1
“Every young Chinese kid who wants to be
cool is into hip-hop now” (York 2006, 1).
Introduction
A Chinese high school student rides his bike up to a busy Shanghai club on a
Saturday night. He rushes in, and takes the stage with his posse. For tonight he is Master
X, an up and coming hip hop artist. He battles with another Shanghai rapper while his
posse cheers him on from behind the stage. Master X and his posse wear matching bright
orange and black jumpsuits and heavy gold chains. Master X rhymes in Chinese that his
Escalade is more pimped out, his women are hotter and he is cooler than any other
Shanghai rapper. He wins, and while he sits in the complimentary VIP room after the
show, I hear him yell to his friends, “Go find some women, we won tonight, maybe they
will give us a ride home.” These kinds of interactions, posses, jumpsuits, ‘bling’ jewelry,
clubs and battles make-up the Chinese hip hop culture.
Chinese hip hop has grown out of the new age of consumerism and capitalism in
Mainland China. I also connect China’s Generation Y or China’s Little Emperors, youth
born between 1981 and 19951, to the hip hop culture and ideals. These Chinese urban
youth have adapted hip hop and use it as a means of expression and entertainment. By
exploring how Chinese hip hoppers localize the art form and identifying the
characteristics of Chinese hip hop culture, we can understand how Chinese urban youth
are expressing their tastes and styles through music and through the representation of hip
hop artifacts. In this way, by placing hip hop culture into Chinese prosopographical or
generational studies, we can see how China’s Generation Y is choosing to express
1
Stanat 2006, xi, explanation to follow.
2
themselves and pass their free time. Hip hop culture also exemplifies how some the
collaborative nature of some Chinese youth urban communities and how they are
identifying themselves through association to others in small groups or hip hop posses.
Rap as a musical art form, “consists of outputting lyrics by stressing them in a
poetic form, and a coded language, according to a variable flow” (Niang 2006, 171-172).
Rap and hip hop are not only a method of expression and form of singing, but they are
also a culture. As a set of cultural practices, hip hop is said to have four pillars: rapping,
breakdancing, graffiti and DJing. This can include fashion or mode of dress, as clothing
and jewelry are not only common themes in rap music, but also a major feature of the hip
hop lifestyle. I base my research and examination of Chinese hip hop on the explanation
of the Chinese youth’s adoption of the four pillars of hip hop as a culture, not merely as a
form of music. “Hip Hop culture is perceived not only as a type of music and lifestyle,
but also as an attitude among adolescents” (Xiao 2004, v).
Hip hop, as a form of expression, has transcended cultural boundaries and has
been localized by different types of social groups in different countries and regions. Hip
hop is a constantly changing and adaptive art form that is readily translatable. Nelson
George explains that “each country has, in turn, embraced the culture
differently…because hip hop has so many elements—music, clothing, dance, attitude—
its essential mutability makes it adaptable worldwide” (George 1998, 203). One example
of hip hop localization can be seen in France, where hip hop is heavily influenced by
Arab and African culture and constantly refers to the uncomfortable ethnic tensions in the
region (George 1998, 2002). Another example of rap’s adaptability is in Japan, where
Japanese hip hoppers are dying their skin black (Wood 2004, 464). The Japanese also
3
tend to be more interested in hip hop fashion than music and have created a genre of pop
rap about love (Conyetz 2006, 490). China’s young urban population has also grasped
hip hop culture and rap music and has developed their own unique form of hip hop.
Literature Review
Although hip hop, still a new musical form itself, has only recently been
considered worthy of academic study, the existing literature on rap and hip hop is
surprisingly extensive. There are numerous books and articles, such as Watkins’ Hip
Hop Matters (2005), that examine hip hop’s emergence out of the civil rights movement
and discuss how rap addresses issues such as race, gender, politics, urbanization, history,
violence and generational cleavages2. A number of these books include sections or
chapters on global hip hop in the general sense, which illustrates the malleability of the
hip hop art form. There also exists complementary research on the different aspects of
rap and hip hop, from fashion to graffiti to authenticity3.
While studies on American rap are capacious, research on the globalized forms of
rap are not as comprehensive. One trend in scholarship is to survey hip hop in specific
locals. In the most prominent book on hip hop outside the United States, Global Noise
(Mitchell 2001), a compilation of articles by different authors, examines hip hop culture
and rap in Korea (Morelli 2001), Japan (Condry 2001), Germany (Pennay 2001),
Watkins (2005) as well as other authors that conduct a comprehensive survey of Rap’s history and current
politics that I have used in this paper are George (2005), (Light 1999), Ogg and Upshal (2001) and
Bogdanov et al. (2003).
3
The following articles offer a useful analysis of the different aspects of hip hop in America and, in some
cases, China, specifically Potter (2006), Chang (1999). Articles in Forman and Neal’s That’s the Joint
(2004) give a detailed description of breakdancing graffiti, commercialization, as well as an overview of
hip hop culture. Other articles in Black Cultural Traffic are Fleetwood (2006), Osumare (2006) on the
pillars of hip hop culture.
2
4
Bulgaria (Levy 2001) and Italy (Mitchell 2001) . George (2003, 202-207) also mentions
4
rap culture in France, Amsterdam, England, Denmark, Sweden, Latin America, Japan and
Canada5. Although these books examine how hip hop has spread to different locals
abroad, providing informative generalizations about how hip hop is adopted in different
countries, none of them contain research on Chinese hip hop.
In terms of hip hop in China, Xiao Ying has conducted extensive research on the
topic in her Master’s thesis, “To Be Different: Exploring the Music, Culture and Identity
of Hip Hop in Contemporary China,” (UT Austin, 2004). Although hip hop has evolved
in the last three years since Xiao’s research, her findings are pertinent to my project.
Xiao stresses that Chinese youth have utilized the global form of hip hop and transformed
it into a local form of hip hop. She argues that hip hop provides a very youth-oriented
viewpoint of daily life. Xiao describes how hip hop arrived to China via break dancing
and the rise of consumerism in China. While using Xiao’s research as necessary
background, I will focus on different aspects than Xiao. Xiao only briefly mentions that
hip hop can be seen as a symptom of a new type of individuality in China. I will expand
more on the idea that hip hop is a means of expression of identity and that this occurs in
China with the formation of hip hop posses. Xiao uses lyrical examination and only adds
a shorter explanation of fashion and the other cultural forms of hip hop. I will argue that
although lyrical analysis is an important starting point to understanding hip hop in China,
the culture in terms of posses, fashion and dancing is more crucial for the whole analysis.
4
Also see the articles on hip hop and Basque culture, Islam, Australia Maori and Pacific Islanders and
Canada.
5
Androutsopoulos and Scholz examine the rap industry in Europe as a whole (2003). Perullo and Fenn
describe hip hop in East Africa (2003). Abdoulave’s article (2006) is a comprehensive look at rap in
Dakar, Senegal.
5
The hip hop culture created by Chinese youth is more demonstrative than lyrical analysis
alone because censors considerably limit artists’ freedom of expression.
Jeroen de Kloet, whom I reference often, has produced multiple articles about
contemporary music in China. His articles “Popular Music and Youth in Urban China:
The Dakou Generation,” “Sonic Imaginations,” and “Cultural Synchronization: Hip Hop
with Chinese Characteristics?” give insight into Chinese hip hop culture. The majority of
de Kloet’s major research has focused on rock music, but he gives a context to the pop
music scene in China from the 1980s through 2005. He places hip hop into a larger
popular culture context as one of many art forms exported from the West that youth have
used as a vehicle for self-expression. De Kloet highlights the need for further research
and a more in-depth analysis into how Chinese hip hop youth are evolving with hip hop
culture in China overtime.
Goals and Objectives
In this thesis, I will show how hip hop, as a form of expression, has been
‘glocalized’ in Mainland China by Chinese youth. Roland Robertson, who coined the
word “glocal,” describes this phenomenon as a “blend of local and global to describe the
adaptation of global techniques to fit local conditions, and its subsequent use as a word to
refer to the indigenization of global phenomenon” (Robertson, as cited by Lechner and
Boli, 2005). Androutsopoulous and Scholz describe how rap can be appropriated.
Appropriation occurs in “rap music when rap fans not only listen to imported records, but
also start performing the genre themselves. In more general terms, appropriation can be
conceived as local instantiation of a globally cultural form” (Androutsopoulous and
Scholz 2003, 463).
6
My goal is to explain how hip hop has been glocalized in China and identify its
subsequent characteristics. I will examine the methods in which Chinese youth are using
hip hop culture to express and define their tastes and desires in the context of urban
China. In this way, Chinese hip hop is a glocalized product because it maintains the
characteristics of rap as an art form, but takes on specific Chinese qualities and styles to
form a hybrid.
The opening of the Chinese market in the 1980s and 1990s and the rise of consumer
capitalism have paved the way for the appropriation of hip hop. The growth of the
average Chinese consumer’s purchasing power and the social acceptance of private
wealth in China have made the popularization of hip hop in China possible. Hip hoppers
come predominately from China’s Generation Y, a term designating Chinese youth born
between 1981 and 1995 who grew up without siblings due to China’s One Child Policy
and experienced the explosion of capitalism in China’s urban centers. “China’s Gen Y is
acclaimed to be one of the most accepting of consumerism ever since the Chinese
government switched its economic priorities from a producer economy to a consumer
economy” (Stanat 2006, xvii). In this way, Generation Yers or Little Emperors have
embraced spending, foreign products and materialism and have a higher purchasing
power than previous generations. I assert that the hip hop culture appeals to Generation
Yers because it also embraces luxury goods and material wealth. Therefore, by
examining the adoption of the hip hop lifestyle by Chinese urban youth, I am able to
make inferences about the tastes and preferences of this generation of Chinese youth and
the ways in which they are expressing themselves.
Looking at the history of hip hop, popular culture, and other musical genres such as
7
the rock and pop is also crucial for understanding the context in which hip hop is being
glocalized in China. I briefly explain the history of radio, the record industry and popular
music in China to situate hip hop in the greater Chinese pop culture context and to show
how previous musical genres have affected hip hop’s development. Mitchell describes
that all global forms of hip hop
“tend to seek out local roots, and all generate tensions and debates in
relation to notions of authenticity, commercialism, politics, ethnicity, and
language. All involve an initial negotiation with the US rap, followed by a return
to the local” (Mitchell 2001, 32).
Mitchell also emphasizes that global hip hop is not usually an expression of African
American culture, but rather, it has become a tool for youth to examine and ‘rework’ their
local identity (Mitchell 2001, 2). Therefore, rap can take on many local forms. In some
countries it is the tool that youth use to express counterrevolutionary angst, feelings of
oppression, or thoughts about major social issues. In other global contexts, rap’s themes
are more tame and only differ from other local musical genres because of the technical
rap musical form. This is the case in China.
Chinese hip hop does not encourage large-scale social action, or convey deep
feelings of injustice. Rather hip hop artists carry a more individualistic, self-satisfying
attitude that does not claim to have broader intentions, which is representative of the
characteristics of China’s Generation Y. Chinese rappers convey a non-threatening social
consciousness that has been expressed by them while articulating their feelings on
everyday occurrences. Hip hoppers may express their social consciousness by rapping
about their ideas or irritation with certain social issues. They do not enact a plan to
change these issues nor do they deem them to be much larger than their own lives or
8
immediate surroundings. The social issues they address are not subversive or threatening
to the government or any particular group. Lyrics are only menacing when groups of
‘posses’ brag or boast to each other in songs. The lyrical themes and language, although
important, do not complete the explanation and examination of Chinese hip hop both
because lyrics have been limited by censorship and also they are not the only form of
expression that hip hop offers. Chinese youth also use the other pillars of hip hop culture,
mainly fashion, posses and breakdancing, to express their individuality. Therefore, I will
examine the patterns and traits of hip hop culture beyond lyrics in order to illustrate how
hip hop is used as a vehicle of expression by Chinese urban youth.
In order to explore non-verbal methods of expression in Chinese hip hop, I utilized
two other theories. To examine how the formation of posses, gangs and dance groups
express individuality, I employ Jing Wang’s Neo-Tribalism theory. She argues that
individualism in China has moved from expression of the individual to expression
through small groups or “neo-tribes.” Chinese hip hoppers, by associating with others
and creating dynamics within their groups, are able to portray their tastes, interests and
style to other members of the hip hop community. The posse’s dynamics, roles within
the group, group naming schemes and how members greet each other define a common
code of understanding among all hip hoppers. In this way, the tribalization of the hip hop
community is apparent in how hip hoppers recognize each other and distinguish each
other’s personalities.
The use of fashion and hip hop gear is another important method Chinese hip
hoppers use as representations of their identity. Stuart Hall describes that within the
circuit of culture, representation through symbols and practices helps with identity
9
formation (Hall 1997, 2). I will explore how certain types of hip hop gear and fashion
that the posses or neo-tribes use to display their individuality and style to other hip
hoppers. Hip hoppers not only accept the cultural definitions assigned by other global
hip hop communities, but also assign new hip hop definitions to everyday objects to
make them exclusive to the Chinese hip hop community. For example, if a hip hopper is
wearing a tennis arm band, it does not imply that he/she plays tennis; rather it means the
hip hopper is a breakdancer. This is because Chinese breakdancers often wear
sweatbands so their hands do not slip when they are dancing, and now tennis arm bands
have come to be a mark for breakdancers.
Chinese youth use hip hop to express themselves by their associations with other
hip hoppers and their posse, lyrics, and hip hop artifacts. By drawing on the two theories
above, I will explore the growth and creation of the hip hop community in urban China
and determine how it reflects the changing attitudes of Generation Y’s urban youth.
Methods
My method of research is multi-dimensional. I mostly utilize sociological methods,
such as content analysis and participant observation. Participant observation, as
described by Lofland, is “also known as ‘field observation,’ ‘qualitative observation,’ or
‘direct observation,” and it “refers to the process in which an investigator establishes and
sustains a many-sided and relatively long-term relationship with a human association in
its natural setting for the purpose of developing scientific understanding of that
association” (Lofland 1995, 18). For this study, I developed a sustained relationship with
members of the hip hop community in Shanghai from January 2006 to June 2006, in
order to understand their relationship and association to hip hop and their own identities.
10
I also used Content analysis which is “like qualitative data analysis…and involves coding
and categorizing text and identifying relationships among constructs identified in the
text” in order to make inferences from it (Schutt 2004, 440). I use the method of content
analysis in order to make inferences from Chinese hip hop lyrics. Content analysis
enables me to look at lyrical themes and identify patterns. It also allows me to compare
the themes of Chinese hip hop music to other types of American rap music.
During my time in Shanghai, I was able to visit all of the hip hop clubs (about six at
the time) and clubs that had specific hip hop nights (four), in which they only played hip
hop music. I also had ten predominant contacts in the hip hop community with whom I
interacted with and observed frequently. I spent the most time observing four members
of a breakdancing posse, which consisted of two men and two women, as well as a three
member fashion crew of one male and two females. These contacts were the most
informative as I was able to observe their eating habits, tastes, hobbies, interactions and
listen to and participate in their conversations. I also spoke frequently with a hip hop
store manager about purchasing habits, fashion trends and hip hop gear. My ninth
informant was a popular DJ in the Shanghai area who mixed both foreign and American
rap music at the popular hip hop clubs on a weekly basis. My last informant was a
Shanghai born rap artist who did not belong to a hip hop posse, but allowed me to
accompany him to his recording and writing sessions with friends. This is where I was
able to observe the Chinese hip hop production process in detail.
The methods and the empirical materials I gathered enable me to address my key
research questions. I use participant observation to examine how the neo-tribalism theory
helps to explain the hip hop culture. I also collect hip hop ‘symbols’ and observe actions
11
that I use to understand how the circuit of culture elucidates the hip hop phenomenon. I
use qualitative observations to discover how Chinese hip hoppers think and act. Only
after making these observations do I formulate general principles that account for the
rappers’ behavior. By “observing people and interacting with them in the course of their
normal activities, participant observers seek to avoid the artificiality of experimental
designs and the unnatural structured questioning of survey research” (Schutt 2004, 282).
In order to ensure that I observed hip hoppers in their most normative state, I took the
part of a covert participant6 with my contacts, rather than a complete observer to avoid
any reactive effects of them knowing that I was researching them.
My field research consisted of attending rap concerts, shows, battles and clubs. I
visited many music and hip hop gear stores and went to hip hop ‘laboratories’ and studios
where artists mixed their tapes and songs7. At these places I observed what people
bought, the rapper’s interactions with each other, how they created their music, and
talked to them about their motivations. During this field research I collected primary
sources such as mixtapes, lyrics, and party fliers. I also interacted with the hip hoppers
on a daily basis to see how they actually made their music and participated in the hip hop
social scene.
I was able to use a mix of theoretical sampling and a form of the experience
sampling method8. Theoretical sampling is a “systematic approach to sampling in
A covert participant is one “who acts just like other group members and does not disclose his or her
research role” rather than being a complete observer who does not take part in any group activities (Schutt
2004, 282).
7
As of June 2006, there were three hip hop stores located in Shanghai: Fly Streetwear (278 Chang Le Road
and 704 Guang Yuan Road), Amaze (#89 Chang Le Road) and Eblis Hungi (232 Chang Le Road and 139
Chang Le Road). The hip hop laboratory was located under one of the largest hip hop night clubs in
Shanghai called Guandi located at #2 Gaolan Road in Fu Xing park.
8
I did not give the participants electronic pagers because they did not know about my study.
6
12
participant observation studies” (Schutt 2004, 290) by making lists of similarities and
characteristics. Experience sampling method is a field study that does not require
intensive, ongoing involvement with the setting, but rather “the experiences, thoughts and
feelings of a number of people are sampled randomly as they go about their daily
activities” (Schutt 2004, 292).
I made comprehensive lists of similarities and characteristics between clubs in
Shanghai, records, and posse characteristics. I utilized the experience sampling method
by documenting how and what the hip hoppers, and eventually my friends, were doing
randomly throughout the day and recorded their thoughts on these actions9. As a new
member of the hip hop posses, I informally questioned10 my informants on their reasons
for picking certain fashions, motivations behind the rivalries with other groups and the
origins of slang terms and actions they frequently used11.
Structure
This paper is divided into five chapters. After the introduction, chapter one looks at
the history of hip hop in China. I situate Chinese hip hop in the modern pop music
culture context in China. While looking at the history of hip hop, I show how the growth
of consumerism in the 1980s and 1990s and China’s One Child Policy have caused
China’s Generation Y to embrace the desire for personal wealth and luxury that hip hop
also encourages.
9
The types of questions that I presented to my observees were similar to experience questions that one
would ask in intensive interviews. These questions ask “the informants for any experiences they have had
in some particular setting” (Spradley 1979, 88).
10
Due to a year-long shut down of the Emory College IRB board, I was unable to conduct formal
interviews with my contacts and informants. Although my conversations qualify as informal interviews, I
was not allowed to include direct quotes in this paper and have therefore made inferences and paraphrased
their ideas.
11
Real names and identities of the people I was observing have been kept out of the study.
13
In chapter two I explain how hip hop is produced in China, starting with freestyling on the streets and local hip hop hangouts and ending with Chinese music videos.
I examine how hip hop is portrayed in Chinese radio and television. I also discuss the
importance of the Internet and how it has affected the popularization and distribution of
hip hop. This includes the censorship filters that music must go through in China in order
to be aired on MTV and Chinese radio. Censorship has affected rap artists’ freedom.
The relationship between the censors and rap artists is constantly evolving as artists
explore new topics and the government agencies change their ideas about what is
appropriate and what is not.
