susquehanna, that a number of
Voluntiers were proposed to me to go out against them to punish
them for their Cruelties & perfidy."55 Another New Yorker expressed the same views complaining of the attempt to turn a parcel
49 William R. Shepherd, History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania (New York, 1896), 547n.
50 Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 110.
151Ibid., 111.
52 Jordan, "Biographical Sketch of Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube," Pa.
Mag., XXV, 17.
53 Hazard, Pa. Reg., VII, 255.
54 Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 120.
55
Ibid.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
473
of irritated savages "loose upon our Borders to destroy the innocent and defenseless settlers."56
Philadelphia breathed more easily when Robinson left with
the Indians. The back country also seemed to relax somewhat.
William Logan remarked on the lull, "We hear nothing from our
Frontier of our Hickory Boys as they call themselves."5 But he
looked for renewed confusion should the Indians be returned to
the city, and observed "If they return to Philada & our People
should Get mad again on our Frontiers & come down, We shall
certainly have many lives lost as this seems to be a Determination
to try who is Strongest."58 His prophecy of renewed unrest and
his concept of the trouble as a struggle for power were both to
prove accurate.
Shortly thereafter, Penn received a letter from the Governor
of New Jersey demanding that the Indians be withdrawn from his
province. William Franklin did express sympathy, however, and
offered refuge to the Indians in emergency if Pennsylvania would
provide for their upkeep.59 The markedly more tolerant view of
New Jersey may in part be explained by her geographical situation. Yet even in that colony, fear of mischief against the Indians maintained at Woodbury did find expression.60
For the time being, there was nothing to do but march the
Indians back to Philadelphia. That was accomplished under escort
of Captain Schlosser with three companies of Royal Americans
lent by Gage to the Governor of Pennsylvania in response to his
request.6' The Indians were not returned to their island refuge
but were quartered in the barracks where Schlosser's men could
defend them.
Their return to the city made it clear that large numbers of
Philadelphians were decidedly sympathetic to the complaints voiced
by the back country. Even the three counties on the Schuylkill
began to seethe with discontent. Samuel Foulke, a good Quaker
56 "The Aspinwall Papers," Collections of the Historical Society of
Massachusetts, 4th Ser., X (1871), 518.
57 William Logan to John Smith, Jan. 21, 1764, Correspondence of John
Smith, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
58
Ibid.
59 Pa. Archives, 1st ser., IV, 157-158.
60 "A Brief Account," Penn MSS: Indian Affairs, IV, 44.
61 Pd. Col. Recs., IX, 118.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
474
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
assemblyman, spoke of "disaffection appearing to Spread like a
Contagion into the Interior parts of the province & Even the
City it self."62 Logan recorded a beating administered to Captain
Coultas "about half Way between here and Lancaster, when falling into Company of Some who took the Rioters parts, as 3/4th of
all the Countrey do."63 Since Chester County then extended twothirds of the way to Lancaster, this incident took place in one of
the eastern counties. If Logan's estimate of 75 per cent support
for the discontented was at all accurate, the province of Pennsylvania was indeed in ferment.
Although all Pennsylvania was disturbed, the frontier was
still the core of discontent. There, preparations for the march
against Philadelphia proceeded at an accelerating pace. People
meeting in taverns and stores recounted Indian atrocity stories and
discussed the baseness of Quaker rule. Companies of volunteers
were formed and stores of arms and powder were collected for
the expedition.64 Contributions were received to defray expenses
of the poorer volunteers.65 Soon mail between Philadelphia and
Lancaster became uncertain with letters frequently being opened
en route.66 The westerners seemed "determined to come down"
and "stem all opposition."07
On January 28, the governor and council heard the deposition
of a Philadelphia merchant who had just returned from Lancaster, where he had been told that "in ten days, fifteen hundred
Men would come down in order to kill the said Indians, and that
if Fifteen hundred were not enough, Five thousand were ready
to join them."68 They had no intention of attacking the Quakers
but they would kill any who interfered with their design which
was simply to kill the Indians.69 It was immediately decided to
instruct Schlosser to fire on any rioters who defied him, and the
following day Penn asked the assembly for the necessary authority. Using emergency power obtained from Gage, he also
62
"Journalof Samuel Foulke," Pa. Mag., V, 67.
1764, Smith Correspondence.
63 Wiliam Logan to John Smith, Jan. 28,
64 Ibid.; Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 127.
65
Pa. Archives, 1st ser., IV, 156.
66Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 10.
67
68
69
William Logan to John Smith, Jan. 28, 1764, Smith Correspondence.
Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 126.
Ibid.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
r
THE
GERMAN
......
.,....I
n
.
AnJonlymlous Reproduced
Societyl of Pennwsylvania.
BLEEDS AND) BEARS THE FURS.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
byS pert
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
475
sent orders to Captain William Murray at Carlisle, directing him
to proceed with his entire command of regular troops to the barracks at Lancaster.70 When the assembly responded to the governor's request with "An Act for Preventing Tumults and Riotous
Assemblies," Penn sent Schlosser instructions to attempt to dissuade any armed rioters but, if they persisted, to capture them
with no more bloodshed than absolutely necessary.7'
The pace quickened again when, on Saturday, February 4,
an oral report to the governor and council predicted that the
rioters would reach Philadelphia the following morning.72 Penn
asked the assembly for a militia law. Lacking such legislation, he
summoned the citizens to the state house that afternoon and invited them to join in an association to protect the government
from the expected insurrection.73 The newly passed riot act was
then read to the assembled crowd. Despite heavy rain, a vast concourse had gathered and many subscribed to the association.
Eventually, nearly a thousand citizens took up arms and were
formed into six companies of foot, two of horse, and one battery
of artillery.74 Benjamin Franklin became the great figure with
Penn relying on his advice for every move, and with Franklin's
home serving as unofficial headquarters for the governor.75 Intelligence was provided for by stationing spies along the various
roads to warn of the approach of the mob.76 At the ringing of
bells, the inhabitants were to turn out in arms and to affix one or
more lights outside each home.77 Through a cold and stormy night,
many of the citizen soldiers stood guard beside the regulars. The
next day preparations were completed with the construction of
wooden works across the center of the parade at the barracks and
70 Pa.
71 pa.
72 Pa.
Col. Recs., IX, 127-128.
Archives, 1st ser., IV, 160-162.
Col. Recs., IX, 132.
73 "Extract Account of the March of the Paxton Men on Philadelphia
from the Journals of H. Melchior Muhlenberg, DD," Collection~s of The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1853), I, 73.
74 Pa. Gazette, February 9, 1764.
75 Franklin to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765, in John Bigelow, ed., The
Works of Benjamnin Frcankli (New York and London, 1904), IV, 149.
76 Pa. Col. Recs., IX, 133.
77 Ibid., 133; [Alexander Graydon], Memoirs of a Life Chiefly Passed
in Pennsylvania within the last 60 Years (Harrisburg, 1811), 39.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
476
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
with the assembly of twelve cannon loaded with grape shot. The
city remained in arms awaiting eventualities.
This crisis placed the Quakers in an unhappy dilemma, for
they were confronted at last with the compelling threat of force.
The rebels had made quite clear their feeling toward the Friends,
and some members of the Society wilted under the threats. Israel
Pemberton was particularly hated by the frontiet for his activities
in the Friendly Association. When informed that he was "to be
given up to them," Israel took the prudent course and fled.78
James Pemberton displayed little sympathy with the past activities
of the unhappy man, declaring, " [I] shall be glad it may prove a
lesson of Instruction."79 As tension grew, the usual routes of
exit from the city were cut off and some Quakers who would have
liked to leave were forced to remain.80
Other Quakers reacted quite differently.
Under the
threat of force, about two hundred of them abandoned their
cherished principle of non-resistance and took up arms. They
stood out conspicuously at the barracks. To the inhabitants
of the city, this warlike activity was incredible. One group of
boys followed a distinguished Quaker through the streets crying, "look here! a Quaker with a Musket on his shoulder."'8'
Only a small part of the Society of Friends forsook their great
principle, but at the time the Society manifested no great disapproval of those who did.82 Still, James Pemberton maintained that the men who failed to stand firm were the unstable
youth and the lukewarm members.83 Whoever they were, they
gave invaluable aid to the opponents of the Friends. ProQuaker pamphleteers were constantly forced to the defensive
on this point, and for several years afterward the meetings
worked with their wayward members calling on them to ac78 JaMes
Pemberton to Dr. John Fothergill, Mar. 7, 1764, Pemberton Papers, XXXIV, 128, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
79 Ibid.
80 Sally Potts to her sister, Feb. 9, 1764, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
81 "Extract Account of the March of the Paxton Men...
," Colls. Hist.
Soc. of Pa., I, 75.
82 Samuel Wetherill, An Apology for the Religious Society Called Free
Quakers in the City of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, n.d.), 29-30.