Chapter three describes the performance pillars of hip hop culture—live rapping,
graffiti and breakdancing as well as the roles within the culture such as DJ’s, MCees and
posse leaders. I apply Wang’s neo-tribalism theory to the Chinese posse dynamics to
explain that self-expression in modern urban contexts in China is not best understood
through youth’s individual actions, but rather their associations to a group. The three
pillars of hip hop that involve formal or informal performance—rapping, breakdancing
and graffiti—provide roles and more specialized vehicles of self-expression within the
hip hop culture to the posses members. By employing primary sources such as
advertisements and CD case pictures, I show how these performances are advertised.
In chapter four, I examine how Hall’s cultural representation theory is applied to
the choice of hip hop artifacts by hip hoppers. Jewelry, athletic gear, sneakers and
jumpsuits all have different meanings that the wearer wants to portray to others.
Accessories, luxury and fashion are important parts of the Little Emperor culture in China
and consequently for China’s Generation Yers.
14
Chapter five explores the factors that affect Chinese hip hop lyrical themes. In this
chapter I utilize content analysis to demonstrate how lyrics are used by Chinese youth to
express themselves through hip hop. Censorship as well as social preference are reasons
that explain why Chinese hip hop lyrics are not as provocative as some Chinese rock
lyrics or American rap lyrics. Chinese rap music can be conciliatory towards the
government. The relationship between rappers and censors is constantly changing and
greatly affects the type of rap music that is produced and played on the radio. In this
way, lyrics are only one part of the larger hip hop culture in China.
In the conclusion, I review how Chinese Generation Yers use hip hop to express
themselves in five ways, which are also the pillars of hip hop culture—breakdancing,
graffiti, fashion, lyrics, and posse formation. These five elements that make up the hip
hop culture to show that urban youth are moving away from individual articulation of
ideas to group expression. I also summarize how hip hop as a global phenomenon has
been given local characteristics by Chinese hip hoppers to form a Chinese hip hop hybrid.
This hybrid form of hip hop is then a product of Generation Y and the result of China’s
One Child Policy, making it a vehicle in which we can observe the tastes and identity of
Chinese urban youth today.
The most significant conclusion to be drawn from researching the Chinese hip hop
culture is the transition from individual to group identity among Chinese urban youth.
An interesting dichotomy has developed for Chinese urban youth and the way in which
they identify themselves. Many urban youth, on the one hand, have an individual identity
as ‘little emperors’ at home under China’s one child policy (Fong 2004). Yet, in social
settings, they set-up group identities and associations, which can be seen through the
15
examination of hip hop culture. The importance of group identity has significant
ramifications for scholars, sociologists and advertisers wishing to understand the
workings of modern youth culture in China. This project serves as a starting point for
further research on China’s contemporary urban social relations and their significance.
16
Chapter 1 Chinese Hip Hop in the Context of Contemporary Popular Culture
It is important to understand the background of China’s Generation Y and which
factors have influenced their development. I address how Generation Yers, also known
as Little Emperors, are affected by their upbringing as only children and growing up
during a period of unparalleled economic expansion and reform. This background, along
with a brief look at China’s pop music history, points to reasons why China’s urban youth
today have adopted hip hop. I argue that the hybrid form of hip hop that is produced by
the Chinese hip hop community is a product of Generation Y and a result of China’s One
Child Policy. Furthermore, as a product of the rise of consumerism and the peculiar
family structure resulting from the One Child policy, China’s Generation Y are
particularly attracted to hip hop’s celebration of capitalism and materialism.
Economic Background and China’s Musical Setting
In terms of music and entertainment, before the reform period, the availability of
foreign forms of entertainment was extremely limited. After a period dominated by
foreign owned record companies in the early 1900s, the Great China Record Company
became the first company to be exclusively Chinese owned in 1927. After the founding
of the People’s Republic in 1949, the various private record companies were combined to
form the China Records Company (Hamm 1997, 10). From 1949 to 1979, radio and the
recording industry were limited to playing propaganda songs and spreading communist
ideology. The Central People’s Broadcasting Station (CPBS) is the nation’s official radio
17
station. It began officially broadcasting on December 5, 1949.
From 1949 to 1979, Chinese citizens were taught that the community was
superior to the individual and personal desires should be discarded and replaced by
desires for the collective betterment of China. Model citizens sacrificed their personal
needs and desires and only did what was best for others and the nation as a whole.
During this period, foreign popular music was not easily purchasable in the PRC, and
few Chinese musicians used foreign music styles (Hamm 1997, 9). It was not until the
late 1970s and early 1980s there was the government began to liberalize its policies and
allow foreign music to enter China (Cao 1998, 26-27).
During the political reforms in the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping opened Special
Economic Zones in the port cities of China and began to allow the influx and trade of
foreign goods and practices. “After Deng and Jiang decisively broke with the Maoist
vision of de-commodified modernity, urban living standards radically improved, and
consumers became key players in the official discourse of economic development”
(Davis 2005, 699). Chinese citizens were encouraged to buy, sell and create, and citizens
became richer. For the first time in 30 years, people were not ashamed to have money.
“Chinese citizens who for decades subordinated individual preference and desires to
conform with the party-state’s priorities are particularly likely to understand expanded
consumer choices’“ (Davis 2005, 708). With money to spend and the freedom to buy,
Chinese consumers were able to purchase what they desired. Foreign retailers also began
to enter China. Consumers became avid purchasers and followers of foreign
commodities.
New brands and products began to arrive in China and differentiate poor from
18
rich and stylish from plain. Purchasing power began to further delineate class levels
(Wang 2005, 532). Their new wealth and the availability of all kinds of products allowed
Chinese consumers and the new middle class not only to think on a more personal level
about their desires and needs, but also have the opportunity to act on those needs through
luxury purchases.
Consumerism and the increase in the availability of commodities in China fueled
the personalization of popular music culture. Popularization of private consumption and
the media fueled new interests and methods of expression for Chinese youth (Canclini
2001, 119). The media and entertainment became a new type of commodity for China.
Even though the Communist government still controlled freedom of speech and
expression, Chinese artists and intellectuals were able to use music and popular culture to
express a wide range of emotions. Beginning in the 1980s, Chinese consumers not only
had money to buy entertainment, but they were also able to relate to the entertainment
and use it to express their own desires. One expression of “commodified popular
culture” in China was the production of cassettes, concerts, and products for fans.
As economic growth continued in China, foreigners crossing the borders brought
with them cassettes, records and new types of music. Contemporary pop music was
smuggled into Mainland China and distributed. “Popular songs from foreign countries
poured into the mainland, arousing enthusiasm among the listeners” (Han 1988, 5). The
first kind of foreign popular music to arrive was from Hong Kong and Taiwan. This
music was called gangtai music, a term combining the names for Xianggang (Hong
Kong) and Taiwan (Baranovich 2002, 10). Gangtai songs varied starkly from the
communist era songs. Puppy love and individual personal feelings of life were the major
19
themes. This was a new type of popular music, in China called liuxing, or popular music.
During the 1980s many Chinese urban youth began to be influenced by other
forms of music. For the first time in decades, they were able to use music as a means of
expressing personal desire, love, fear, hate and want. This trend of expressing individual
emotions, accompanied by the growing availability of commodities and growth of
consumer culture, made a diversification of the popular music scene possible. The easy
and cheap production of cassette tapes allowed Chinese citizens all over Mainland China
to appreciate the music and begin to use music to express their own desires. As liuxing
music culture grew and individuals were able to take home the music and listen to it on
cassettes, the government’s control on the popular culture lessened. Nightclubs, bars, and
dancehalls reappeared in major cities. The state officially recognized China’s liuxing
music in 1987 (Jaivin 1988, 84).
In 1986 xibeifeng songs (northwest wind songs) were one of the other types of
music used to express individual emotions. “The fast tempo and strong beat of
Northwest Wind songs, which were enhanced by an aggressive bass…had large leaps in
their melodic line, and they were sung loudly and forcefully, almost like yelling”
(Baranovitch 2003, 19). These songs called for a more thorough and continued
modernization of China, affected personal feelings during China’s opening, and included
political and social commentary. Xibeifang music leads into the pizi or liumang music
culture. Liumang is “an untranslatable term loosely meaning loafer, hoodlum, hobo,
bum, punk,” but in China it has a wider meaning and signifies, a “rapist, whore, blackmarketer, unemployed youth, alienated intellectual, frustrated artist or poet” (Barmé
2003, 64). Foreign students brought rock music, or yaogun music, to China in the 1980s.
20
This type of music was largely subversive and politically aware, because it “combined
individualism, nonconformism, personal freedom, authenticity, direct and bold
expression and protest and rebellion into the essence of Western rock culture”
(Baranovich 2002, 32). Rock music in China was the height of self-identity turned antigovernment.
New wave rock music by bands such as Ling dian, heavy metal, and punk rock
bands all arrived in China from foreign shores. Like many Chinese rock bands in the
1980s and 1990s, groups released their CD’s in Taiwan or Hong Kong first. No record
label in Mainland China was able to release controversial lyrics and it took on average
one year for the CD’s to be officially released in Mainland China. The pizi culture of
rockers in the 1980s and 1990s considered themselves a subculture against the
mainstream populace. The Ministry of Television and Radio took strict measures against
rock music and banned it from state-run television for a good portion of the 1980s and
1990s. The ministry did this by prohibiting artists like Cui Jian from performing in front
of a live audience and by limiting rock music’s radio play time. Nonetheless, Chinese
yaogun music hit the popular scene with force. Cui Jian was hailed by youth as the
movement leader. Even with rock music’s rise to the mainstream, rockers still
considered themselves as a subversive subculture.
Little Emperor Culture and the Rise of Hip Hop
China’s Generation Y are youth who were born from 1981 to 1995 (Stanat 2006,
xvii) and have grown up after the Maoist era amidst growing reforms, liberalization and
relative economic prosperity. The Little Emperor effect has an especially important
influence on this generation. Little Emperors are children who have grown up as only
21
children under China’s One Child Policy. Under this policy, children are commonly
called ‘little emperors’ because all doting grandparent and parent’s energy is focused on
the one child (Fong 2004, 28-30). In this way, the only child has extra money to spend
and receives more attention. Chinese families under this policy adopt the structure 4-2-1,
which is four grandparents, two parents and one child leaving all accumulated wealth to
one heir.
As music reflects its social, economic and political context, during this time of
consumerism many of the songs reflected the new freedom to express emotions.
Generation Y youth, or Little Emperors who reached the teen years in the 1990s, no
longer expressed feelings about political repression as the previous teenage rocker
generation, but instead turned their energies toward the economy and their new found
wealth. “Gen Y’s music is less angry and politically vocal because of the stability of the
nineties…praising youth’s right to economic prosperity and a modern life” (Stanat 2006,
53-54). The feelings of political repression were waning and the freedoms of economic
prosperity embraced. To China’s Generation Y music is the way to express these
feelings.
“In the 1990s a generation which hardly knew the Cultural Revolution,
but only the China of market reforms and the China of Tiananmen, is not so
much concerned with the past but the future. They are represented and
entertained not the poet as such, but by the pop singer” (Lee 1995, 96).
Generation Yers consider music a major facet of their life. In a series of interviews that
Stanat conducted with youth in Shanghai, he asked participants about the five most
important parts of their lives. One teen answered, and many others in the group agreed,
to value “friends, family, study, music and money” (Stanat 2006, 129). When asked
22
about their dreams and aspirations many Generation Yers answered “to be a DJ…to be a
superstar…the same, [to be] in music” (Stanat 2006, 128). Stanat’s study of Generation
Y teenagers shows that they use music not only a hobby or pastime, but also as a mode of
expression and major value in life. Generation Yers, or Little Emperors are known for
their appreciation of entertainment, spending money on luxury goods, entrepreneurial
spirit and obsession with technology. These are also the facets of the hip hop lifestyle.
First, hip hop music and culture itself is a form of entertainment and a way for
youth to spend free time. Second, hip hop music and culture values, and requires to some
extent, expensive fashion accessories and gear. Concert tickets, club entrance fees,
money to record or produce demos, purchasing jewelry, fashion items and hip hop gear
require extra spending money—which Little Emperors usually have and are willing to
spend, as they do not value saving as much as their parent’s generation (Stanat 2006, 34).
This does not mean that hip hop can only be appropriated by rich Chinese urban youth,
but simply that hip hop values are similar to those of China’s Generation Y. The
entrepreneurship of hip hop also attracts China’s Generation Y as many hip hoppers use
hip hop to start their careers by becoming rappers, DJs or starting production companies.
Lastly, China’s Generation Yers constantly use the Internet and are very comfortable
with technology. Hip hop beats and music are predominately made with electronic
mixing equipment, turntables and synthesizing technology, which Generation Yers
handle most comfortable. Many hip hop forums and chat clubs are also available on the
Internet. For these reasons, Generation Y was attracted to hip hop.
History of Hip Hop in China
23
It was not until 1996 that hip hop moved to the foreground of the pop culture
scene. The most popular form of rap that first arrived in China was American, Japanese
and South Korean rap. A club in Shanghai, called DKD, was the first to begin playing
foreign hip hop. Frequenters of these clubs called themselves b-boys, a term that
originated from 1970s breakdancers who would exhibit their best moves during the
“break segment,” or the percussion and drums part of rap songs (Light 1999, 15). Su, a
young hip hopper, describes the mid 1990s and beginning of rap music in China: “she
and other regulars [were] drawn together by their love for hip-hop’s soulful, rhythmic
sound and its hip, urban image…While most of my classmates were listening to Chinese
popular music, I was falling in love with music from the States” (Culture scene 2004).
US and other types of foreign rap were almost exclusively played in clubs in major cities
in China, especially Beijing and Shanghai.
The popularity of breakdancing in Asia and China also played a large part in the
popularity of rap. Breakdancing first came to China in the 1980s and was the first aspect
of hip hop culture to be introduced to Chinese youth. In the 1990s the breakdancing fad
grew even more and many teenagers would spend months training under “group leaders”
or “breakdancing gurus.” They would not only go to clubs and parties with them, but
also spend most of their days following them around. These posses would join informal
breakdancing competitions and rigorously train with them under the posse leader’s
tutelage. “Hip hop lets young people express their emotions in ways that traditional
Chinese dancing cannot,” said a professional breakdancing teacher named Yang (Xiao
2004, 33).
As more and more foreign rap began to be played in local clubs, Chinese popular
24
artists began to incorporate rap verses or a single rap song on their CD’s or in their live
concerts. Cui Jian first introduced rap to the Chinese mainland in a song called “Get over
the Day” which discusses the Hong Kong handover in 1997 (De Kloet 2000). Also many
Taiwanese and Hong Kong rap groups were developing in the 1990s--most notably MC
Hot Dog and LMF*. Local Chinese pop singers also used some rap in their songs. It is
disputed whether these pop singers incorporated hip hop because they related to hip hop
or just because using anything western was considered cool. At first, the young Chinese
rappers would use western popular beats and try to rap over the beats with their own
lyrics. During this glocalization process, Chinese urban youth were slowly developing
their own form of rap and skills to produce their own beats.
The music scene in the late 1990s was at a critical point. A Chinese youth
commented on gangtai rap from outside the Mainland, “this is not our music. We need
our own music, which arises from our own spirit…we are tired of being musically
colonized” (Brace 1991, 48). Chinese rappers needed to accumulate their own mixing
equipment, turntables and records to begin making their own beats and indigenous
rhymes. The Little Emperor generation had the means to start buying the expensive
equipment and they had the exposure to foreign rap because they could afford to go into
expensive urban nightclubs. A prominent DJ, Weng Weng, in an interview at the time
stated, “I’d love to see China develop its own style of hip hop. I believe it’s a kind of
culture that went from black people to white people and all the other people of the world”
*
Lazy Mother Fuckers
25
(Xiao 2004, 1) . In this way, rap was transferred to China and Chinese youth adapted it
12
to form their own version of hip hop culture with their own rap themes. As shown in the
lyrics section below, youth at this time were no longer interested in the same themes that
titillated the 1980s rockers.
Early Chinese rock lyrics did not praise personal wealth and are filled with
political and patriotic statements that combine criticisms of capitalist materialism with
condemnations of state repression (Huot after Li, 2000, 162-163). This was not that case
with hip hop in China. In the late 1990s materialism and consumption was popular and
encouraged amongst Generation Yers. As we will see throughout the following chapters,
Chinese hip hoppers embrace personal wealth.
Local Chinese bands and hip hoppers in Mainland urban cities began to produce
mixtapes and share hip hop equipment to produce songs in local garages and clubs.
“Despite Beijing’s paltry exposure to the 20-year development of US rap music and the
culture stemming from it, most of these kids stumble randomly across a CD by luck or
word-of-mouth and attracted as much by its blend of syncopated beats and rhymes as
they are by the image and attitude of celebrity rap artists” (Cultural scene 2004). Not
only was rap music a new form of expression but it was also an economic opportunity. In
this way, it attracted to Generation Yers already entrepreneurial spirit as discussed above.
In an interview, a popular Chinese-Canadian rap artist named Sbazzo says that when he
was in Canada. “I couldn’t live off hip-hop. Here it’s a brand-new opportunity. It’s
getting more exciting, with a lot of new people getting into the scene” (York 2006).
“To [Chinese youth], Chinese rap really needs to be considered as an innovative music form product
which is exceptionally interpreted in Chinese and constructed by Chinese youths rather than an imitator of
the American or Japanese or Korean style” (Xiao 2004, 71).
12
26
Chinese rock music’s dissent against state control caused the Ministry of Television and
Radio to be wary of Chinese hip hop. At first, the Ministry of Radio and Television
refused to play hip hop on national radio and kept an extremely close eye on the up and
coming genre.
“Many governments, weary of the effects of pervasive US popular culture on its
youth and ultimately its national lifestyle, have taken steps to reject or slow down
the intrusion of American music and dance media. They know all too well that
popular culture goes hand in hand with the fetishization of consumer good and
attendant superficiality. For example both India and China tried successfully,
until recently, to keep MTV out of their countries” (Osumare 2006, 276).
Knowing that hip hop was riding on the consumerism wave, parents, who had heard the
music on their children’s CDs, and officials, who kept close tabs on the radio and record
industry, worried that the expensive lifestyle and materialist, sexist and the sometimes
perverse lyrics of American rap would influence Chinese youth in a ‘negative way,’ but
Chinese artists and performers did not tackle the political issues of rock, nor the violent,
misogynistic themes of gang rap.
The Sinification of rap music by the Little Emperor generation formed a new kind
of rap with Chinese themes. Some argue that this new rap can no longer even be called
hip hop nor can it be called Chinese, “as Chinese hip hop dislodges key elements of hip
hop culture - ethnicity, rebellion and class - from the musical genre, thereby showing that
Hip Hop is anything but a univocal genre” (De Kloet 2005a 10). Hip hop is an art form
that is malleable to all local cultures and the Chinese urban youth gave it distinct Chinese
characteristics. I describe the lyrical aspect of this Sinification through the music
production process.
27
Chapter 2 Hip Hop Production and Censorship
In this chapter I discuss Chinese hip hop’s methods of production. I also describe
how the Internet has affected the growth of Chinese hip hop and rap music on Chinese
MTV and radio. Censorship in China is pervasive and it is important to understand the
Chinese hip hop filtering process in order to be played on the radio and television. While
corporate hip hop in America is filtered through record executives and then radio stations
before it reaches listeners, in China the music is filtered through record executives,
government agencies, back to the label, or record company, and then finally is assessed
by radio stations to see if it is “play worthy.” The relationship between rappers and
censors is one of constant change.