83 James Pemberton to John Fothergill, Mar. 7, 1764, Pemnberton Papers,
XXXIV, 128.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
477
BOYS
knowledge their mistake. But whether in arms or not, the
Quakers were solidly opposed to the insurgents.
The part played by other Philadelphians was less dramatic. Most of the citizens did not take up arms and there is
good reason to suppose that many of them were not merely
neutral but actually favorable to the invaders. Many of the
city's underprivileged fell into this group though even men of
substance took the part of the rioters. Foulke declared that the
latter were "invited & Encouraged by many Considerable persons in Philada" and were told "that they Shou'd meet with
no opposition in the Execution of their Design."84 In addition there were those who passively sympathized with the
frontiersmen, men who "declared that they would not offer to
oppose the Paxtoneers, unless they attacked the citizens, that
is to say, themselves."85 From sentiments later expressed, it is
probable that many of the Presbyterians took this position
though some did shoulder arms for the government.86
The stand of the German element was rather different
from what might have been expected. The governor, noting
that few Germans subscribed to the articles of association,
"suspected that they were about to place their heads under
the same hood with the discontented, or rebels so-called."87
As H. M. Muhlenberg saw it, this conjecture was not far from
the truth. He maintained that the Friends had not shown the
least compassion for the frontier, that the protected Indians
were guilty as the frontiersmen charged, but were being carried by the Quakers and Moravians "in their bosoms, for their
own purposes."88 Certainly German citizens refused to fight
"their own flesh and blood . . .for the sake of the Quakers,
Moravians and their creatures
."89
Nevertheless, several
Lutheran clergymen did endeavor to enlist the aid of their
parishioners with some success, and when it was reported that
84 "Journal of Samuel Foulke," Pa. Mag., V, 60.
85 Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 11.
86 Graydon, Memoirs of a Life, 40.
87 "Extract Account of the March of the Paxton Men ...
Soc. of Pa., I, 73.
88
89
Ibid., 74.
Ibid.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
,"
Coils.
Hist
478
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
there were Germans among the rioters, emissaries were sent
to Germantown to keep Lutheran congregations on the side of
authority. Although many Germans did finally take up arms,
it is clear that they did not, in this instance, follow the Quaker
lead as docilely as has often been maintained.
As the long promised invasion seemed about to materialize, the wildest rumors reached Philadelphia. Estimates of
the number of marchers ran up to "some thousands."90 Just
before the expedition reached the city, there were consistent
reports that between four hundred and seven hundred men
were on the move, but no more than two hundred and fifty
seem to have crossed the Schuylkill. The rioters said that
three thousand had signed their roll though they did not expect more than fifteen hundred to make the trip to Philadelphia.91 There were some Germans among them, as reported, but the majority were Scotch-Irish Presbyterians.
The marchers were expected to reach the city about eleven
o'clock Sunday morning. Whether because of complicity in
the plan or not, certain of the Presbyterian churches did not
hold services at this time.92 In the morning, orders were given
to bring the ferry boats to the Philadelphia side of the Schuylkill at the Middle and Lower ferries but the ferry at Swedes'
Ford was forgotten until close to noon. Men sent to secure
it arrived too late,93 for the rebels had come up earlier, and in
the afternoon, they were reported in Germantown. An alarm
was produced in the city by a band of German butchers and
porters riding to aid the defense, but no real threat developed
through the day.94
Philadelphia retired that night with considerable misgiving. In the early morning hours, the inhabitants were
aroused by a great alarm. An unadaptable watchman sounded
off with cries of "Fire !"95 Soon bells were ringing, drums
90 Graydon, Memoirs of a Life, 38.
91 "Extract Account of the March of the Paxton Men ... ," Colls. Hist.
Soc. of Pa., I, 77.
92 James Pemberton to John Fothergill, Mar. 7, 1764, Pemberton
Papers, XXXIV, 127.
93 Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 11.
94 Ibid.
95 "Extract Account of the March of the Paxton Men ...
Soc. of Pa., I, 74.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
," Colls. Hist.
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
479
beating, and the householders began to set out their candles.
The
It was reported that the Paxton Boys were coming.
square quickly filled with people carrying muskets, swords,
and even battle flags from the French War. Muskets were
given out to all who would take them. Alarms continued till
daybreak when they abated, but stores and shops were
closed all the following day as the city remained tense.96
On Monday, many of the city's inhabitants made the trip
to Germantown just to see what the Hickory Boys looked like.