The production process starts with the informal ‘testing’ and ‘free-styling’ of
lyrics and beats with friends. Then rappers take the approved beats and lyrics to shared
studios or labs to produce basic tracks and albums. As these songs are produced, the
groups or artists also perform at live concerts to see the crowd’s reaction and get people
to buy their music through downloading or in local CD stores. If a label does not pick up
28
an artist, they continue to self-promote through the Internet and word of mouth by
performing live and selling CD’s to friends. Once a record label picks up an artist, the
label can reproduce songs in a higher quality studio with more direction for popularity on
the radio and TV. Lyrics are censored by label executives as well as government
representatives and then sent to radio and TV executives. Most Chinese artist’s ultimate
goal is to have his or her song played on Chinese MTV or radio. This entire process
shows how Generation Y is adapting rap music and how it is glocalized in China. The
final product is a hybrid of American rap music style mixed with Chinese language and
themes. The process is also uniquely local or Chinese in that the Chinese method of rap
production is extremely collaborative.
The Hip Hop Production Process
Artists make most hip hop in China in shared or communal hip hop mixing
studios on a small scale basis. Only once their music has a following do larger labels
pick-up an artist and produce it in higher quality studios with commercial direction for
radio play time. At the first and most informal level, the process of production of rap in
China starts with causal rapping among friends at local hip hop hangouts. Rap posses
will begin to mix beats together and often practice rapping freestyle when they hangout at
clubs, restaurants and local street hangouts. At hip hop hangouts, usually the hip hop
stores, corner market stores or people’s houses, rap posses or single rappers are freestyling for friends or holding impromptu battles. Free-styling is a term that rappers use to
describe a casual rap without any background beats that usually only consists of 7 to 10
lines of rhymes. According to my rap informant, free-styling is used to demonstrate
quick wit, ability to rhyme on the spot and the rapper’s talent in keeping a constant flow
29
going about any subject. Free-style subjects range from a new outfit, to a friend’s life, to
food or any other number of subjects in the group’s immediate surroundings.
What differentiates the Chinese hip hop scene and free-styling from other global
hip hop cultures is the collaborative nature, the production process and the role of posses.
In the neo-tribalism discussion, posse members work together to produce tracks and
lyrics. Hip hoppers will throw out random beats and lyrics, and then take note when
audiences respond to his work. This can go on for weeks until a rapper puts out a beat
that friends and hip hoppers like. Although these are large groups of friends, random
people will encourage or add on to a chorus that someone is rapping. For example, a
friend of mine nicknamed Jay Jay was trying to put together an album for which he had
been working on producing tracks for over six months. He was trying to put together a
track about how much he hated exams and would write lyrics during the day and then
come to a local restaurant where hip hoppers always hung out at night. At the restaurant,
over beers and jiaozi (dumplings), Jay Jay would practice some of the lyrics he wrote and
see what other hip hopper’s reactions. Other posses he had never met would comment
that they liked one line, but not another, or some of his closest friends would tell him it
was boring. Some of the girls present, who only wanted to date hip hoppers, but were not
very integrated in the hip hop culture, would bring up that they liked what he sung last
week better and he should use that for his chorus. In this way, Jay Jay collaborated with
others in the hip hop community, not just other posse members or close friends.
Once rappers have developed their lyrics and have basic beats in mind, they can
go to one of the labs. In the early years of hip hop, individual Chinese rappers often used
shared basic equipment to produce beats or rapped over existing instrumentals from
30
abroad. In fact, in the beginning of the glocalization process many Chinese rappers
simply copied American beats and rapped over them.
“Technology plays a large part in these contemporary places of rap creation. In
fact, technology and mixing boards often allow the Chinese youth to first recreate
the American versions, and then, as we have pointed out, are able to learn to make
their own…In this regard, the Chinese are using the same technological tools as
America, but using them to play something different” (Zimmerman 2004, 2).
Today, for most starting Chinese rappers, like Jay Jay, music production occurs in the
labs or shared studios. These labs in Shanghai, Beijing, Chongqing and other major
cities, contain different sets of equipment for sound mixing, beat making and recording.
There are a number of open rooms with equipment for rent. Often times—from 9am to 5
pm on weekdays in Shanghai’s underground lab—these labs are open to anyone who
wants to mix, record, collaborate or just listen. Just like in local hip hop hangouts, many
DJs, MCs, rappers and breakdancers in the hip hop scene go down into the labs and
collaborate on songs or prepare for weekend battles. Lyrics are usually worked on in
hangouts, while labs are specifically for production and collaboration on beats and
background music. There is no charge to come into the labs, but for rappers to use the
equipment there is an hourly fee depending on which type of equipment they want to use.
On the average weekday there are ten to twenty-five people working in the labs. Not all
of these people are rappers. In fact, many of them are just there to see what people are
producing. Posse members of a rap artist were there to give support and feedback, or
girls hang around to meet some of the rappers and get free invites to shows. These labs
are unique to China because they are specific places built to be collaborative, with open
studios and large rooms of mixing equipment, with chairs and couches for fans or
supporters.
31
Even as a white female outsider at the beginning of my research, people working
on equipment would watch me as I listened to their beats to see if I bobbed my head with
the music. This would signal I was into the song. Rarely, but it did happen a few times,
did people in the labs ask what I thought of a particular mix or song. This happened most
often when they were incorporating foreign rap beats (such as a beat from a Snoop Dog
song) into their own track. They would ask me questions like, did I think Snoop Dog’s
rhythm ‘fit’ with their rapping, or if this was my favorite Snoop Dog song. Artists or
groups would come back every day until they were done with a certain track or album
and then would come back and listen to other’s recordings.
Guandi, a club in Shanghai, began to play some of the recordings made in the
local lab. Figure 2.1 shows a flyer passed out at local universities, in the lab itself and the
hip hop gear stores advertising this night’s event. The lab was the most crowded in the
afternoons where many students came after classes to
Figure 2.1 Flier for
music produced in the
labs around Shanghai.
Not only could local
rappers play their new
tracks, but also
members of the reggae
and mixing
communities.
hangout and hear lyrics and tracks that were being produced. Local production of
Chinese hip hop is usually a collaborative process and individual rappers know what their
competitors or other posses are working on.
32
Even though most hip hoppers are little emperors from wealthy families and can
afford the expensive hip hop lifestyle, few rappers have the means to purchase their own
equipment. Some of the very wealthier artists were able to purchase equipment and share
it with friends, but this was rare and often looked down upon by other rappers. Chinese
hip hoppers want to be included in the production process and often enjoy a song more
when they have seen its development. The more collaboration and approval an artist can
get from other hip hoppers or fans, the bigger following he or she will have and the more
people will purchase the CD once it is available. Therefore the few people I heard had
private studios that were not signed to a label were seen as snobby or pretentious for not
feeling the need to share their work.
As artists work on producing their tracks in the lab or in shared or private studios,
they advertise themselves by performing at live concerts and battles.
Live Concerts and the Hip Hop Club Scene
Hip hop in China is not only spread through the Internet, but also at live clubs
with turntables and DJs. China’s Generation Y views music and entertainment to be a
very important aspect of their daily lives. In this way, night clubs have become very
popular. Artists will perform at a variety of clubs and bars to build a local following.
Generation Yers are also very adept at using technology for pleasure. “Turntablism
involves a range of practices—from unbelievable sound manipulation through hand play
alone, to extensive hunting for quirky samples to scratch and cut up, to amazing feats of
team performance that reaches orchestral magnitude” (Kurashige and Murray 2003, 467).
Turntablism has been very popular in China and turntables are often shared and practiced
in underground labs in China. The problems many artists have found is the lack of Vinyl
33
records that DJ’s use on turntables in China. These are crucial for DJs to be able to mix
beats live. Many DJs have to rely solely on mixing compact discs. This limits the
evolution of the hip hop sound and the ability to keep up with global hip hop trends. A
Beijing MC says: “unless the DJs here can have access to proper turntables and records to
play with, hip-hop will never fully develop” (Cultural Scene 2004).
Clubs (julebu) in China, are places where Chinese urban youth go especially on
weekends to dance, drink and associate with friends. The number of rap clubs in urban
Chinese cities is steadily growing. There are a number of clubs that play exclusively Rap
and R&B (a soft version of rap) and there are also clubs that host Rap nights once or
twice a week. Figure 2.2 shows a promotional flier passed out around college campuses
and hip hop clubs in Shanghai for the new R&B night at Fabrique, a club in downtown
Shanghai.
Figure 2.2
Promotional Flyer
from a club in
Shanghai, which
started a weekly rap
night. Passed out in
March of 2005.
This keeps the hip hop community moving to different venues. Rap groups first book a
spot at a local hip hop club through club promoters or managers. Some members of the
rap group’s posse (to be discussed in Chapter 4) may organize the kind of equipment the
34
band will need and performance times with the managers in the days leading up to the
show. The rap artists or rap DJs arrive at the club usually three to four hours before their
performance to set-up equipment, talk to managers and prepare for their show. Typically,
hip hop clubs have two or three DJs mixing throughout the night and one MC who gets
the crowd excited, introduces artists and plays crowd games such as wet t-shirt contests,
dance-offs or battles. Clubs open their doors usually between 9pm and 10pm and hit
peak crowds around 12am. The schedule of artists and DJs usually depends on the DJs
popularity, the amount of songs to be played and the size of the venue (Zimmerman
Working Paper).
Live rap performances usually take place in the hip hop clubs around 1am. The
MC announces the groups or artists that are performing with an introduction that the
groups themselves write. The DJ will produce a new beat for them or play a backtrack
the artists bring with them. Each artist remains back stage or in VIP rooms until they are
called on stage where they have 1-2 minutes to perform their song. There are essentially
two types of live rap performances. The first entails two or three artists performing one
after another without declaring a “winner” or acknowledging each other. They simply
come on stage, the MC introduces them, promotes their album or release date and where
the crowd can find the music (usually the Internet), and finally the group performs their
song. The second type of performance is rap battling. There are usually 2 to 3 groups or
artists the MC introduces. These artists take turns rapping on the spot to show off their
performance style, lyrical skills and wittiness. Each artist has 30 to 60 seconds for each
spot and gets three turns. For example, if there are two performers who are trying to
promote their band or new album they will each take turns rapping to impress the crowd.
35
In the battles, rappers are supposed to be able to encourage the crowd with witty
and catchy rhymes, insult their competitors and brag about their skills, style or popularity.
Usually the rapper’s posse stands behind the rapper while he raps encouraging him and
the crowd. They do this to show support and for aesthetic appeal (usually the posse
wears matching jumpsuits or coordinates clothing colors). Sometimes posses will not
wear matching outfits but instead will wear the same symbol, such as a red hat with a
“B”, silver chain or bandana. Once each rapper has gone through all three spots, the MC
will ask the crowd to cheer for their favorite rapper. Based on the crowd’s response, the
MC will then announce the winner. Depending on the club, the winners receive access to
the club’s VIP room, free alcohol (most popularly a mixed drink consisting of green tea
and Chivas Royal) or a cash reward. More importantly for the rappers though, once they
win, they are able to promote their music or new album to the crowd. Once fans hear the
music in the clubs they can either download the songs online for free or with a credit card
or go to local record stores to buy CD’s.
Labels and Censorship in China
As artists play live shows, sell their CD’s and gather a following through local
advertising, record companies may become interested in artists with potential and
approach them to make a record deal. There are over 293 published record labels in
China. This number is growing by the month (China Daily 2006). “Currently, there are
more than 300 video and audio companies and more than 100,000 retailers in the country.
Last year, China published more than 28,000 kinds of visual and audio products worth
more than 2.7 billion Yuan (about 325 million US dollars)” (People’s Daily 2004).
Private record companies were allowed in China beginning in 1978. Initially, mainly
36
Taiwanese and Hong Kong artists and producers were starting label companies in China.
At that time pop music was viewed as a very age specific genre and did not cater to the
entire population. The Chinese government’s national record company mainly produced
pop music in order to be able to censor music easily. Today, “all the five large global
record companies—PolyGram, Warner, Sony, EMI, and Bertelsmann—have regional
studios, production plants and distribution networks in Chinese popular music” (Huot
2006, 80). These private labels are very new in China and are just beginning to enter the
scene and understand how to get their music on the radio. Only recently has the
government let music publishing houses produce their own CD’s and records. This new
freedom is used extremely cautiously and without much experience. In 2002 the Chinese
government began to let private foreign companies into China to produce music. In the
1990s 90% of music in Hong Kong was run by transnationals, while that number stood at
only 14% on the Mainland. The number of music labels in China is still extremely small
compared to more developed countries (de Kloet 2002, 98).
In terms of Chinese labels, Jingwen records is one of the largest and more
established record label companies. It has many sub labels for specific music genres such
as Scream Records, which produces punk rock and alternative albums and produced one
of Yin T’sang’s hip hop records “For the People” in 2003. The oldest and one of hip
hop’s major record labels is Bad Blood Records. Founded in 1998, it has signed many of
the most famous hip hop artists such as Sbazzo and produced many of Yin T’sang’s
records. Another private hip hop label, Kirin Kid Productions, already has a sub label
called Dragon Tongue Records, both produce a number of artists (CRI Online 2004).
These labels have mostly been started by the artists themselves or hip hop shop owners
37
wanting to produce their own CD’s. Some of them have been very successful, but now
that larger foreign private labels are becoming more settled in China, these production
companies will have a harder time competing with larger studios, cash flows, brand
recognition and advertising campaigns. Many artists who have been on smaller Chinese
labels have switched to companies like Sony BMG once offered a contract, reducing
local companies to a simple stepping stone for artists in their careers.
Under the tutelage of record labels, artists may re-record tracks and albums. The
company executives can approve lyrics, design album artwork they believe will sell well
and enter it in the censorship process to get approval to sell and play it on the radio and
television. Labels must approach the national Television and Radio Committee to
approve the lyrics, in accordance with the government’s censorship laws.
Censorship is another step in the Chinese glocalization process because in China it
has a great effect on music, television, writing, movies and any kind of popular or
academic culture. Censorship is one of the reasons why Chinese rap is cleaner than
American rap, as mentioned above. “In China, you have to keep it smooth. You can’t
swear, you can’t talk about the government, drugs, the stuff happening on the streets”
(York 2006, 1). Ideally, the Ministry of Television and Radio wants to control Chinese
youth’s access to pop culture imports and make sure the lyrics and messages are good for
society. Yet, as China grows and becomes more transparent in accordance with
international standards, this ministry is losing some of the control.
All artists who wish to get radio airtime must get music approved before it is
allowed to be played. In order to get music approved, Chinese artists can submit their
lyrics to the Ministry of Culture. The China Radio, Film and Television Group under the
38
Propaganda department monitor information on the Internet, television and all music.
They edit lyrics by removing obscenities, removing any sort of criticism the government
deems a threat, or any statements of immoral or inappropriate nature, such as explicit
lyrics about sex and violence. “Enforcement has been inconsistent, and the more
“radical” elements of Chinese rap still find their way onto the Internet. But the policing of
tunes has forced commercial groups and their record companies to give rap a certain
wholesomeness” (Frammolino 2004, 2).
There is a law protecting free speech in the Chinese constitution, but it is severely
limited by a series of added rules, stipulations and regulations (Zhao 2004, 180). The
government has issued a number of statements to encourage moral standards and ethics
among underage Chinese. This includes regulations limiting low necklines, and short
skirts (Manier 2004). Since China joined the WTO in 2001, the government is slowly
commercializing the media and allowing more TV shows to be filmed and foreign media
to come into the country.13 Yet, the foreign media, like new Chinese music must be
approved by the Ministry of Television and Radio. In this way, it is harder for smaller
labels to get airtime on the Radio or MTV because they do not have as many resources as
the larger companies. “In China, the dissemination of popular music resembles more the
unidirectional nature of media flow whether via domestic channels, or through
international satellite television” (Lee 1995, 98).
The censorship process and relationship between artists/labels and the censors is
give and take. While rockers in the 1980s and 1990s made grand expressions against the
“In the 1980s only 2% of programming on Chinese television was imported programs. By 2000 it had
reached 25% foreign programming on Chinese television. This brings more opportunity to bring in genres
like rap and hip hop” (Sun 2002, 28). Most of the foreign programming is from Taiwan and Korea.
13
39
government, hip hop artists tend to push the limits on a much smaller level. Government
censors can also change their level of strictness on certain themes depending on the
political context and/or recent laws that have been passed. For example, after the
government’s declaration to lower skirt lengths and encourage morality in 2001 (as
discussed earlier), censorship on songs about women was stricter. After the first year, the
strictness by censors on lyrics about women lessened, until a news story about Chinese
promiscuity outraged many Chinese citizens. Many of the rap songs that had been
approved a few months earlier were banned from the radio and MTV (Xiao 2004, 56-58).
Artists often feel that their freedom is being taken away and they are not able to express
all of their feelings. York describes after an interview with Sbazzo who was a member of
Yin Ts’ang that
“on the debut album, the lyrics were toned down to the point of blandness. Their
biggest hit was Welcome to Beijing - a light-hearted rap about the tourist highlights
of the Chinese capital, from the Great Wall to the Forbidden City” (York 2006,
R1).
Whether the censors or the corporate managers fear of the censors watered the album
down, Sbazzo said that he felt the “the money was good, but his lyrics were heavily
edited “I felt like a slave,” he [said]” (York 2006, R1).
Even though censorship agents restrict artist’s freedom of expression through hip
hop, the Communist party also uses hip hop for its own interests. The government has in
fact been using hip hop to send out messages about the environment and respect for
elders, amongst other propaganda, turning rap into a type of Socialist hip hop
(Frammolino 2004, 1). The government sometimes hires rappers to promote nationalistic
messages on state run music channel in songs, shows and commercials. An example of
40
how the government is now using rap for its own messages to reach Chinese youth can be
seen in the 110th anniversary of Mao’s birth. The government produced a rap album with
old slogans adapted to pop versions with melodies. “As China becomes ever more
capitalistic and obsessed with “hip Western culture,” how can the CCP keep today’s
young people interested in stodgy old Mao? Easy! Turn him into a rapper: In a desperate
appeal to China’s fashionable youth, the Chinese Communist Party has approved the
repackaging of Mao Tse-tung as a rap artist” (Peking Duck 2003).
Baranovitch adds,
“in addition to its utilization of pop to promote nationalism, unity, and other official
values and attitudes, Chinese MTV is also engaged in legitimating the government and its
policies” (Baranovitch 2002, 206). The government is now using rap music for its own
gains and has a strong hold on the freedom that labels and artists have.
Overall, unlike America, the channels for music distribution in China are few and
well regulated. In this way, the Internet is a way around the censorship laws. The ways
in which censorship has affected lyrics, artist’s actions and expressions and the artist’s
feelings about these laws will be discussed in the next section.
The Internet, Television and Radio
The Internet plays a significant role in the dissemination of hip hop for both
underground and mainstream rappers because it is more difficult for the government to
regulate. Generation Yers use the Internet for everything. They use the Internet to
communicate with each other, keep updated on current events, do research for homework
and for entertainment in terms of music downloading, playing online games and
researching information on pop stars that they like. In this way Chinese Generation Y hip
hoppers have created hip hop online communities, which are other products of this
41
generations interests. Many websites are dedicated to hip hop forums and discussion of
where top songs are listed for download, and list MCees, DJ’s, rappers, breakdancers and
graffiti artists. Chinese-forums.com and http://www.mtvtop.net/top/html_top/index.htm
are two popular sites because they allows artists and hip hop fans alike to comment on
newly downloaded songs under anonymous screen names. Many Chinese hip hoppers
use www.Hiphop8.com, a place to download music and explore the different types of hip
hop available inside and outside of China. Many Chinese rappers post profiles and music
at www.soundclick.com, where fans can see their favorite artists’ interests and
inspirations as well as any upcoming new tracks or albums. These websites are in
English, although some postings and profiles are in both English and Chinese.
The Internet is extremely useful for disseminating uncensored Chinese rap music.
“Unlike mass-appeal papers, which are cheap and widely available, websites, though less
accessible, nevertheless have the advantage of being hyperactive, hyperlinked and
deterritorial…the Internet addresses readers/users on their own individuated space and
time” (Sun 2002, 173). Chinese hip hoppers use the Internet by searching for artists that
they have seen or heard about at clubs or through friends. Fans are able to purchase or
download songs. Artists also post their own music as well as participate in discussions
about the ‘best kind of hip hop’ or how certain artists compare to one another. At
www.soundclick.com, artists discussed a new CD by the band “524:”
“talking real..one of my flave rap style..u rule..”
-Dj Tommy
“hey wussup da 524 clan....this is MC Yan from tha Lazymuthafuckaz,
HongKong, good to hear your shits!
dope!!! i’m trying to hook some more
chinky styles...see if we can work out something one day...
keep chopsticks
people real...
much respect!
PEACE:>“
-syan aka mcyan
42
“It all started with LMF. They ARE Chinese Rap!
-524
These quotes by the artists themselves and fans show how the Internet provides a forum
for artists to collaborate with their audience. Cyberspace not only provides a place to buy
and download free music, but also to share thoughts about rap songs and groups. “The
Internet plays a decisive role in the proliferation of Chinese hip hop culture. Through
several websites, Hip Hoppers get in touch with one another and exchange their latest
homemade raps. Peer to peer software enables them to download the latest tracks from
the West.” (De Kloet 2005a 10). The Internet fosters a virtual community of hip hop fans
from all over China, Taiwan and the United States.
The Internet provides a virtual form of the ‘lab’ for artists to collaborate and get
feedback. The following are excerpts from soundclick.com about the band AQ2 Crew
and their new songs:
adrianothamc posted on Thu January 25, 2007
Hi, I`m a Rapper & make a mixtape. I like your Style, your Beatz are very TIGHT!
Please contact me at (mcadriano@okay.ms)
I pay also for Beatz, Peace!
gsharp2008 posted on Sat April 29, 2006
yo i’m feelin u come listen to my songs on my page especially the ones IF U DONT
KNOW, & JAMMIN ON DA ONE. MY NAME IS G SHARP!!!!!!!!!!!
G.I.Pro posted on Mon March 13, 2006
ATTENTION SOLDIER!
Come listen to our NEWEST HIT called “Get Lifted” and let us know what YOU think!
We’re bringing it back to the music!
*We are also currently looking for high caliber collabs. Get at us! godz_son posted on Sun February 26, 2006
yeah was good, checked out a few of your tracks, nice sh*** but my fav was loose da
43
way, keep that sh*** coming, anyways come to my side, tell me what u think, drop a line
if you ever wanna collab just holla
oh i got an open collab as well if you interested just let me no alrite
peace
keep the fire burning never douse the flame
These fans and artists are making references to other bands and trying to do ‘collabos’
which is slang for doing collaborations with other artists. Collaborations on CD’s are
more popular in China than other hip hop communities because of the overall cooperation
and sharing that happens in the Chinese hip hop community. The growing digitalization
in China has made music in other forms more accessible to the Chinese public. The
music is accessible to all Chinese youth and everyone can not only go to concerts, but
also discuss music and ideas together.
Most Chinese rappers have their music available on the Internet but strive to get
their music played on the radio and Chinese MTV. Radio has changed in China today and
affects the hip hop industry. It broadcasts in standard Mandarin and has recently, in the
last ten years, began to broadcast to Taiwan, the Pearl River Delta, Hong Kong and
Macao. There is also CRI, China Radio International (CRI), which is broadcast to many
different parts of the world.14 Every province, autonomous region and municipality has
its own local stations as well. The China Radio, Film and Television Group founded in
the end of 2001 controls the radio. “This group also advertises through the television and
Internet and is the biggest and most powerful multi-media group in China.”15 Currently
there are 311 radio stations in China.
Rap music is also played regularly on Chinese MTV as well as a number of other
variety shows for holidays and Chinese occasion shows. In 1993, the Radio, Film and
14
15
http://app1.chinadaily.com.cn/highlights/ChinaInBrief/culture3.html
http://english.people.com.cn/data/China_in_brief/Culture/The%20Media.html
44
Television Ministry allowed MTV to be played in China with certain controls. In 1995,
MTV had its own channel on Chinese television. Chinese MTV is not limited to pop
culture; all types of music are played on MTV along with a few other music channels
(Baranovitch 2002, 195). Although restricted, China MTV today plays a variety of music
videos and has shows on fashion, style and trends in China as well as abroad.
Despite the censorship needed to filter songs before they can be played on the
radio and television, the final product of this production process is a cultural hybrid.
American beats, English slang and typical rap rhythms are interdispersed with Chinese
language, commentaries and in some cases (Jay Chou’s ‘Emperor,’ 2006) Chinese
instruments. Another distinctly Chinese characteristic of the production process is the
collaborative nature of Chinese hip hop. Lyrics and songs are produced in shared studios
with many members of the hip hop community. On a particular artist’s CD he will have
multiple guest appearances, four different people making beats and use lyrics written by
others. The line between ‘yours’ and ‘mine’ in the Chinese hip hop community is clearly
blurred, or non-existent as production is a shared process. Yet, because artists censor
their lyrics and feel restricted by record producers or the Ministry of Television and
Radio, it is necessary to examine the non-verbal aspects of hip hop culture that
Generation Yers are using to express themselves through hip hop.
45
Chapter 3: Neo-Tribalism, Posses and ‘the Scene’ in Chinese Hip Hop
Chinese hip hop culture has unique and typical characteristics. I will discuss how
Chinese hip hoppers use performance through group associations, graffiti and break
dancing, to express their identity and tastes. Hip hop culture all over the world resonates
strongly with global youth because it enables them to share the culture as a common
attachment (Osumare 2006, 267). As briefly discussed earlier, hip hop is used by youth
as a mechanism of expression. With American black youth, hip hop was used to express
feelings of repression and in France, exasperation with the government. Hip hop
changes in each locale it enters because it is shaped by income, religion, class, ethnicity,
and politics (Nilan and Feixa 2006, 8). These factors affect how Chinese hip hop is
glocalized. The hip hop culture as well as the music is glocalized by China’s Generation
Y. These youth, as we will see, add and change the forms of global hip hop culture to
better suit their existing lifestyles. In this way, hip hop culture is a product of Generation
Y and by examining its subsequent characteristics we are also able to make inferences
about this Generation.
One of these inferences is Chinese youth’s desire for self-validation and the need
to broadcast their tastes and interests to others when forming hip hop posses or crews.
The fact that hip hoppers, as little emperors, have monetary means, has affected the
creation of the Chinese hip hop lifestyle and their established methods of self-expression.
What differentiates Chinese hip hop culture from other types of global hip hop is its
collaborative nature, the tribalization, or splitting into distinct posses, and their code of
communication.
46
Neo-Tribal Posse Culture and Chinese Crews
Wang’s examination of the neo-tribes in Bohemian culture in China can be
applied to the Chinese hip hop phenomenon with urban youth in China. Wang looks at
the bohemian culture of ‘bobo’ youth. ‘Bobo’ is a term that derives from the title
bourgeois bohemian. Youth form groups of bobos by associating with other bobos with
similar tastes, convictions or interests. She describes a ‘bobo’s elite as “educated folk
who have one foot in the bohemian world of creativity and another foot in the bourgeois
realm of ambition and worldly success” (Wang 2005, 534). They are nouveau riche and,
like the little emperors of Chinese hip hop, developed out of the new consumerist culture
in the 1990s. They use the bobo culture to demonstrate their identity by purchasing high
quality products, wearing bobo fashion and differentiating themselves into neo-tribes.
Rather than expressing their interests as individuals, bobo youth are expressing
themselves through associations and involvement with a group. Each neo-tribe, although
all identify with the larger bobo culture, has their own nuances, beliefs and tastes. (Wang
2005, 540-544).
Like bobo culture, Chinese hip hop culture was born out of the 1990s rise of
consumerism. Both bobos and hip hoppers appreciate and depend upon luxury goods as
a part of their lifestyle. Bobo’s and hip hoppers use the Internet to discuss ideas, cultural
practices and share their interests on the hip hop or bobo lifestyle.
Wang also acknowledges the appropriateness of the neo-tribalism theory in urban
Chinese pop culture,
“Anybody familiar with the clubbing and music scene in the Chinese metropolises
would be struck by the frantic tribalization of new taste cultures. Cui Jian’s days
47
are gone. So is Chinese subculture with an angst…[spokespeople] for a new
commodity product are now the hottest pop icons” (Wang 2005, 545).
Association and formation of neo-tribes is one of the methods of self-expression for
Chinese hip hoppers. Neo-tribalism is important for gaining deeper insight into the hip
hop as well as youth culture in China. Self-expression in modern urban contexts in China
is best understood not through an individual’s actions, but rather associations to a group,
the group dynamics and the group’s performances on the street, at parties or through
breakdancing and graffiti.
Generation Yers value group formations and associations to friends. Hip hop
culture is an example of this phenomenon and trend. In Stanat’s series of interviews with
Generation Yers, he asks them if they want to stick out as an individual in society, one
response sums up the others; “first I would like to be common with others. Based on
that, I will develop my own personality” (Stanat 2006, 15). As Little Emperors,
Generation Yers are feeling increased pressure and attention at home because of the 4-2-1
structure. All the elders energies are put upon their shoulders. In this way, according to
many of the teens and college students I spoke with, they have to act in front of their
parents and often hide aspects of their lives that they fear their parents would disapprove
of. Or, as Stanat describes:
“Teenagers wish to pursue singing and careers in graphic design or as a DJ. The
difference in values not only makes some teens feel truly uneasy at home, but also
encourages youth to keep secrets from their parents…Teenagers are increasingly
turning to friends and others to fill the communication void” (Stanat 2006, 97).
Therefore, posses are extremely important for hip hoppers because the posse becomes a
second, or closer family then their family at home. Generation Yers also do not have
siblings and therefore the group members take on sibling like roles.
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Chinese hip hop culture provides two layers of identity. The first way youth can
use hip hop to express themselves is simply joining the larger hip hop community.
‘Joining the culture’ in the most basic sense means attending hip hop clubs on the
weekends. This association is without nuances or specificity because joining the hip hop
culture is simply an expression of an appreciation of hip hop. The commonality with the
members of the hip hop culture is the love of hip hop. The second layer of identity is
when a hip hopper (someone who shares the common appreciation of hip hop) joins or
forms a hip hop posse. Individual “I” identity is no longer how these urban youth choose
to express themselves. Rather they select a collective identity through groups. First hip
hoppers gain a “we” identity by joining the larger hip hop culture. Then, once they
become part of a neo-tribe they have the “we within we” identity. For example, a
Chinese college student can ‘join’ the hip hop culture by coming to hip hop clubs each
weekend to appreciate the music. In this way, others begin to recognize him as part of
the community as an admirer. He is included in the ‘we’ identity as a hip hop lover.
Then he can join a breakdancing posse that competes, practices and wears breakdancing
clothes. In this way he is not only part of the hip hop community, but also has an identity
of a breakdancer within the community—’we within the we.’
It is important to mention though, unlike other musical genres in China in the late
1980s, there is not a shared identity that “we” as part of the larger hip hop culture, are
against the “them” of society/government/foreigners (Groenewegen 2005, 83). Some
neo-tribes choose to have the commonality of alienating themselves from society, but this
is not common in the Chinese hip hop community. This is another distinction between
Chinese and other global hip hop societies, American rappers constantly separate
49
themselves by class, race and economic level. The American rap clothing line ‘Fubu’
stands for “For Us By Us,” and wearers pride themselves by excluding upper-class white
Americans. Many American rap songs also speak of antagonism between upper and
lower classes and between black, white and Latino youth.
I define a hip hop neo-tribe or posse as a group of usually 5 or 6 hip hoppers
(minimum 3, maximum 10) who associate with each other because of one single or
multiple commonalities. These commonalities can include fashion habits, favorite hip
hop artists, music style, dancing style, neighborhood, as well as feelings about the use of
hip hop and hip hop ideology. I use the term neo-tribe interchangeably with posse and
crew because the Chinese hip hoppers themselves use the words “posse” and “crew” to
describe themselves and their group members. Chinese hip hoppers typically call
themselves posses and crews, but rarely gangs because of the negative connotation of the
word gang. By participating in and observing the Chinese hip hop community, I was able
to discern the overall hip hop culture etiquette and how posses are formed. In typical hip
hop crews, there is one leader who either formed the group or who designates himself as
the representative of the group. Leaders do not always self-designate; sometimes crew
members appoint a leader. This is not usually done by a formal vote, but rather posse
member discuss the need for someone to lead the group, whether male or female, and
they pick either the best breakdancer or rapper, the most outgoing member or the best
connected member to get them into clubs or shows.
In breakdancing crews, for example, the leader is usually the most skilled or
experienced dancer. The leader of a hip hop posse usually decides weekend plans or
movements of the group within the club. They are usually responsible for booking VIP
50
rooms in clubs, networking for dancing shows or battles and talking to other posse
leaders for collaboration on CD’s or events. Depending on the posse dynamics, the
leader might not differentiate from the regular posse members and all crew members
might have equal responsibility. This is often the case with posses that form rap groups
(posses that primarily focus on the music aspect of hip hop culture—rapping, rhyming
and beat boxing) where each member performs, writes or composes an equal amount.
Often times, posse members each have their own role and function in the group. If one
member of a rap group is close friends with club promoters, he or she is in charge of
booking performances, while the leader is in charge of putting together new battling
lyrics. Another example is in a fashion crew (a group that establishes their uniqueness by
the clothes or hip hop fashion items they wear). One posse member might be the owner
of a hip hop gear store, such as Flywear in Shanghai, so he or she is in charge of bringing
in new fashion pieces. Leaders may also simply be the wealthiest member of the group.
Although being wealthy is an important part of hip hop culture, it is not required to join
the hip hop community. ‘Poorer’ hip hoppers simply will pick or form posses that have
hobbies where constant purchasing is not required.
Posse roles are not rigidly structured. Some posses have no leaders with all group
members being equal. Roles can also shift depending on circumstances. While I was in
Shanghai there was a posse known for having clothing with cool graffiti written on it.
They customized all of their clothes with their symbols and names. The leader of the
crew was the member who was considered the most skilled in graffiti art. She would put
together designs for the rest of the group and sometimes other posses as well. Yet one of
the other members received a raise and was now able to buy himself a car, with money
51
left over to buy new kinds of paints and materials. The group, including the current
leader agreed that he should now direct the posses’ activities and projects because he
could drive them to other cities and get new materials to work with. This is an example
of how roles and hierarchy within the group can easily shift. This does not cause ‘power
struggles’ as often as one might think. Sometimes if a member feels he wants to be a
leader or remain a leader, he can split off and form another posse or ‘fly solo.’ One of
my rap informants was a floater. This means hanging out with different posses, although,
according to him, this can never be a permanent role for someone who wants to be deeply
inside the hip hop community.
Group structure differentiates the Chinese hip hop culture from other global forms
of hip hop. As Wang’s neo-tribalism theory states, urban youth associate with a particular
hip hop posse for two reasons. The first reason to pick or form a crew is to portray a
common interest. Each posse represents different ideas, tastes or attitudes and each
individual crewmember agrees on whatever characteristic their group chooses to
represent. Each posse has their own aesthetic style and lexicon (Ogg and Upshall 2001,
20). The second reason hip hoppers join neo-tribes is for a sense of belonging. The “one
of us” feeling of belonging empowers youth to feel more comfortable expressing their
beliefs because they are not alone in their tastes or attitudes. The hip hop culture and
posse is a way of interacting and fitting in to form their own type of hip hop interactions.
By creating lingo and standards for interaction, hip hoppers create their own tribal
society. This was also a strong motivation for the original b-boy posses in the Bronx in
the 1970s.
“The b-boys organized themselves according to neighborhood or family ties into
52
crews, which were networks for socializing, writing graffiti, and rapping, as well as
dancing, held together by a strict code of ethics and loyalty. Crews performed in a
spirit of friendly competition at jams where the crew leader directed the group’s
moves” (Banes 2004, 16).
The common understanding between hip hoppers includes a hip hop lexicon, roles and
actions. The Chinese neo-tribal culture is similar to these interactions because expression
not only happens through graffiti, breakdancing and rapping individually, but also
through creating associations and communities.
Examples of Chinese hip hop lexicons and codes can be seen in the average hip
hopper greeting. Non-hip hop Chinese urban youth tend to greet each other with causal
‘hellos’ or sometimes high fives and friendly inquiries about how they are with the
Chinese phrase “have you eaten?” American hip hoppers also often use similar “hello,”
“hey,” or “wassup.” They accompany this with a modified physical handshake that
consists of rubbing fingers or fists in a ‘hip hop’ version of the normal up and down
handshake. Chinese hip hoppers on the other hand have a much longer form of greeting.
Amongst members of the Chinese hip hop community, each posse creates its own special
handshake which is comprised of a series of complex snaps, slaps, high fives, knuckle
rubbing and sometimes even body bashing or half hugs. Hip hoppers also have a much
longer series of ‘yo,” “wassup” and ‘hey” while they perform their handshake. This
greeting usually takes about 20 seconds and then they will ask about their day or recent
tracks or comment on each other’s clothing style that day.
Another example of non-verbal codes that hip hoppers create was explained to me
by my breakdancing posse informants. Breakdancers especially create many non-verbal
codes because they are used to using their body to express themselves, and they often
53
communicate in loud clubs where it is too loud to speak. When breakdancers want to
challenge or battle someone in an impromptu breakdancing competition they will go up
to the desired competitor and sweep their shoulder or the floor in front of the breaker with
their hand as if to clean the stage and await their moves. As a breaker explained to me,
dusting off someone’s shoulder is like saying that they have been just standing around
gathering dust for so long, it is time to start breaking to shake off the dust. If the breaker
accepts, usually a crowd circle will form (to be discussed below) and if the breaker does
not accept the challenge he will simply wave his hand in front of his face as if to say it’s
too hot. This is the universal signal for Chinese breakers to express either the
competition is done, or they no longer want to dance.
Chinese hip hop posses interact with each other constantly. Unlike American gang
culture, Chinese hip hop neo-tribal culture is friendly, cooperative and collaborative.
Posses often work together in labs to produce tracks and are featured on each other’s
albums. See figure 4.1 for an example of the cover of a CD put out by Kinetic Raw in
January of 2005 that featured Sbazzo, the EZ Da K Gang, “Two Fist” Dong Si, Kojim,
J’Orlaloi, Jin Hou Bang and Keymasta DJ Wordy. Kinetic Raw and Sbazzo were in the
former Yin T’sang. The other participants on the album are well-known DJ’s (Kojim and
J’Orlaloi) and members of the hip hop community that are friends with Kinetic Raw. The
CD cover shows a monkey type figure with a graffitied background of Beijing or other
Chinese cities. This is the backdrop of their CD, because urban China is also the
backdrop of their lives. These different posse members and crew leaders worked together
on Kinetic’s album with their own tracks, beats and lyrics put together. Even
breakdancers work together often. Although breakers might be competitive with each
54
other on the dance floor, often times they will share moves or practice in the same areas.