The Quakers were impressed with their roughness. Dressed
in blanket coats and moccasins, they looked like Indian traders. They carried rifles, tomahawks, and pistols but were
under a stern discipline that forbade even the discharging of
a gun.97 The frontiersmen later maintained that they injured
no one throughout the march and paid for everything they
consumed.98 Even so, the city folk were taken aback by their
conduct. David Rittenhouse noted with distinct disapproval
that they "uttered hideous outcries in imitation of the war
whoop, knocked down peaceable citizens, and pretended to
scalp them."99 Although a strong note of hilarity appears in
this activity, it also seems that the injured frontiersmen were
trying to dramatize their complaints. They had attempted
something of a similar nature in the French War when they
had dragged a wagonload of the slain through the streets of
Philadelphia.'00 Semiofficial delegations also went to Germantown. Several clergymen of different denominations journeyed thither with the idea of conciliating the rioters. One
minister reported that the invaders' only demands were to
expel the Indians from the country and to lay their complaints
before the government.'l'
Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 11.
"Extract Account of the March of the Paxton Men...
," Colts. Hist.
Soc. of, Pa., I, 77.
98 "Apology of the Paxton Volunteers," 18.
99 Quoted in B. J. Wallace, "The Insurrection of the Paxton Boys,"
Presbyterian Quarterly Review, VIII (1860), 660.
100 John F. Watson, Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the
Olden Time (Philadelphia, 1857), II, 164-165.
101 "Extract Account of the March of the Paxton Men ... ," Cowls. Hist.
Soc. of Pa., I, 77.
96
97
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
480
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
Though the council discussed a plan to send a number of
volunteers to take the whole group prisoner, the project was
abandoned. Many of the people were "greatly exasperated"
at this failure to try force.102 A pacific course was attempted
instead. On Tuesday, at the request of the governor and council, Benjamin Franklin went to Germantown with Chew, Willing, and Galloway in an attempt to turn back the rioters.103
Accompanied by several other gentlemen from the city, they
met the leaders of the frontiersmen in a large room in a tavern.
After several hours' talk, the men from the West agreed to
return home, and the Philadelphians promised to give speedy
consideration to all grievances, if laid before the assembly and
governor in. proper form. With this end in view, two of the
leaders of the expedition, Matthew Smith and James Gibson
were selected to remain in Philadelphia to draw up a declaration of grievances. Although the negotiators from the city
had to leave by a back door, because of the violence of the
mob outside, their victory was, nevertheless, complete.104
When the weather cleared that evening, the citizen soldiers were thanked by a member of the council and dismissed.
They were informed that "matters had been misrepresentedthat the Paxtoneers were a set of very worthy men . .. who
labored under great distress.'05 But the next day, they were
called out again as the result of an annoying false alarm, when
some thirty of the Hickory Boys who had been granted permission to enter the city appeared on the streets. Once the
matter was explained, the westerners were allowed to pass
in peace.
The purpose of this group was to examine the Indians
quartered in the barracks, hoping to identify some as murderers. Their failure to do so provided grist for the mill of
the ensuing pamphlet war. The Quakers were accused of
having removed the guilty Indians and then of secreting the
102 "Information given Isaac Wayne," February, 1764, Pemberton Papers,
XVII, 10.
103 Joseph Shippen to James Burd, Feb. 9, 1764, Shippen Papers, VI, 87.
104 T. J. Wharton, "Memoir of Willianm Rawle," Memoirs of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1840), IV, 41-42.
105 Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 12.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
481
only witness to this act.106 Such charges were never proved,
and on the whole, the Quaker party had the better of the
argument by capitalizing on the westerners' failure to produce
any guilty Indians. Depositions taken later, however, proved
beyond much doubt that the Moravian Indians had furnished
the enemy with information and that some of them had
fought against the English in the French War.'07 They
were also charged with committing depredations and with
supplying the enemy with arms. Opinion throughout the
province overwhelmingly considered the Indians to be secret
enemies, though Ewing's estimate that ninety-nine out of
every hundred believed them hostile was certainly an
exaggeration.108
When the frontiersmen left, the problem of the Indians
remained. Even the Quakers agreed that they should be
moved somewhere.
One suggestion would have split the
group into three parts and scattered them about the province.'09 At a loss for a solution, Penn again attempted to
send them to Johnson but since he did not consult with the
Governor of New York, this effort brought a sharp rebuke
from Governor Colden which ended the project."10 The Indians were maintained in the barracks until it was considered
safe to allow them to attend the local market with their wares.
Finally in March of 1765, they left to take up lands in Wyalusing."'1 The frontier was aroused by the return of the
Indians, but since the real danger was past, no violent action
resulted.
The departure of the Paxton Boys relieved only the immediate threat to the city. Agitation continued in the back
country, and in Philadelphia a furious press warfare developed. Renewed hostilities between East and West were
touched off by the submission of the Declaration and Remonstrance
106
Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 12.
Several are reprinted in Williamson, Plain Dealer, No. 3.
Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, III, 249.
109 William Logan to John Smith, Jan. 21, 1764, Smith Correspondence.
110 Pa. Archives, 1st ser., IV, 167.
111 Jordan, "Biographical Sketch of Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube," Pa.
Mag., XXV, 18.
107
108
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
482
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
that Smith and Gibson had stayed behind to write. Despite
Franklin's unsympathetic attitude toward the rioters, they
had asked his help in drafting the papers, but "Persons more
suitable to their purposes" were found.1"2 In the middle of
February the two documents were submitted to the governor
and assembly.1"3 They were also printed in the newspapers
and issued in pamphlet form for public consumption.
Neither composition presented new facts. The Declaration of
Grievances merely recited the history of the massacres from the
frontier viewpoint. It charged the government with "secretly
caressing" disguised enemies, refusing to co-operate in the
war against the Indians, and excusing Indian barbarity. The
authorities, it was asserted, not only withheld aid from the
frontier but they even deprived the citizens of their rights.
The Remonstrance in behalf of the frontier counties of Lancaster,
York, Cumberland, Northampton, and Berks listed nine complaints. First and foremost, it demanded a just apportionment
of representation. Second, it denounced the bill before the
assembly to try Indian murderers in the eastern counties.
The other complaints demanded revision of the Indian policy
of Pennsylvania: request was made that scalp payments be
renewed, that Indian trade be stopped, and that private persons and societies be prohibited from treating with the Indians. The final demand sought an increase in the garrison
of Fort Augusta.
After having promised to consider a petition, the government refused to take any action whatever. Though the assembly had even less intention of acceding to the frontier demands
than had the governor,- that body was at least ready to go
through the motions. A committee of the legislature proposed
that a public hearing attended by governor, council, and assembly be held. At this meeting it was proposed that previously framed questions be used to discredit the frontier
cause."14 The governor declined to permit even this, main112 James Pemberton to John Fothergill,
Mar. 7, 1764, Pemberton
Papers, XXXIV, 126-127.
113 Both are reproduced in Pa. Archives, 1st ser., IV, 138-145.
114 Votes of Assembly, V, 318-319.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
483
taining that the character of government would be debased
by arguing with the petitioners.1"5 Smith and Gibson were
therefore informed that the governor and the assembly would
separately consider the various parts of the Remonstrance when
more pressing business would permit it; and they were told
that there was no longer any necessity for them to remain in
Philadelphia.116
This action reflected the horror with which the frontier
demands were regarded by the eastern aristocrats. It was
remarked that meeting the complaints of the frontiersmen
would "Enable them to return a majority of their Presbyterian
One Philadelphian declared
friends for Representatives.""7
himself more ready to bring up his children in the "implicit
belief of the Alcoran, than make them Pennsylvania Presbyterians."1"8 The Quakers tried to comfort themselves by observing that the agitation for representation was merely being used
to cover up the riots.1"9 The fact was that the insecurity of
eastern control of government had been starkly revealed. The
men in power were frightened.
Petitioning continued on the part of all five frontier counties. Occasionally, a petition expressing satisfaction with governmental policies was presented, but that was likely to provoke a larger and more violent counter petition.'20 When the
court at Reading submitted a petition declaring that Smith
and Gibson had acted without authority, at least one strongly
worded reply appeared.'2' John Harris wrote suggesting
that application might be made to king and parliament for
redress.122 In fact, the Presbyterian clergy seriously conVote~s of Assembtly, V, 319;
Ibid., 320.
Mar. 7, 1764, Pemberton
117 James Pemberton to John Fothergill,
Papers, XXXIV, 126.
118 "Powel-Roberts
Correspondence, 1761-1765," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XVIII (1894), 41.
119 James Pemberton to John Fothergill, Mar. 7, 1764, Pemberton
Papers, XXXIV, 126.
120 Two such petitions from Cumberland County appeared in Pa. Journal,
April 12 and 19, 1764.
121 Both published in Lanc. Intel. and Jour., May 23, 1843.
L22 John Harris to James Burd, Mar. 1, 1764, Shippen Papers, VI, 95.