Not only are the posses collaborative with each other, they also modify their
representation as their tastes and interests change depending on current trends or
surroundings. Although there are posses in Shanghai that strictly break dance or rap,
there are many posses or crewmembers in the same hip hop community that use graffiti
to express their artistic creativity. Therefore they are not strictly rappers, and a rap posse
can turn its interests to more than just rap. One posse I met who were very popular
breakdancers started strictly as rappers. The leader told me that they were not evolving
their rap skills and none of the posse members could rhyme very well. They then started
to learn breakdancing moves from some of the other breakdancing posses and realized
Figure 4.1 Kinetic Raw Mixtape Vol. 1, release 10-05
that they enjoyed this much more. Recently, they have been traveling all over China,
joining different hip hop communities and learning new moves so that they can compete
in local competitions. The ‘themes’ (Rap, graffiti, fashion, breakdancing) of each posse
are fluid and evolving, just as trends and fashions come in and out of China. Fashion
trends, new breakdancing styles and new artists are constantly entering the Chinese hip
hop scene from abroad or being invented by the hip hop communities within China. A
55
posse that might be known for wearing only athletic gear, might decide to change their
image to the “gangsta-prep” look because they feel their motivations are changing (more
about fashion and cultural representation in the next chapter).
Urban and Stage Performance in Hip Hop Culture
Performance is a broad means of expression. In the most obvious sense, rap
artists, DJs and MCs verbally and visually perform on stage. Their words, actions and
clothing send messages to the audience about their feelings of confidence, skills and
passions. “Music is performed songs; community is performed identity…not only artists
and audiences are influential, but all institutions that are related to music are”
(Groenewegen 2005, 10).
The identification with the hip hop community (the first layer
of identity as discussed above) is a form of performance because hip hoppers are wearing
hip hop clothes, dancing in hip hop clubs or using hip hop lingo to feel included or to
make others feel excluded. Fashion neo-tribes can perform with their swagger.
Breakdancers perform through their dance moves and graffiti artists perform as they
create or use their style to demonstrate artistic ability. At graffiti hangouts, hip hoppers
and other artists will watch as a graffitier spray paints the wall. Each artist not only has
his own style and look of the finished product, but also his own way of drawing. Some
artists work extremely quickly and make it seem like they are barely thinking about what
they are doing. In this way, they attempt to demonstrate their ability to produce complex
artwork spontaneously. Other graffiti artists take hours and even days to finish their
work. Members of the posse camp out near the site insuring that other posses do not
accidentally, or purposefully, paint over or modify their work. These slower artists use
great detail and make a show of the difficulty of their work by wiping sweat with towels,
56
having other posse members bring them water and little hand-held fans while they work.
Graffiti artists also perform for onlookers by using broad swinging strokes in beat to
music that is being played.
Behind stage behavior, participation in the studio, activity in skate parks, graffiti
locales, purchases in hip hop music stores, interaction at local hangouts at bars and
restaurants are all types of performance (Groenewegen 2005, 10). Posse’s actions
demonstrate tastes to others. Performance is a means to differentiate themselves. Hip
hoppers in a sense “choose [their] weapon—either the microphone, the turntables, the
spray can”(Ogg and Upshall 2001, 16) to express themselves. Hip hoppers use these
activities to demonstrate to other members of the hip hop community or hip hop outsiders
who they are and their identity. Below I discuss how hip hoppers use graffiti,
breakdancing, rap and fashion as a type of performance to express their identity.
Slang Titles and Chinese Hip Hop Players
It is important to understand the different roles hip hoppers can play within the hip
hop scene. B-boys, posse leaders, rap artist, MC, DJ, Breakdancer and graffiti artist are
the most prominent roles a hip hopper can assume. First is the most basic role of “b-boy”
or “b-girl.” The term, which originated from New York breakdancers16, is used by the
Chinese hip hoppers to refer to all hip hoppers. The second, as I described above, is the
role of a posse leader. Third, the most traditional and well understood role of hip hoppers
is the rap artist. As a rap artists, hip hoppers use lyrical skills to perform in battles, mix
CD’s and form rap groups. Some of the Chinese rappers specialize in beat boxing rather
“The prototypical b-boy, as hip hop followers were known, was a volatile mix of street knowledge, urban
neglect, and American dreams” (Bynoe 2006, xiv).
16
57
than writing lyrics. Beat boxing is using your voice and mouth to make beats at a rapid
or rhythmic pace. Often times, one member of a posse will specialize in beat boxing
while another raps over the self-made beats.
The fourth role a hip hopper can assume is the MC, emcee or host. An MC in
China usually works at a hip hop club and can work an entire weekend night. He,
almost always a male, stays in the DJ booth and announces songs as the DJ plays them,
brings on new DJs when they switch, goes on stage to encourage the audience and
prepares artists who might be performing. The job of the MC is to keep the audience
moving and excited about the music. On weekend nights the MC hosts games or
competitions with members of the audience. The games include wet t-shirt contests,
impromptu dance-offs, and best outfit of the night. The MC is not always Chinese, in
fact, often times the MC is an African American who has lived in China or is familiar
with the Chinese hip hop scene. While there are many “wannabe” MCs, there are only
a few MCs who circulate around different clubs and parties hosting. Every year the
Iron Mic Showcase is a well-attended competition between MCs. The competition is
held every October in a different city in China in different clubs or warehouses. This
competition tests hosting skills, ability to warm up the crowd and rap, and crowns one
MC the coveted title of “Iron MC”. (Sisson 2006, 1). Not all MCs rap, but some have
been members of a well-known rap group and are trying to break out on their own.
The DJ also plays an important role in the world of Chinese hip hop. The
“DJ who directed the party from behind his turntables…the reputation of a hip hop
DJ [is] based on his ability to introduce new music to his audiences. First hip hop
DJs, by “digging in the crates for beats”, experimented with an array of musical
genres” (Bynoe 2006, xxi).
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Bynoe’s explanation of producing new beats for the audience also applies to the
Chinese context. Yet, Chinese DJs experiment with a larger variety of foreign rap
including R&B (a soft version of rap), Japanese Rap, American gangsta rap or French
street beats. They mix or add their own spin to existing songs to keep the crowd
moving. Sometimes Chinese DJs will also take the role of MC, but this is more rare.
Certain Chinese DJs are very well known and have a following when they travel to
different clubs or parties. In Figure 4.2 below, Bon Bon, a prominent Shanghai club,
was promoting DJ Epps. He was a popular DJ among Shanghai hip hoppers because he
not only mixes with American rap, but is particularly adept at using local hip hoppers’
mixtapes and rapping over the beats as he mixed. Because the club was hosting a
prominent DJ they charged 100 RMB ($12) per ticket, which was 60 RMB more than
the club’s normal entrance fee.
Language and lingo is another aspect of Chinese hip hop culture, besides knowing
the definition of the titles such as b-boy, DJ, MC, breaker and posse. Hip Hoppers use
their own lexicon in everyday discourse. Certain posses use different words, but there are
a number of slang words hip hoppers use is different from regular urban slang in English.
Figure 4.2
Entrance ticket to nightclub
Bon Bon on the night of mixing
by DJ Epps on April 13, 2006.
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For example, in Shanghai rappers often use the verb ‘zou,’ which literally means ‘to
walk’, when they are talking about doing a breakdancing routine. Shanghai hip hoppers
also use the words ‘ku nu’ to describe a good looking or cool girl. Ku is the Chinese
deviation for ‘cool’ and nu means woman. Hip Hoppers also tend to use the word qiong
qiong, which literally means ‘poor poor’ if they do not like a song or breakdancing
routine. A crowd sometimes will chant and repeat qiong qiong if a breakdancer fell
during a routine or a rapper stumbles or stops his flow on stage.
Breakdancing
Breakdancing is another role a hip hopper can assume as well as another way hip
hop youth express themselves. “Breakdancing is a style of competitive, acrobatic and
pantomimic dancing…now its definition has widened to include electric boogie, up-rock,
aerial gymnastics” and other invented moves (Banes 2004, 13). Dancing was one of the
first ways hip hop reached China in the 1980s, when the breakdancing fad started.
Dancing in general is extremely popular in China by citizens of all ages because they see
it is a form of exercise and social activity and it is often performed in parks, sports
facilities and playgrounds (Kang 1997, 109). Bynoe points out that because the elements
of hip hop dance are so fluid, spontaneous and creative in nature, it is difficult to
critically evaluate or impose standards on the hip hop moves (Bynoe 2006, xvi). While it
is true it is difficult to name specific breakdancing moves and their meanings, the pattern
of competition and the use of breakdancing as expression is an important aspect of
Chinese hip hop culture. Participating in a breakdancing competition is also likened to
playing a game, in the sense that it is fun, competitive, special skills are needed, and there
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is a winner (Groenwegen 2005, 6). In one of Stanat’s interviews he asks Generation Yers
how they express their feelings, one respondent answers; “they dance. It is a way of
expressing themselves.” Stanat adds, “can you use music to release your feelings?” the
respondent answers, “music has no borders” (Stanat 2006, 100). Breakers, as well as all
hip hoppers use the pillars of hip hop to express themselves.
One of the regularities for breakdancers within the hip hop culture are what I call
‘crowd circles’. These occur often and have a regular pattern. In a hip hop club or hip
hop night, if a breakdancer wants to show off new moves or challenge a friend or
opponent, he or she begins to do basic footwork causing the crowd to form a circle.
The dancer performs for about 30 to 40 seconds. The first move is usually a slow
warm up walk to get in pace with the beat of the song. Next, the performer does moves
on the floor called ‘groundwork’ which involved spinning on the hands or head and
moving feet quickly around in a type of aerial motion. Then, through an acrobatic
transition the dancer gets back on his feet and uses the expanse of the ‘crowd circle’ to
do more footwork or make up dance ‘moves’ or ‘steps’. This occurred in all of the hip
hop clubs I visited once or multiple times through-out the night.
There are several ways the crowd circle performance can end. Either the breaker
strikes a pose at the end to let the crowd know he or she is finished so they can cheer
him on, or they would challenge someone else standing on the edge of the circle. To
do this, the performer goes over to their desired opponent and wipes their shoes, give
them a shoulder tap, makes a “what are you going to do about it” gesture with their
hands up or tells them to “step-up.” Then, this selected person can either enter the
circle and perform in the same pattern but with his own moves, or refuse the challenge,
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which admits that the challenger is the winner. If no one is challenged, but another
breaker believes they can do better than that performance, they enter the circle and
perform. If no one else enters the circle after the performance, the battle is considered
over and the last breaker who left is considered the ‘winner.’ The crowd then
immediately closes the circle and continues to dance. These circles happen
spontaneously two to three times during a crowded night.
Most breakdancing crews have leaders and are usually appointed by group
members because of their superior dancing skills or experience. The process of
appointing a group leader of a breakdancing crew is similar to the process for other hip
hop crews. Members usually agree on the most skilled dancer and appoint him as
leader, or if all members are of equal status, they discuss who would like to be leader.
Members wanting to be leader will state their standpoint on what they can offer the
group as a leader—having a car, knowing club promoters, etc. This is a very informal
process and usually takes a few days of talking over meals.
Certain hip hoppers that are not already in a breakdancing posse, but would like to
form one or need to improve their existing skills, will go to clubs looking for a talented
dancer and invite them to be their leader or teacher. This is why ‘crowd circles’ are so
important. Not only are you showing off your skills, but you are also advertising
yourself to be approached by other posses or hip hoppers that want to form a posse.
This happens with Chinese and foreigners alike.
A friend’s experience shows the inner workings and behaviors of how a posse is
formed and works. A Swedish friend who was studying abroad in Shanghai for the
year often went to hip hop clubs with our group of friends and would compete in
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impromptu breakdancing crowd circles. He often won the contests and it got to the
point where whenever he walked onto the dance floor in hip hop clubs the crowd would
immediately form a circle cheering him to do aerial spins, which were his signature
move. After a few months of performing he was approached by three hip hoppers, two
boys and a girl, who asked him, in broken English to join their posse. They explained
to him that they were already a breakdancing posse and they needed to learn new
moves and a leader. If he would be their leader he could teach them his moves and
they could attend organized breakdancing competitions and learn new moves together.
Although my friend felt this was awkward, he agreed. They proceeded to exchange
cell numbers and made plans to hangout the next day. The next day, instead of giving
lessons, as my friend thought he would be doing, the group asked him to give them new
names and wanted to get to know him. They were college students and took
breakdancing seriously by practicing daily, watching breakdancing videos to try to
copy moves and performing on the street to practice incorporating the crowd into their
routines. He gave them the names Money, Dig (the two males) and Sky (the female).
They decided to call him Flyer because of his signature aerial moves. They then began
practicing and formulating new routines. Every night the posse called my friend to see
where he was going and what time he wanted them to be there. They would join us and
hang around with him while he drank, danced and talked to friends. As they became
more comfortable with each other they began to enter competitions, eat meals together
and the males moved in together.
This example shows how the tribalization of Chinese hip hop occurs. These hip
hoppers want to create a group to associate with in order to not only improve their
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skills, but also create associations that demonstrate their tastes, ideas and styles to
others. Flyer’s neo-tribe allows him to be a member of the hip hop community on a
deeper level. Before he was asked to join the group, he showed off his skills as an
individual. Other hip hoppers saw him as a good dancer who had talented aerial
moves. Once he began attending clubs with his posse the posse would enter crowd
circles with him. When you have a crew and you enter a break dancing circle, you
other crew members usually also enter the crowd circle and stand about a foot in from
the rest of the crowd to show that they are supporting him. They can also tag on a
move after he is done. In this way, members that are not ready to do the entire 30 to 40
second routine in the crowd circle, can practice one or two moves on the end of their
fellow posse member’s routine. Therefore, as he came to the club and had supporters
in his crowd circle and wore matching clothes with his other posse members, other
posses began to recognize him and scrutinize his moves and style more closely. He
was recognized in the street by other hip hoppers and became integrated into the
breakdancing hip hop community. Other rap posses and fashion crews that did not
know him before, now called him Flyer and understood his talents and interests.
Joining the posse allowed him to solidify his interest in breakdancing as well as be
recognized for his talents and style.
Building further on this example and how his group identity allows him to express
himself to others on a deeper level is through the name of his group. His posse was
called EnterNational Scoundrelz because they had an international member and prided
themselves in constantly incorporating imported moves into their routines. They also
added other foreign dance styles into their routines such as Latin beats and swing spins.
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In this way, the name Flyer alone signified to other one type of moves he does, but his
group name, which was graffitied all over their jackets and pants, portrayed a deeper
level of his identity and style to others. People were able to see the group name as well
as his and understand more about his dancing style and preferences than if he was
alone.
Some breakers, like my friend, create signature moves or styles that they are best at
or known for. Examples of this would be mid air freezes (where the breaker holds
himself upside down with one hand and severely arches his back) or pop-locking
breakers who remain in the standing position for most of their performance. “Pop
locking (a mixture of strutting, robotics and moonwalking) and body-popping
(developed on the West Coast by Boogaloo Sam)” (Ogg and Upshall 2001, 15) are both
types of signature styles or moves that some hip hoppers use in their performances,
often times adding their own twists or swaggers.
Crowd circles and the breakdancing style of the Chinese hip hop community has
some unique characteristics. Crowd circles happen in some hip hop clubs in the US
and Europe, but in China there can be up to twenty or thirty competitions in a night
during the 2 to 3 crowd circles. Also, the crowd in China is much more interactive than
in other hip hop communities. The crowd cheers on their favorite breakers and
understands there are certain posses or breakers that consistently compete against each
other through-out the night. On Saturday, March 17, 2006, one of Jay-Z’s producers
came to the club Bon Bon in Shanghai. The day of the show, all of the hip hoppers had
gathered in one of the local parks in Shanghai and breakers were practicing while hip
hoppers were hanging out and watching. Two breakdancing posses were teaching each
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other moves and practicing together. During the actual show, the posses continuously
competed against each other with the same moves they had been practicing all day. The
half of the crowd that had watched them practice during the day seemed to judge and
pick their favorite by biggest improvement, best clubbing outfit and the breaker with
the most self-confidence and competition spirit. This type of continuous competition
and collaboration is unique to the Chinese hip hop scene and is an indication of how
global hip hop culture has been glocalized into the Chinese urban communities.
The performance aspect of breakdancing is important for Chinese hip hoppers to
express their style and attitude. Hazzard-Donald discusses that the richness of gesture in
breakdancing is a means of showing interest in the opposite sex by flirting, competition,
self-assurance and male bonding (Hazzard-Donald 2004, 511). This is equally prominent
in Chinese culture, but as I will discuss in the gender relation section in the next chapter,
the sexual courting is less aggressive than American breakdancing. The confrontational
nature of hip hop dance lends to specific kinesthetic discourse between posses in that two
leaders can go head to head in a competition challenging everything from footwork skills,
to overall confidence on the dance floor. “Respect, identity, and competition were
important factors for breakdancers” (Ogg and Upshall 2001, 15). Occasionally, if a
breaker or a rapper felt assaulted by another posse he would come into the circle during
their performance and would begin to perform his own moves to block the floor space
and their performance time. This was considered confrontational and often times rude
and was only done when there was serious animosity between two posses, which did not
often happen.
Other than crowd circles, breakers can also do street performances or participate in
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organized breakdancing competitions. Organized competitions occur monthly in local
clubs. Usually the same few posses or individuals compete and add new moves they
learned. Street performances are mostly for practice with moves and interacting with the
crowd. Street breakers bring a piece of cardboard or linoleum to dance on top of so that
they do not scrape their knees and elbows on the pavement. They bring a stereo to play
rap music and beats and then practice moves. They interact more with each other than
the crowd, helping each other get spins right or making footwork look ‘cleaner,’ which
means more punctuated and choppy where each move is clearly exhibited and they do not
run together. Crowds form around the dancers for aerial moves because it is an unusual
and impressive type of dance. Chinese urban citizens including the elderly seem to love
these shows and cheer loudly when they are impressed by a certain move. I believe this
is due to the fact that not only is breakdancing impressive and fun to watch, but also
dance is very popular and common on the streets of urban China as discussed above.
Breakdancers use dance moves like rappers use lyrics to express feelings of pride,
love and competition. Swagger and confidence shows the crowd or other posses feelings
of self-confidence and superiority in front of other posses and the crowd. Flirtation and
love is shown by breakers (usually only the males) when they approach the interested
female and do still poses (such as a headstand or curved jackhammer) in front of her, this
demonstrates strength and poise to other club participants and the female. It also asserts
inclusion and marks territory. Occasionally, two male breakers will compete to impress
one girl on the outside of the circle, which gives her the power to choose the winner
instead of the entire crowd circle. Breakdancers constantly collaborate and evolve their
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style and repertoire of moves to keep current with the breakdancing trends as they create
them.
Graffiti in Chinese Hip Hop
Graffiti is not as popular as breakdancing or rapping namely because there are
legal consequences for graffiti on public property. Most posses who practice the art form
of graffiti only sometimes use outside surfaces, but mostly graffiti on album covers and
hip hop objects such as clothing, hats and backpacks. Graffiti is the unauthorized
drawing, writing or painting on any surface (Merriam-Webster Dictionary 2005).
Usually, Chinese graffiti artists form posses and create a name for their posse and graffiti
names. Some names for the graffiti posses I met were Skum Choice, Street Haizi
(Children), and Lanse (Blue), because they usually wore all blue and painted with
different shades of blue. They paint and draw their names on public surfaces as well as in
a specialized signature on most of their personal items. Painting on public surfaces is a
way of saying to others, I am just as important as any other commodity ad that is
displayed (Ogg and Upshall 2001, 20).
In many urban areas in China there are graffiti ‘parks’ where local graffiti posses
gather on weekends or at night to practice, draw and compare their artwork. Each posse
or artist not only has a graffiti name, but also a persona, which they display through their
artwork. For example, bright colors and big bubble type writing signify to onlookers that
the artist is more of a fun, bigger than life personality, where as some posses only use
dark colors and depressing images and feel that their art mimics their inner feelings about
life. One of the ‘darker’ artists in Yangshuo drew pictures of cartoon characters in chains
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or behind bars. He described this as his feelings in life because he feels he can never
leave his job and will probably never leave Yangshuo.
Graffiti and drawing on surfaces also gives artists the sense of immortality.
“Creating graffiti thus, provides the author with a sense of establishing some sort of
identity, and, depending on the medium used, some sort of immortality” (Bynoe 2006,
xxii). Figure 4.3 is an article from Urban Magazine, an urban hip hop magazine, about
graffiti in Guangzhou. This shows a few examples of the different types of graffiti that
can be seen in and around Guangzhou. The article gives the known names of artists and
locations of these pictures. From these pictures we are able to see the different styles and
types of graffiti in a city. Each picture shows a different artists’ work and how they wish
to portray themselves because they use graffiti to show other’s their personality and
tastes. The graffiti pictured here is not just words, but also graphics and images,
sometimes they are self-portraits or images that are related to hip hop.
The bottom left picture for example shows the artist working on a picture of a figure
with an alternative skateboard on a jumbled black and yellow street. This would
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signify to others the importance of skateboarding to the artist as well as the unclear
nature of the path he is on. The jumbled street could also be an artistic interpretation of
the already confusing nature of Guangzhou’s city streets and development path.
Interpretation can be left up to onlookers’ judgment, but at hip hop gatherings where
hip hoppers watch the art being done, often times the artist will explain what he is
drawing or his ideas before, during or after he draws. These are examples of how
graffiti sets up an expression of ideas of self-perception and image to others by hip hop
graffiti artists.
Chinese graffiti artists collaborate with rappers or breakdancers in designing album
covers and drawing a posse’s breakdancing name on shirts, backpacks and hats. In this
way, posses are able to differentiate their fashion and identity further. See figure 4.1
for an example of graffiti art on the cover of an album. Kinetic Raw had members of a
graffiti posse decorate his album cover, showing further the process of collaboration
between hip hop neo-tribes.
The Chinese hip hoppers have created their own breakdancing culture through
posse formation and created their own definition and hip hop titles for different
members of the community. These are forms of hip hop hybrids because breakdancing
and Graffiti are international hip hop phenomenon’s, but the Chinese community has
assigned these art forms a new common Chinese culture and set of rules for Chinese
breakers and graffitiers to abide by. Another form of expression that Chinese youth use
to display their tastes and attitudes is fashion and cultural representation. Fashion is
another example of how Chinese youth have glocalized hip hop objects and the hip hop
fashion world by giving them Chinese characteristics.
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Chapter 4 Hip Hop Fashion, Cultural Representation and Commodities
Luxury goods, fashion and commodities are important aspects of Chinese hip hop
and the Generation Y culture. As part of the glocalization process, the Chinese hip hop
community assigns meaning to certain types of objects so that the objects represent and
portray the owner’s attitude or identity to other members of the community. “Objects are
inherently vague and indeterminate, actors in the social world assign meaning beyond
just the ‘visible attributes’ of the subject, therefore meaning and perception is an act of
social construction (Bourdieu 1984, 69). Materials, brands and jewelry are important
parts of the hip hop lifestyle and require the constant purchasing of new trendy objects
and styles. In this way, the hip hop community consists mostly of the generation of
middle to upper class ‘only’ children who have the money to participate in the fashion
aspect of the hip hop culture. This fashion aspect is important for all of the hip hop
roles—breakers, rappers, MC’s, DJ’s, and graffitiers. Hip hop fashion integrates the
tangible objects into the everyday interactions of hip hoppers and expressions of their
identity. There is some performance in fashionista’s swagger, but most of the expression
is done through association with objects.
Cultural Representation and the Hip Hop Fashion Culture
Baseball hats, chains, skateboards, baggy pants and painted sneakers are all
examples of hip hop cultural artifacts that have been assigned cultural significance. Du
Gay et al. describe the process of the assignment of meaning to cultural artifacts and call
the process of cultural representation articulation. Articulation is “the form of the
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connection that can make a unity of two or more different or distinct elements …it is a
linkage” between objects and meaning (du Gay et al. 1997, 3). They describe how
identity is assigned to an object through the example of the Sony Walkman. Following
the du Gay et al.’s articulation thesis I will give examples of important hip hop objects,
their hip hop meaning and how object identification has been established between the
artifact and the hip hop group of consumers.
Most hip hop artifacts and fashion items are bought in the hip hop stores. As of
June 2006, there were three hip hop stores located in Shanghai, Fly Streetwear (278
Chang Le Road and 704 Guang Yuan Road), Amaze (#89 Chang Le Road) and Eblis
Hungi (232 Chang Le Road and 139 Chang Le Road). Hip hop stores advertise fliers and
promotional items from local clubs, CD releases and parties. To advertise using fliers,
posses, artists, producers, or clubs are responsible for the printing and designing the flier.
The advertiser then has to approach the stores’ manager or an employee and ask to put
them on the tables in the store. Many of the promoters also stand on street corners, come
to hip hop hangouts and go to college campuses to pass out fliers. The stores carry most
of the hip hop gear I discuss and, for a fee, hip hoppers can order specialized jackets, hats
or sneakers. Besides fliers, the stores carry jewelry, shoes, jerseys, accessories, pants,
jumpsuits, jackets, socks, sports bands, hip hop books and magazines. Foreign as well as
Chinese magazines are sold in the store. Figure 5.4 is an example of one of the hip hop
magazines. Chinese hip hop magazines advertise new fashions, have articles about new
DJs and artists and news within the Chinese hip hop industry (see top of the cover
“Street, trends, source, music, games, guide and lifestyle” of hip hop). There have only
been three hip hop specific magazines in China, they have not lasted very long and
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frequently change owners. A few magazines that were originally hip hop, have now
incorporated other types of subgenre music such as techno, reggae and salsa.
Figure 5.4
Urban
magazine Vol.
19 2005
Nov/Dec issue,
bought in 02/06
from Fly Street
wear hip hop
store.
The magazines were all free and tried to obtain money from advertisers. When I asked
some of the managers and hip hoppers who ran one of the magazines, why they had to
stop producing it, they said that they did not know how to get advertisers. I believe that
these magazines failed because the hip hop community in China is still small, the
magazines were free and the young hip hoppers do not know how to market and obtain
popular brand sponsors.
Fashion has always been a central part of hip hop culture and changes depending
on the context and time. Generation Yers pride themselves in keeping current with
Western trends and fashion. Although being able to purchase expensive hip hop gear is
favorable, it is not necessary. Many Chinese hip hoppers will copy or make their own
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clothes based on a trend they saw and liked. Generation Yers, according to Stanat, “one
of their favorite hobbies [is] window shopping, as they [can] not afford pricey clothing”
(Stanat 2006, 21). Hip hop fashion is another prime example of how Generation Yers
value shopping, clothing and accessories.
“Fashion was immediately impacted by rap music videos, with fans eager to buy
clothing worn by their favorite rap artists. This mainstreaming of Hip Hop
fashion transformed ready to wear clothing, such as sheepskin coast, Kangol hats,
Izod Shirts, and lee jeans that New York City B-boys and B-girls adopted and
restyled to their tastes, into a new category, ‘urban wear’” (Bynoe 2006, xxvi).
Brands are an important aspect of hip hop culture. In America, certain brands are better
than others and therefore signify what the wearer can afford. For example, for a US
rapper a Louis Vitton backpack is a better status symbol than a Prada backpack because
Loius Vitton is more expensive than Prada, even though both are expensive. In China,
on the other hand, all brands are positive. For example, Nike gear is more expensive than
Reebok gear, but both are viewed as status symbols because they are brands. Any
branded object or clothing item will be seen as higher class than that same object without
the brand. In the Chinese hip hop scene status is not derived from differentiation between
brands, only if an object is made by a brand at all.
These brands do not have to be foreign. Chinese and American brands are both
seen as status symbols. Both Chinese and Foreign brands, knowing the popularity and
growth of the Chinese hip hop culture, are using hip hop to appeal to Generation Y. For
example KFC has reinvented its traditional Colonel Sanders spokesperson by giving him
hip hop clothing in commercials.
In a way, posses also try to brand themselves. Each posse varies the extent in
which they differentiate or brand themselves. On the most basic level, almost all posses
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brand themselves through their name or ‘motto.’ One posse, for example, chose the
motto “fujiang de gou,” which literally means ‘prosperous dogs.’ They prided
themselves on selling a lot of albums and winning competitions, but wore dog chains
around their belt loops and hooked to their wallets. They graffitied their motto onto their
clothes, shoes, hats and bikes. The next level of posse branding is color or clothing
coordination.
In the Chinese hip hop culture it is important to match or have a similar style to
your posse. Many posses wear matching jumpsuits at competitions or in clubs or have a
single item that they all always wear such as a necklace, hat or bandana. For example, at
the weekly hip hop battles at DKD, each posse wears matching outfits. At one of the
battles, one crew was all wearing white ‘wife-beater’ tank tops, baggy jeans and a single
chain with their crew’s emblem in (fake) diamonds around their necks. The other posse
wore black and orange jumpsuits, each was wearing a different style jump suit or
jacket/baggy pants combo but with a similar color scheme. Because of the one-child
policy in China and the rise of consumerism, teenagers and twenty year olds in urban
areas have more disposable income to spend on clothing and hip hop commodities
(Sisson 2006,1). This allows the posses to have different outfits for each show and buy
posse ‘signature’ items like fake or real gold chains, hats and jackets. Posses will often
spend hundreds of dollars a month outfitting the posse in matching accessories and outfits
and then decorating them to be unique and match their style. There are a few posses that
have made their own varsity type jackets with their posses’ name on the back and their
nickname stitched on the front with their posses’ colors. Not all posses have their own
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colors, handshakes, names or symbols. Each posse differs on how many unique
traditions they have.
Sports and Athletic Gear in Chinese Hip Hop
Athletic gear is a popular article of hip hop fashion. The identity or meaning that
consumers assign to baseball hats and jerseys and other athletic material is associated
with favorite teams or sports. In the hip hop community, the athletic gear has nothing to
do with favorite sports teams or being an athletic fan, it simply has to do with liking a
jersey’s style or colors. Jerseys, baseball hats, track suits and sweat bands worn together
with baggy pants signify to others you are in the hip hop community. Posses will often
wear matching jerseys not because they all like that particular team, but rather to show
they are all on the same team. In figure 4.2 above, even the club’s promotion plays on
the Major League Baseball logo. When I asked a Chinese hip hop posse I often saw
wearing Red Sox gear if they liked Boston, they stared at me blankly. They told me they
had picked the logo because they liked the way it ‘looked’ and the color red, they did not
know anything about the team and could not tell me which sport the Red Sox played.
Breakdancers wear athletic gear because it is easy to move around in. Tennis arm bands
and head bands soak up sweat while dancing. Therefore, athletic gear gives the wearer
identity of being a breakdancer.
The prominence of athletic gear is a part of the larger connection of hip hop to
sports. Because “sports are not heavily integrated into the Chinese culture” (Maher et al.
2004, 141), sports and hip hop are both young forms of entertainment. Chinese urban
youth especially have taken up soccer and basketball as a major form of recreation. Hip
hop in particular has been tied to basketball because African American’s play American
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basketball as well as produce American rap. The popularity of NBA star Yao Ming has
contributed to this phenomenon. In China, basketball is tied to African American culture,
and if Generation Yers want to incorporate other parts of African American culture, they
turn to hip hop. Basketball games often have hip hop on in the background and
incorporated into commercials. As basketball gets more airtime, Generation Yers are
getting more exposure to hip hop music and culture and therefore it becomes more
appealing to them. Therefore, the rise and popularity of basketball among Generation
Yers has contributed to the rise of hip hop.
As seen in the Chapter 5, there are entire Chinese hip hop songs written about
playing basketball. There are several ‘basketball’ posses that pride themselves in ‘being
able to score like American black basketball players’ as one of them described to me.
The members of one of the basketball posses I spoke with, hangout at all of the local hip
hop hangouts (one of which is the local basketball courts) and go to the clubs and labs to
collaborate on the music. They wear ‘hip hop’ clothes—baggy pants, chains and baseball
hats with flat brims, but told me that they do not like to rap or breakdance they just like
supporting their friends. This basketball posse distinguishes itself by always ‘looking
like they just came off the court.’ Usually, the leader told me, they are indeed coming
right off the court. Throughout the night at a hip hop restaurant hangout the basketball
posse will wear gym towels over their shoulders, basketball tennis shoes and wife beater
tank tops. They wear very little accessories or nice clothes because ‘everything gets
sweaty.’ There are not many of these basketball posses, but there are other posses that
distinguish themselves within the hip hop community by what sport they practice.
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Basketball as well as extreme sports are both very popular in the hip hop
community. There are several skateboarding posses that frequent skate parks, attend
skateboard competitions with their posses or use skateboards to get around the city.
Skateboard posses will carry around skateboards, yet they also redefine the skateboard
with an alternative hip hop meaning. The hip hopper skateboarders that I encountered
had decorated their boards with hip hop paraphernalia and writing. They often graffitied
their boards (or had friends who were graffiti artists do it for them), put on bumper type
stickers of American rap artists, or as I only saw once, put mini-rims on their skateboards
wheels. In this way, the skateboard itself signified the owners’ interests, but the way it
was decorated also portrayed style, economic level as well as favorite artists.
Other extreme sports that seemed popular in the hip hop community were bungee
jumping and sky diving. Although I did not meet any posses that specialized in these
particular activities, there were posses that prided themselves in being ‘adventurous’
travelers. By adventurous I do not mean rough conditions. Many times hip hoppers
travel quite luxuriously and are ‘adventurous’ in the sense that they plan extreme or
unusual activities such as bungee jumping, surfing, white water rafting, deep sea diving.
Hip hoppers would most often travel or vacation to Hainan for water sports, Guilin and
Yangshuo for rock climbing, Tibet for glacier climbing and mud driving (driving over
rough roads in SUVs) and Xinjiang to go sand sledding and ATV dune hopping (driving
ATVs up sand dunes). These adventure trips were common and usually took place
during the yearly golden week where all Chinese businesses close for vacation. Hip
hoppers would also take weekend trips often. Shanghai hip hoppers take trains or have
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cars to travel out to Suzhou or Hangzhou and then stay in hotels and ‘party’ for the
weekend at the local clubs.
These extreme sports travelers do not seem to distinguish themselves in any way
with fashion, except that they were able to buy the most expensive gear. This is because
these hobbies and travel are expensive, so the more wealthy posses and individuals took
them on as their hobbies. It is important to note that not all skateboarders, basketball
players or other extreme sports fanatics are part of the hip hop community, there are
merely hip hop posses that participate in these other community’s activities and lifestyle
as well as the hip hop one.
Athletic physique is also important for members of the hip hop community. Hip
Hoppers not only wear athletic gear, but also value working out, playing sports and
staying in shape. Both men and women work out frequently and the majority of hip
hoppers, especially those in breakdancing posses, have developed muscle tone.
Accessories
Accessories are very important in hip hop culture. This article from Peace Media
magazine (Jan. 2006, publisher is Peace Media) is a monthly feature presenting hip
hoppers found on the street (usually in the area where the hip hop gear shops are) and
featuring interesting styles or outfits. They point out accessories in the lower left hand
corner of each picture such as watches, hats, shoes, scarves and bags. Besides jewelry,
which is discussed below, having hip hop accessories, is important for a hip hopper’s
overall image. Decoration onto clothing and accessories also signifies a certain style.
Graffitiers particularly like to decorate their jackets, hats, shoes and pants with their crew
emblems or artwork. Some crews will stitch rhinestones or attach beads to their jackets
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and skirts as a type of ornamentation. I believe this happens because there are only a few
places to get ‘hip hop’ clothing and gear. Therefore many posses will end up buying
similar jackets and accessories because they are shopping in a limited pool of goods.
Thus, hip hoppers will buy a new product that just arrived in a hip hop store and decorate
it. In this way, if they wear it out and other hip hoppers or posses are wearing the same
thing, they still differentiate themselves and are wearing something unique.
Figure 4.5
Excerpted out of Peace Media Magazine (Jan. 2006), a music subgenre
magazine for hip hop, reggae and trance.
Sneakers are an especially important accessory in hip hop fashion. Hip hoppers
use sneaker quality, type and style, to gauge the amount of money that the wearer has.
Expensive name branded sneakers are looked favorably upon by most hip hoppers
because luxury items and spending money on fashion is considered good. (There are a
few posses who celebrate the grunge look, but most wear or try to wear expensive
sneakers). There is also a ‘sneaker etiquette.’ During the day most Chinese hip hoppers
will not wear their most expensive shoes, but at night or at performances cleaned shoes
are on display. There is an unspoken code to never tread or bump another’s shoes because
it shows higher status the whiter/newer looking your sneakers are. In figure 4.4 you can
see that one of the articles is all about sneakers, sneaker brands and how to keep them
looking new and clean. Breakdancers in particular strive to keep their shoes clean despite
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footwork on black dance floors because often their feet are in the air and during
performances the audience is watching their feet during dance moves. Clean expensive
sneakers are a signifier to other members of the hip hop community that you have time
and money to be able to breakdance.
Sneakers are a good example of hip hopper’s attention to fashion detail. Some
hip hoppers will even match the color and style of their shoe laces to other members of
their posse. Accessories especially represent a hip hoppers conscientiousness in terms of
their clothes. Not only do hip hoppers pay close attention to their own fashion detail, but
they also pay close attention what other hip hoppers are wearing. In the restroom at hip
hop nightclubs you often hear girls complimenting each other one their respective outfits
and asking them where they bought something or how they made it. Men also will
admire other hip hoppers shoes or necklaces and ask them about what they are wearing.
Jewelry, like clean sneakers, is another way hip hoppers show their wealth.
Because wealth, opulence and materialism are positive ideas in the Chinese hip hop
community, the more expensive jewelry you have, the richer you are, and the more
respect you get. Jewelry, also bling-bling, rocks and ice, can be bought at local hip hop
stores, designed by the hip hoppers themselves or from non-hip hop jewelers, or bought
at any jewelry vendor. Figure 2.2 on page 32, the advertisement for a hip hop night at a
club, also uses a gold and diamond chain to advertise, knowing expensive chains mean
high quality. Diamonds are often put on everything from teeth or ‘grills’ (mouth pieces
that some rappers wear over their teeth that have gold and precious stones embedded in
them), to bicycles to nails.
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Figure 4.6 is an advertisement flier for a hip hop store. I believe it is supposed to
say “living good” but they made an error in the printing. Here, the flier pictures a
diamond and gold bike and a Chinese hip hopper wearing diamond earrings and rings.
Bikes, which are a major aspect of Chinese life, are reassigned identity when they
become ‘blinged out.’ Instead of being an average mode of transportation, this bike is a
symbol of luxury and the upper class because it is so expensive. Cars, although also very
prestigious are not often seen on the hip hop scene. In Shanghai and Beijing, most hip
hoppers prefer to ride bikes, the subways and buses. Posses that have cars usually own
very old run down ones and only use them to buy supplies. The only time hip hoppers
express the need or desire for cars is when they want to drive to shows or competitions in
other cities.
Still, hip hoppers, like most Chinese urban citizens, have no problem taking the
train.
Figure 4.6
Flier picked
up at Haze
Hip Hop
shop in
March 2006.
Hair is another aspect of hip hop fashion accessorizing. Some posses match their
hairstyles to distinguish themselves. An example of this, is a posse that is known for
having ‘cornrows.’ When a hip hopper cornrows their hair, they tightly braid their hair in
small lines all across the scalp, resembling rows of corn. The posse, consisting of both
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men and women, do their cornrows differently every few months. They can change the
direction of the rows to make them spell out a letter or character, make the rows wavy or
straight. Some posses also dye their hair different colors to either match their outfits or
color scheme, or to make their hair color and pattern their defining characteristic. For
example, a few posses put different color streaks in their hair or they bleach their hair all
one color such as white blonde or blue. Mohawks and tall spikes are rare, but there are
some posses that sport Mohawks. On average, male hip hoppers either have a buzz cut or
wear short spikes that they gel. The female hip hopper’s average hairstyle is more varied
because they keep their hair any length between the chin and the middle back.
Fashion’s close relationship with rap culture has made hip hop the target of
commodity advertisers. Many famous or well known rappers are seen in commercials for
clothing, athletic products and other luxury commodities. Although many commodity
producers target the Chinese hip hop audience, many urban hip hoppers buy fake
products and try to pass them off as real (Sisson 2006,1). Real Adidas are viewed as
higher class than knock-offs, but it is often difficult to tell the difference. This is actually
a common topic of conversation in many of the posses. The posses that consider
themselves hip hop ‘fashionistas’ often discuss what other posses are wearing and if their
clothes are ‘real’ or not. If someone has something that is discovered to be fake, they can
be the subject of ridicule. The issue of counterfeit goods in the fashion world of Chinese
hip hop is partially what differentiates Chinese hip hop fashion from global hip hop
fashion. As discussed above, posses often ask each other which part of their outfits is
real or fake and posses that can dress cool, but wear fake gear, are not as respected as the
posses with real gear. This distinction is unique to the Chinese hip hop community.
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Many of the fashion commodities come from abroad, which is just one of many
aspects of hip hop that is internationally influenced. Not only are there foreign influences
in Chinese hip hop, but also many foreign rappers have guest appearances on Chinese
albums. Chinese rappers also rap about foreign fashion and international travel more
often than American rappers.
“Foreigners play a conspicuous role in Chinese hip hop. Yin T’sang provides a
good example, only one out of its four members is Chinese: MC Webber is a
Beijing resident, two members are white Americans, one is an overseas Chinese
from Canada. Sketch Krime, who moved from Yunnan to Beijing, work with four
MCs from France, Britain, Japan and the U.S. The mixture of nationalities is
negotiated in different ways” (De Kloet 2005a 8).
Even at many modern music festivals such as the Midi 2004 Modern Music Festival in
Beijing the décor was meant to provide an “internationalized cultural place” (Balbo 2004,
46). Chinese hip hop overall tends to want to include various international types of
language, culture and art form making it more inclusive rather than exclusive. This
mirrors the fact that posses are constantly interacting with each other in the same way
that Chinese hip hoppers learn and borrow from international hip hop culture.
The process of assigning meaning to an object happens two ways for the Chinese
hip hop community. First, a hip hop object can already have meaning because, as
discussed above, it comes from abroad. Second, a posse or group of hip hoppers can
choose a regular object and assign it a new hip hop meaning. An example of this
surfaced while I was in Shanghai: it became very popular to carry umbrellas covered in
graffiti, jewels or sports colors. Hip hoppers would walk or lean on them, so instead of
being used when it rained, they were assigned a new meaning that reflected how a
particular posse or hip hopper decorated it.
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Another example of an assignment of a hip hop definition is how graffiti artists
use, what we call, fannypacks. The usual definition or inference that most people have
about fannypacks is that people use them to carry things when they have a long distance
to walk. Therefore, fannypacks are usually carried by tourists. While writing on walls or
pieces of clothing, graffiti artists will often wear a hip bag or fannypack to hold a few
cans of spray paint, a mask or a towel to use while they are working so that they do not
have to bend down to pick up their supplies. This fannypack serves a functional purpose
for the graffiti artists. Yet, Chinese graffiti artists are now wearing them to clubs at night
or out to hip hop hangouts. Other hip hoppers automatically know that hip hopper is a
graffiti artist because of the fannypack. Therefore, Chinese hip hoppers have reassigned
the fannypack a new definition, and wearers can portray a certain identity with that
object.
The fact that some fashion hip hoppers are only able to express their tastes and
identity when they put on their hip hop gear (clothes, accessories, jewelry, shoes) shows
that the association to objects is a crucial part of hip hoppers demonstration of their role
to the rest of the hip hop community. As hip hoppers pick the objects to display, they are
developing their tastes and establishing style. Identifying desired and representative
objects is an ongoing process for hip hoppers as new trends and objects are created and
associated to hip hop.
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Chapter 5: The Themes of Chinese Hip Hop Lyrics
Chinese rap music is much less subversive than Chinese rock music and
American rap and tends to stick to less controversial themes. Chinese rappers may not
sing about racism, violence and misogyny because of social preference. The dynamic
relationship between rappers, producers and censors is fluid. Rappers desire to express
themselves freely, but they also want censors to allow their songs on the radio. Therefore
the balance between censors and artists is a give and take process. Censorship, as
discussed in Chapter 2, is a part of the glocalization process and the resulting rap lyrics
and videos are hybrids of American rap and Chinese social traits and customs.
The major characteristics in Chinese rap lyrics are love, everyday emotions and
trivialities, braggadocio and hip hop music and culture. American underground rap deals
with these themes as well as political repression, poverty, urbanization, and racism.
American underground rap music examines what is “foreign, sexually charged, and the
criminal underworld against which the norms of white society are defined, and, by
extension, through which they may be defied” (Samuels 2004, 148). Many of these
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themes are subversive and rebellious. In this way, underground rap is charged with social
messages or commentary while corporate or mainstream rap does not have as many
social messages. American corporate rap tends to be misogynistic, violent, and sexist.
Themes of American rap are women, parties, drugs and alcohol, the ghetto, gangs, and
material possessions. Corporate rap tends to be “a series of unapologetic narratives that
celebrate violence, humiliate women, and indulge marijuana use to excess. Race and
class struggle have become a series of rhetorical catch phrases and visual signposts
absent of any political or social relevance” (Boyd 2004, 326). Chinese lyrics, on the other
hand, are dedicated to love, everyday life and the glorification of materialism and masked
by an absence of violence.
Lyrical Themes
Chinese rap is not as subversive as Chinese rock music, nor is it like American
rap because it deals with much more intimate issues. The major themes of Chinese rap
music are love, love of hip hop itself, self-pride and the actions and feelings of everyday
life and society in China. The
“latest hip-hop trend echoes the discovery of a musical genre that speaks to the
ordinary lives of Beijing’s youth as it did 20 years ago to urban kids in the
States...hip-hop gives young people a fresh opportunity to listen to music that they
feel speaks from the heart and a lifestyle through which they can express their
independence” (Cultural Scene 2004).
The dominant occurrence of the themes explored below shows what current Chinese
youth are experiencing in their lives.
Love is one of the major themes in hip hop and in Chinese popular music. Love
triangles, affairs, boyfriends and girlfriends, mistresses, jealousy, heartbreak and soul
mates fill the Chinese radio airwaves and are also an important theme in Chinese rap
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music. The song “Moth to the Fire,” by Sing (Chen Xiaochun), is an example of how
love pervades the thoughts of rappers’ everyday lives and then is translated into hip hop
lyrics as their outlet. Sing expresses how his feelings of love for a women is like a moth
drawn to a fire—irresistible yet deadly because if he goes too close he will get burned. 17
“Moth to the Fire”18
Fall in love with me, are you stupid?
Love you the most, do I understand
In the umbrella I am not afraid that it will be empty
Until your hands hurt, then you will realize what is hard to hold onto
Even though I don’t care about the outcome or the good or bad
If I can make a mistake for you I would rather not ever be right
Peaceful times when everything is boring without you
If it’s worth it, I won’t be one day without you
One day with you is worth a year
I want to go hide with you and go into the fire
If I can do something for you in exchange for ten seconds of fun with you
Then why shouldn’t I fly into the fire like the moth
If the ash wont distinguish you and me
The love has existed once
Fire and tears cannot be separated
I would chain my hands and feet to be with the woman I love
Behind a strong back beat, Sing expresses his desire to do anything for his love. This
kind of expression of love is not unique to Chinese music, as many Chinese pop singers
sing about love. Yet, it is different from other forms of global hip hop, since it is rare to
hear an American or European rap song only about love. Many of them are about the act
of sex, not love. Huot discusses how love is a part of many linglei forms of music in
17
I translated the lyrics from Mandarin to English.
“Sing” (Chen Xiaochun), #16 CD: “Ten years of memorable and newfound songs
(collection)”
18
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China because it does not threaten censors and is a major facet of young Chinese life
(Huot 2000, 155-156).
Hip hop itself, and the power of expression through hip hop, is another major
topic for Chinese rappers. Sbazzo, who is a Canadian born rapper in China, is a member
of the former hip hop group Yin T’sang. This group was one of the first major hip hop
groups to become popular. In an interview, Sbazzo describes how hip hop is a new form
of expression and resonates deeply with some Chinese youth’s desire to express
themselves in a new way. Hip hop is “a brand-new opportunity. It’s getting more
exciting, with a lot of new people getting into the scene” (York 2006, 1). The number of
hip hoppers in urban and even remote areas, like Tibet, is steadily growing because youth
find hip hop to be a mode of expression. “The growing legions of Chinese rappers, Bboys and DJs seem to be attracted to hip-hop for the same reasons anyone is: selfexpression and self-empowerment” (Sisson 2007, 1). Because Chinese urban youth feel
they have a new outlet, they often praise hip hop as a malleable, danceable and
empowering art form in their own lyrics.
Jay Chou, in his song “Surrounded on Four Sides by Music,” sings about how
music is the only permanent aspect of life and thus what he lives for. Although Jay Chou
is predominately known for his pop songs, he is now transforming into a hip hop star by
producing rap songs and wearing hip hop clothing. I think he represents the growing
popularity of the hip hop genre. He discusses that through hip hop, he might be able to
take off his “mask” and truly express himself. Through hip hop he can be honest and
strong.19
19
My translation of the lyrics originally in Mandarin.
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“Surrounded on Four Sides by Music”
20
The final purpose is for the audience to hear a good show and to raise my ratings
I don’t know if I have enough courage to take off the mask
I only know that serious and honest men are the most beautiful.
…
I can only keep on going I am on the road home
I see the road sign directing me to the street of entertainment
If I choose to go forward I have to be strong I am going I am going
…
News is temporal, life is forever and music will stay
I am still myself, no one can change me
Even though I know a lot of shooters want to hurt me
When I climb to the top no one can hurt me
Jay Chou’s statement that “music will stay and I am myself, no one can change me”
shows that through hip hop he is not only able to express himself, but also music gives
him permanence. His feelings will always be in the song.
Not unlike other subgenres and forms of imported music in China, hip hoppers
often boast of their own skills, popularity and good looks through rap lyrics. These
arrogant pretenses have become a common theme scattered throughout songs on an
album and are usually the theme of the first song on Chinese rap albums21. Will opens
his self-titled second album with the song “Who is the MVP?” He brags about his
previous hits and that “your father loves me, your mother loves me even more” showing
that hip hop is not limited to youth. He stresses his commanding power of the stage and
audience and control of his music and talents. (My translation from Mandarin, underlined
words were already in English).
“Who is the MVP?”
Welcome back, for me it has not gone by that quickly
20
Jay Chou, #8, Huo Yuan Jia, (2006).
21
“Who is the MVP?”, CD: Will His Highness (Pan Wei Bo) Gao Shou (2005)
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So im back for a 4 time hits you know it I got ur body shaking and screaming I like it
pow
Four time hits really rock your brain cells
Listen to the performance, the performance is heating up
Listen quietly, I set free all the confidence in my heart
I see all my powers to let you know I am coming out again
You want me to wait, but I don’t have the patience
Time is flying by seconds by minutes
Still, I don’t have the patience to wait, and you still want me to wait
Because when I step out onto the stage the light goes on
When I come out the light goes on
Your dad loves me, your mother loves me even more
Yo who is the rap MVP
Who has that mic in his hands
It’s me, Its you, Its me, Its you, It’s still me
Now that Im back you will never get your mic back yo
Will MVP discusses how the ‘mic’ in his hands gives him power and makes him feel like
he is invincible. Many rappers claim their superior ability to rap and manipulate rhymes
and lyrics sets them above others because to be able to make rap music pleasing to your
audience, you have to have command of language flow. Sisson refers to this as Chinese
“hip hop’s braggadocio” (Sisson 2007, 1) and is different from the American
gangsta/pimp attitude because it is not violent or misogynistic.
In live rap battles in particular, bragging about one’s own talent and ‘dissing’, or
insulting, others is a necessary chorus in a string of rap epithets. Hip hop as an art form
requires a certain amount of self confidence because you must be able to assert authority
over language and lyrics. Showing self-confidence signals to the crowd and fan that the
rapper is more talented because he is sure and in control. This kind of self-praise and
pride is expressed by dissing others, praising one’s women, jewelry, cars, appearance,
bragging about their lively parties, and how well one rhymes, beats or flows. In almost all
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rap battles I attended, both competitors opened and closed with lines about how they
were the “king of their domain” whether it was the city, rap, women or their clan.
Some songs of braggadocio and many live battle raps glorify materialism. The
importance of expensive clothes and hip hop gear is evident when simply looking at a hip
hopper entering a rap club or in any of the hip hop stores, but materialism and
consumerism is encouraged in song lyrics as well. In “Bullets on my Wrist,” Wang
LeeHom, claims in the chorus that he is not an average thug and what sets him apart is
the platinum on his chest (referencing the popular diamond chains that many rappers
wear). “Bullets on my wrist” refers to the importance of wearing an expensive (usually
foreign made) watch and he ends the chorus with “I am the richest,” which is most
impressive for him. Having the most expensive clothes, jewelry and accessories is
something most Chinese as well as American rappers deem as important to physically
show off and verbally brag about in battles and songs.
The most prominent and broad theme of Chinese hip hop is the tribulations, actions
and thoughts of the Chinese youths in this everyday lives. Kang discusses that
contemporary popular culture in the 1990s had taken a step away from the
“‘everydayness’ that is the tangible, the concrete, and the countless individual routine
activities—eating, dressing, sleeping, working, lovemaking, et cetera—in a vastly
complicated and diverse urban environment.” Instead, in popular culture in the 1990s,
“the everyday was constantly transformed into spectacles of the noneveryday—stories
of violence, death, catastrophe, revolutionary martyrs, and counterrevolutionary villains
and enemies abounded” (Kang 1997, 121). The need to express and examine thoughts
and feeling of ‘everydayness’ has reentered the scene. “China is experiencing
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capitalism on overdrive, and its nascent hip-hop scene is making the same surge”
(Sisson 2006, 1). An example of this ‘everydayness’ is on a CD produced by Bad
Blood records, called “The King of Beijing,” which is a collaboration by DJ Wordy,
Sbazzo, Young Kin and Vandal. A song called ‘Get Money’ by Lil’ Bean discusses
how he is cannot make money doing dishes and chores for his mother. Rap is an art
form that, as I have stated numerous times, is malleable to each locale. Chinese hip hop
artist Weng Weng describes that “the coolest thing of hip hop is how you can use its
inherent simplicity to express everyday feelings and problems. I want to show Chinese
young people a new way to enjoy themselves” (Chan 2001).
Actions of the ‘everyday’ include rapping about returning home from work, the
corner market, a group of friends or watching TV. In this example Hu Yanbing sings
about a basketball match with his friends.
“Three on Three”22
On the court I am the main player
…
I glare at you
Trying to provoke you
Making a shot
Don’t fall into my trap easily
Always be careful
Passing the ball is both in the discipline of moving and being still
Between the teammates there are too many holes
Basketball is a team sport
Don’t be manipulated by your opponent
Guard the line, take out your hand and throw far
Fake them out with movement
Basketball of three on three unlimited freedom
Lets see you proudly give me the V finger
Newbies are on the side practicing
All the pretty girls are cheering me on
The last three second ball and then turn around and make the shot
22
Hu Yan Bing “Music Code” (2006).
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Hu raps about his feelings and strategies during the game and how he likes that girls
watch. In this song as well there are sentiments of braggadocio when he claims that he
gets the “V finger”, or victory motion. Basketball, rapping, working, shopping are
usually daily actions that the artists feel comfortable and confident with. Therefore
Chinese rap artists rap about daily actions because it is what they enjoy and they rap
about hobbies (other than hip hop) they enjoy. This is very different from other types
of global hip hop culture because most other rap cultures do not deem everyday actions
such as washing dishes or watching TV interesting or cool enough. Chinese hip
hoppers find these themes relatable. Often in labs or at hip hop hangouts after a lyricist
free-styles, other hip hoppers will exclaim, “oh that’s true!” or “that happens to me to.”
Discussing everyday life through rap music allows them to relate to each other and feel
like other youth are encountering the same experiences.
Rappers can use records as a type of musical diary to express thoughts and
emotions so other youth can listen and relate. In this way, youth who cannot use hip hop
to express thoughts verbally, can use hip hop to relate to other Chinese youth and their
feelings. As Potter predicts in the 1990s, as rap went global, rappers are “aligned along
the interior arc of that pendulum: introspective, local and idiosyncratic” (Potter 1995, 66).
In other words, artists are taking ideas from their local environment and discussing,
collaborating and expressing them with hip hop. “In Kungfoo’s lyrics, mainly teenage
problems are being discussed…the choice of topics in Chinese Hip Hop is more
mundane, closer linked to the street, rather than street life in the ghettos” (De Kloet
2005a, 9). Again hip hoppers can relate to the music and themes, as well as relate to
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others who create and appreciate the music. A 16 year old rapper says, “for me, rap
music is special. It comes from the heart, talks about issues of everyday life, about the
problems of being young in the city” (Xiao 2004, 25). Rap is not only used as a form of
expression but it is also a youth-oriented lens to see the world.
Sbazzo, on an underground mixtape called the “King of Beijing,” raps about what
it is like living with the fear of failure. He talks about his desire to succeed in life, but not
knowing which direction to take. Rappers insist they “talk about real life” (Tang, 2002).
This can be about pressure from their parents to do well in school, a hateful boss or social
cliques at school. This is an excerpt from the profile of rap band D-Flow, a band from
Shenzhen, on a music downloading website:
“Soon they began their senior year in high school. They used to talk and freestyle
after classes and write songs to release themselves. After da National
Examination, they dropped their 2nd hits called Our Times. This song describes
the normal life of Chinese high students. As a result, it strongly evoked the feeling
of people who have the same experience. Also in that year, they made a collabo
wit Fat B from G.Z.C. This song “Pluggin” is so damn popular in G.Z”
(www.rockinchina/yintsang).
It shows how Chinese youth can use hip hop to discuss the feelings of everyday life.
Although most Chinese hip hop is not political or socially controversial, hip hop
can be used to express youth’s beliefs and attitudes toward social issues. Even though
hip hop has the capacity to address political issues, it is not Chinese hip hopper’s goal to
ignite social awareness and change. Rap artists’ social messages delivered through lyrics
do not threaten, but merely express angst or, on a lesser degree, an irritation with the
issue. “Socially, rather than politically, driven, hard core rap has been appropriated by
the burgeoning Chinese youth culture—composed by college students, adolescents,
teenagers, as a means to articulate their ideology” (Xiao 2004, 58). What interests hip
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hoppers is what they deal with on a day to day basis. Chinese youth use hip hop to “deal
with real issues…many of the lyrics deal with schooling and other ways to fit in other
than getting into the right school…Generational conflicts in Chinese society are also a
big topic. Kids have legitimate beefs about this stuff” (Sisson 2007, 1). An example of
hip hopper’s views of social issues can be found in Tao Zhe’s song “Today I did not go
home” that discusses the current attitude of many urban Chinese youth today.23
“Today I did not go home”24
There are so many people who don’t care about anything but money
They are obsessed with the boy and girl interaction
They forget where they come from and where they are going
I just want to have fun today
He winks at me and smiles at me, laughing non stop
Getting drunk have good tones in song
He pays and treats you well
I don’t have a home
This building on the side there is another tall building being built
The neon lights are dancing, guys and girls are all seeking fun
They don’t listen
People with money or without money all want to live here
Tao Zhe addresses the issue that many urban youth are absorbed with money, dating and
having fun. He claims they do no think about who they are or taking responsibility. He
mentions the problem of the urban sprawl (‘This building on the side there is another tall
building being built’) and how this is affecting the attitudes and relationships of urban
youth. He claims they do not care about anything other than themselves and having fun.
Tao Zhe does not address how to change the problem, but merely discusses it and even
includes himself as part of the problem.
Violence, Controversy and Misogyny in Lyrics
23
24
My translation from Mandarin to English.
#1 CD: Tai Ping Sheng Shi, (2005).
96
Much less prominent, in terms of themes, but still in existence, are Chinese rap
songs that discuss violence, gangs and misogyny. Mostly, this type of Chinese rap music
is heard at rap battles or live in clubs because performance cannot be censored as tightly.
De Kloet describes that rap is not “about the problems of drug use. Gangstarap – with its
references to violence in urban ghettos – is strikingly absent in Chinese Hip Hop culture”
(De Kloet 2005a 10).
The lack of misogynistic and violent themes is partially a conscious action on the
part of rappers and producers. Chinese rap lacks these themes because most Chinese do
not relate to violence or misogyny so it is not an issue that Chinese youth need to express
or can relate to. Chinese rap is ‘cleaner’ than American rap because of social preference.
Many Chinese people feel guns and sexual abuse are not a part of Chinese society and
this is why the Chinese youth do not feel a need to rap about it. “In America, you can get
a gun license and you can purchase guns and kill people. But in China, such things would
not happen…this is China....Glorifying street culture doesn’t translate” (Frammolino 2,
2004). This would go along with the Chinese government’s argument that China has
overall fewer deaths from guns and gang violence than America. It is important to
mention that although gangsta rap topics are absent in Chinese hip hop, sometimes
rappers will employ these themes in live rap battles or in a few songs on their albums.
“On the surface, some songs on their albums seem to support this viewpoint in
their pessimistic, crude and offensive slang. However, the rappers do not agree
with the public misconception. Instead, they claim that the real message of these
songs does not glorify violence, materialism and abusive attitudes towards
women, but it criticizes a negative and ignorant attitude-in-the society” (Xiao
2004, 69).
The rappers that use slang and negative attitudes towards women in songs and in battles,
97
insist it is fake. Many times rappers insist they use it to make up quick witted and
insulting rhymes towards opponents in live shows. The use of these themes is for
entertainment and honing skills.
Even though Chinese rappers do not challenge government policies or ideology,
rap is still not leading on the pop charts. Softer, bubblegum sweet pop music leads radio
and MTV play time. Chinese rap is still a relatively new form of music. Much of the
pop music played on MTV and the radio features Chinese youth, wearing everyday
clothes and singing in sing-along type rhymes. The popular rock songs that are often
played on the radio and in clubs are more toned down and popular versions because they
are less subversive and can appeal more to the average Chinese (no Mohawks, ripped
jeans and wild actions).
Political statements, violence and misogyny are absent in hip hop not only
because of social preference but also because of the threat of censorship. Chinese rock
music was extremely political and thus constantly censored. Hip hop made the “move
from the ‘serious, rebellious’ sounds of rock towards the ‘trivial, superficial’, and less
missionary, sounds of Chinese pop” (De Kloet 2003). Rap is different than rock because
it is subversive in a safe way25. Rockers challenged the government, encouraged more
drug use and were conspicuously grungy. Balbo describes the typical rock scene at a
rock concert: “Dyed hair, ripped jeans, Mohawks and Kurt Cobain T-shirts, typical
symbols of juvenile rebellion in the capitalist world, fused with expressions of angst,
nationalism and arbitrariness that is particular to China…a cloth patch that urged
A student Xiao Jun, stresses that hip hop has avoided the drug scene associated with punk rock; “At
most, people who are into hip hop might smoke a little weed. Hip hop is much healthier. It’s good for
young people.” (Shei 2001, 2)
25
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customers to, roughly, “Oppose America” for 10 Yuan” (Balbo 2004, 47).
Rockers not only opposed their own government, but also most capitalist forces.
Chinese hip hop comes from these consumerist tendencies and embraces materialism.
“The Chinese authorities never accepted hard rock, heavy metal and punk…all that stuff
exists on an underground basis. Punk rockers in Beijing are starving. But these rappers
are having an easy time” (Frammolino 2004, 2). Rappers do not want to make political
statements that will be banned from public performances and therefore avoid criticizing
the government. Most Chinese hip hoppers do want to express themselves through
music, while also making money to become famous. If they expressed anything too
controversial, they would be shut down, therefore they keep their expression through
lyrics less controversial.
Sometimes rappers, as discussed above, even encourage Chinese nationalism that
supports the government, who also uses rap for its own devices to reach Chinese youth.
“Instead of often obscene and violent tales from the inner city…leading rappers here are
taking to the stage with lyrics that glorify national pride, celebrate tourist attractions and
preach against the dangers of adolescent impulsiveness” (Frammolino 2004, 1). The nonsubversive nature of rap has made it a new favorite tool of the government to reach
Chinese youth. Kang argues that “the Chinese government has two ways of dealing with
the threat of Western popular culture, one being to completely destroy any threat or
conflict that it causes, and second is to ‘invoke nationalism’” (Kang 1997, 195). While I
believe this is partially true, the Chinese government understands they cannot
‘completely destroy’ any and all threats. Therefore, as is the case with the growth of hip
hop, the government keeps a watch on the movement and tries to use hip hop as its own
99
tool to reach Chinese youth. Rock was a threatening form of Western popular culture and
the government attempted throughout the 1980s and 1990s to extinguish its flames. With
hip hop though, the government has ‘invoked nationalism’ to encourage patriotism
amongst Chinese hip hoppers and other youth.
Racial oppression is absent in most Chinese rap because the Han people who are
rapping are the majority. “In China it does not make much sense for Han Chinese to rap
about ethnic discrimination” (De Kloet 2005a 9). Chinese hip hoppers employ themes
that are real for them and using rap to express them. They are not rapping about racism
because it does not affect them. Shanghai Rapper Blakk Bubble says American rap is
about the ‘low life of some black men’ and he says, “I never promote new people to rap
such things because, in China, there are actually no gangsters,” said Bubble. Chinese
rappers evade these themes not only to avoid trouble with the government, but also
because they do not feel they relate to these themes.
Hip hop can be subversive in a safe way because hip hoppers dress, act and spend
differently from the average teen to glorify extreme spending and luxury.
“Wang Fan (aka Blakk). At 23, he was one of the first MCs-or rappers-in Shanghai
and he still performs regularly. “Hip hop is all about freedom. It makes people
break out of the box, and expand themselves. Knowing what freedom is, that’s the
most important thing about hip hop.” For a relatively closed and traditional society
like China’s, it’s an obviously attractive message” (Shei 2001, 1).
Any new found freedom that breaks out of the customary modes of dress, ways of
speaking and forms of interaction can be subversive simply because it is different.
Therefore, hip hop is ‘subversive’ because hip hoppers dress, interact and use different
slang than other urban youth. Also, as discussed above, many artists use rap music to
glorify themselves and demonstrate their confidence, which goes against historical
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Chinese feelings of humility. In this way, the hip hoppers subvert society’s norms, but
not in a way that challenges the government.
Overall, Chinese rap avoids controversial themes but still stays subversive in a
safe way. In a way, “China has accomplished what millions of disapproving American
parents could not: tamed hip-hop music” (Frammolino 2004, 1). If hip hop music is
tamed, how is it still subversive? I believe it is subversive because it is glorifying
materialism, which in China had been prohibited for so long. Although, capitalism has
been in China since the 1980s, it is still a novel idea to flaunt wealth and in such different
ways. Hip hop fashion is very different from the average Chinese citizen’s wardrobe.
The breakdancing and the slang is also very different from the average Chinese person.
In this way it is different and ‘subverting’ the Chinese norm, but in a safe and nonthreatening way. “Over time the connection between consumerism and hip hop evolves
and becomes increasingly more evident” (Xiao 2004, 38). This is because so many
songs are about expensive jewelry, clothing and being able to throw lavish parties, which
is dramatic change from the Maoist attitude of the previous decades.
Language in Chinese Hip Hop
The songs above were all translated from Mandarin to English. Yet, in the early
phases of glocalization, Chinese rappers were simply trying to imitate American rap and
mostly used English to rap. As rappers became more comfortable with their rapping
skills and the beat making technology, they began to incorporate more and more Chinese.
Today, most Chinese rappers use Chinese exclusively, only punctuated with a few
American slang words.
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In most rap songs today, the verses are sung in Chinese and parts of the chorus or
emphatic phrases are sung in English. At a rap concert in Beijing the “Kungfu and
Dragon Tongue Squad attempted the hip-hop thang, interspersing English phrases and a
profusion of “yo’s” and “eh’s” in their otherwise Mandarin rhymes.” (Balbo 2004, 47).
It is important to note Chinese rappers are using their own language because it shows that
they are more comfortable with the production process. If Chinese hip hoppers were still
learning to produce, write and present a song on a record they would need to rely more
heavily on the original rap and sing in English.
Chinese rappers chose to use their native language over mostly English in their
songs so audiences can understand the music and create their own hip hop slangs.
Chinese rappers use hip hop to express their feelings about everyday life. Because
everyday life is conducted in Chinese, therefore rap should also be sung in Chinese. “In
each country, rappers creatively combine English of African American hip hop with a
range of regional and subordinated languages to articulate local identity and resist the
hegemony of dominant languages and groups” (Berger and Carroll 2003, xix). Using
Chinese is a way to prove English speakers do not dominate hip hop. Second, Chinese
rappers want the majority of the Chinese public to be able to understand their lyrics. In
order to be played on the radio and have the greatest popularity and comprehension
rappers need to rap mostly in Chinese so listeners can understand them. Plus there is
often commentary or foreign songs played on the radio and TV in China.
There are several reasons why Chinese rappers use some English in their songs
and in their everyday speech. The first reason is that having a few English catch phrases
or lines is because English is ‘cool’. English is cool because not everyone speaks it and
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this gives it an exclusive quality. In addition, it comes from the West, which is often seen
by pop culture listeners as a trendsetter. There are a few popular English expressions,
which almost all rap groupies know even though they do not speak English. Often these
expressions are randomly shouted out at concerts and parties, used in the studio,
greetings, and can be overheard in hip hoppers everyday conversations, are “bling bling,”
“my bitches and hoes,” “Westside,” “for real,” “ghetto,” “chigger,” “gangsta-style.” “ice”
and “wassup.” If all songs were sung in English, listeners would have a harder time than
they already have understanding the fast spewing of lyrics that characterizes rap. “Most
of the rap I can’t understand, but I have friends who tell me what the lyrics mean. The
words become very personal to me,” Wu, a DJ in Beijing, says (Cultural Scene 2004). If
some rap is in English, listeners are able to identify with the beats and repeated
expressions. This is another reason why lyrics are not the only aspect of hip hop that is
used as a method of expression. Even when lyrics cannot be understood, hip hoppers can
relate to other aspects of the rap and the culture, fashion or CD cover art.
The second reason rappers use some English is that certain English words phrases
have no Chinese equivalents. Like the examples given above, Chinese rappers want to be
able to express themselves in as many ways as possible and English provides new words
and phrases that are not found in urban Chinese slang—yet. Many rappers are
developing their own Chinese slang or finding equivalents, but usually canned English
rap phrases are used. Rap bands also use local dialects, which is a further step in the
localization process. Rap music usually contains a lot of slang and rappers not only want
to use English slang, but also the slang they use everyday. Using Shanghaihua or
Beijinghua not only gives the songs local essence, but also makes it easier for local
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rappers to express themselves. By using local dialects, artists are able to relate more to
their local hip hop community and they are more comfortable with their own expressions
so it gives their rhymes fluency.
Some authors argue that it is too difficult to rap in Mandarin because of the tonal
inflections. The “linguistic traits of Mandarin Chinese themselves make it comparably
hard to produce a rap rhythm” (Xiao 2004, 47). Xiao states that the tonal inflections
gives Chinese its own rhythm and it is hard to rap on top of it. She also argues that
because all words in Chinese either end in vowels or n/ng it makes it hard to rhyme. I
think this actually makes it easier to rhyme in Chinese because there are fewer variations
in the ending of words. Many Chinese rappers I spoke with do not say that rapping in
Chinese is more difficult, but that Chinese rap because of the intonations just sounds
different than American rap.
Chinese is used to give rap a local identity, and sometimes languages other than
English are also used to rap. For example on Sketch Krim’s CD guest rappers use
English, French and Japanese even though he is a native Shanghai rapper. Sometimes
Chinese rappers will have guest MC’s on their albums and allow them to rap in their
native language. This makes Chinese rap even more of a glocalized phenomenon.
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Conclusion
An examination of Chinese hip hop culture, highlights the importance of
materialism, group associations and entertainment in the lives of contemporary Chinese
urban youth. Hip Hop is not only a glocalized form of entertainment, which is a major
part of Chinese youth’s lives today, but also a way youth can express their feelings and
present their tastes to others. Hip hoppers come from the first generation to be raised in
China’s modern era where economic freedom and relatively open borders has encouraged
consumerism and luxury. The ‘Little Emperor’ culture arising from China’s One Child
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Policy and the rise of consumerism, were critical factors in hip hop’s appeal to Chinese
urban youth. The rise of consumerism, on the one hand, was necessary for the Chinese
urban youth to accept hip hop’s glorification of personal wealth and luxury. In this way,
consumerism encouraged hip hop’s appeal, and the rising purchasing power of Chinese
urban youth allowed them to be able to glocalize global hip hop and make it their own.
This has made Chinese hip hop a cultural hybrid, a global art form with local
characteristics, as well as a product of Generation Y and life under the One Child Policy.
Hip hop is an expensive lifestyle. Chinese hip hoppers must be able to afford hip
hop club entrance fees, fashion and hip hop gear, as well as fund their particular hip hop
specialty. Rappers, DJs and MCs must have money to buy or practice on rented
equipment, produce mixtapes or demos and advertise their work. Graffiti artists must
buy spray paint and breakdancers spend money buying into competitions and traveling to
shows. Therefore, because many hip hoppers come from wealthier families they are able
to take the rap musical form and add the Chinese characteristics that I have examined.
According to my informants, parents indulge the hip hop lifestyle as long as hip hoppers
maintain good grades and attend school. Chinese urban youth with less disposable
income, or poorer parents are not able to take advantage of the aspects of hip hop culture
to express themselves because they cannot afford the lifestyle. Tribalization, posse
interactions and open collaboration are the main characteristics that differentiate the
Chinese hip hop community from global communities.
Hip hoppers express themselves predominantly in three ways—through their hip
hop specialty, posse culture and fashion representation. The first and most concrete way
is to use individual hip hop interest as a type of performance to others. Through rapping,
106
breakdancing and graffiti art forms hip hoppers can create a distinct identity for
themselves through lyrics, written words, style of performance and dance moves.
Second, the tribalization of hip hoppers is also a defining aspect of the Chinese hip hop
culture compared to other global hip hop communities. The defined roles and
interactions between the hip hop posses have created an easily identifiable code of
communication. This enables hip hoppers to easily portray their styles, tastes and
identities to each other in a type of unspoken communication. They represent themselves
to each other through the members of their posse, roles within the posse and their
interactions with each other (greetings, naming schemes and partying styles). Lastly, Hip
hoppers portray themselves through fashion items that have assigned hip hop meanings.
Accessories and style of dress can represent the wearer’s hip hop specialty as well as
individual style.
Hip hop is not the predominant form of music played on the radio, TV or in most
Chinese households, but only one of several subgenres. Other subgenres of music, such
as techno, electronica, house and Latin music are also forming (Zimmerman, Working
Paper). Each subgenre is being used by youth to express themselves in different ways.
There is little mixing between the subgenres, although a few posses might straddle the
techno and hip hop communities by attending both kinds of clubs and wearing a mix of
hip hop and techno clothing. Yet, these ‘straddlers’ are not completely recognized by the
hip hop community.
Zimmerman, while studying music technology in urban China describes techno as
a subgenre as compared to hip hop:
107
“Xiao Deng and most of his disc jockey friends could be grouped under the
banners of dance music subgenres techno and house (with theirs many variations,
techno-house, deep house, etc.). Techno, as a subgenre of club dance music style,
was often used by Xiao Deng to categorized his work: he was, in his own words, a
techno DJ. He used this description to express notably a difference with hip hop, a
subgenre he had mixed some years ago and that was, in 2003-2004, played in
other clubs and DJs that did not mix up much with Xiao Deng and the people
around him” (Zimmerman, Working Paper).
The intake and creation of these musical subgenres and the subsequent communities that
form around them shows the inherent need of Chinese youth to associate to others in
order to express themselves. These communities, like the hip hop community create
their own lingos, fashion and greetings in order to feel included and be able to represent
their interests physically and have them recognized by others.
The most valuable conclusion to be drawn from researching the hip hop culture in
the context of other musical subgenres in China is the importance of group identification.
The emergence of group associations and tribalization among urban youth has important
ramifications for scholars, sociologists and advertisers who strive to understand the
workings of modern youth culture in China. For scholars or other researchers, the
Chinese hip hop culture has relevance for the body of literature on self-expression,
individuality and consumerism in China. The Chinese hip hop community can be used as
a representative case study or microcosm of greater trends among Chinese urban youth.
The glocalization of hip hop music to form a new hybrid may also have implications for
ethnomusicology researchers, as well as for further sociological research into the
interactions between hip hoppers.
Further research into other subgenres as well as the continued study into the hip
hop community and lifestyle in China is necessary. As the hip hop community in China
108
grows and becomes more integrated into the popular music culture on Chinese MTV and
radio, it will be interesting to see how urban youth appreciate hip hop without having to
join the community. As the hip hop community grows, hip hoppers will inevitably
become less familiar with each other due to the amount of new youth that are attending
hip hop clubs, entering crowd circles and forming posses. Further research could also be
helpful in gaining a deeper understanding into how signing with larger labels affects the
posse culture as hip hop becomes more popular with broader Chinese audiences and more
hip hop artists get signed. Another interesting aspect of the hip hop culture is the
ambiguity of gender relations. As hip hop develops and glocalization continues, gender
roles and relations will be better established and further research needs to be done on this
phenomenon and the way it changes. I was also unable to talk to parents of hip hoppers.
Many hip hoppers still live at home and use their parent’s money to support the hip hop
lifestyle. Further study of parent’s reactions to the hip hop lifestyle and the pressure to be
able to afford it must also affect hip hop parents.
Lastly, hip hop culture as well as other musical subgenres, are an important area
for advertisers and businesses in China to consider when trying to reach Chinese urban
youth. This is also relevant to researchers who want to follow consumer trends among
Chinese urban youth. Nike for example, used the appeal of hip hop to advertise its
products. Nike executives built a basketball park that they wanted to become a local hip
hop hangout, they likened the competition of rapping, athleticism of breakdancing and
style of hip hop fashionistas to those of basketball. “The nameplate of the Nike
basketball court says, “Street Dance Storm Basketball Park.” The self-expression of
street punk and hip hop dance [fads] parallels similar characteristics of a successful
109
basketball point guard” (Maher et al. 2004, 151). In this way, they compare hip hop
dance to basketball to make their sports products appeal to youth. Hip hop is an
interesting tool for marketers to reach youth. It is also important for business media in
China to understand the