115
116
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
484
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
sidered sending an agent to London to seek greater representation.'23
More drastic action was promised, too. Philadelphia was
"daily threatened with the return of a more formidible
force."124 It again became dangerous for Philadelphians to
travel through the western counties unless the rioters fully
approved of the travelers.125 Agitation continued as spring
advanced. A pack train on its way to Fort Pitt aroused understandable frontier fury when a fallen barrel revealed a consignment of scalping knives.126 The destruction of the goods
drew the wrath of Sir William Johnson as well as that of the
eastern merchants. Violence was promised even at the polls.
Realizing that the assembly was not likely to increase western
representation, attempts were made to win what seats were
available. Quaker assemblymen sat for both Lancaster and
York counties. Instructions to a local leader read: "if there's
the least partiality in either sheriff, inspectors, or managers of
the election, that you will thrash the sheriff, every inspector,
Quaker and Mennonist to jelly."'127 It was hoped that by allowing hints of such action to escape, some of the Quakers and
Mennonites would be kept home on election day.
But increasingly, the vehicle for discontent became the
partisan pamphlet. The flood of printed invective had begun
shortly after the Lancaster massacre and ensuing events only
increased the flow. Published anonymously, most of the
pamphlets were briefs for either the frontier position or that
of the Quaker party. The able pens of Benjamin Franklin,,
Hugh Williamson, Isaac Hunt, and David James Dove made
contributions, but the net result was more heat than light.
More pro-Quaker tracts were produced, but in ability the two
factions were well matched. Though often unacknowledged,
the conflict for control of government ran through most of
123 James Pemberton to John Fothergill,
Mar. 7, 1764, Pemberton
Papers, XXXIV, 126.
124 Hazard, Pa. Reg., XII, 13.
125 "Powel-Roberts Correspondence," Pa. Mag., XVIII, 41.
L26 Max Savelle, George Morgan, Colony Builder (New York, 1932),
123.
127 Quoted in Thomas Balch, Letters and Papers Relating Chiefly to the
Provincial History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1855), 211.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE MARCH OF THE PAXTON
BOYS
485
them.. Thomas Barton realized the basic issue when he invieghed against the malice and resentment of those "who, see
their darling Power in Danger."'128 Where feeling was so strong,
it was easy to slip from the plane of reason to unreserved
abuse. Some of the pamphlets offered little but scurrility.
Clever men were able to make use of the aroused passions for
their own purposes. Almost immediately, the proprietary party
had taken up the frontier cause though through the massacres and
the march, the governor and council had lagged less than a half
pace behind the reactionary assembly. Nevertheless, the proprietary party had a history that showed more concern for the frontier
than anything the Quaker partisans could produce, and in the
pamphlet war, they made a strong bid for continued frontier support using frontier grievances as a weapon against the Quaker
party. According to Franklin, his Narrative of the Late Massacres
was written to strengthen a weak government, but it was immediately turned against him by the proprietary party to defeat him
for re-election to the assembly.129 Before long, the controversy
over the massacres was made to serve as a jumping-off point in
the attempt of the Quaker party to get a royal government for the
colony. When this attempt was killed by the Stamp Act, the
Paxton affair receded from general interest.
Despite all its killing, threatening, petitioning, and marching,
the frontier found itself with little concrete gain when the fury
abated. The fundamental grievance of the back country was inadequate representation. That was not in the least improved. But
the eastern aristocrats had been given a severe jolt which forced
some slight recognition of western demands. For example, it was
only with the impact of news of the Conestoga massacre that the
troop requirements of General Gage were met. Furthermore, the
scalp payment offered by the governor in the following summer
was extended in the hope of frontier support in his struggle against
a change of government.'30 The men in power had been forced
to take notice of the penniless squatter on the frontier and of
128 Thomas Barton, The Conduct of the Paxton Men ....
(Philadelphia,
1764), 9.
129 Franklin to Lord Kames, Works of Franklin, IV, 149.
130 Lincoln, Revolutionary, Movement, 113.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
486
WILLIAM
AND
MARY QUARTERLY
the discontented in the East who were ready to second his demands. It became clear that a government operated in the interests
of a sectional minority could not be maintained indefinitely in a
land of growing democracy. That government endured a minor
shock in the Paxton affair. The next severe shock of revolution
was able to use lines already drawn and cracks already made. The
march of the Paxton Boys paved the way for internal revolution.
This content downloaded on Sat, 12 Jan 2013 00:54:21 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions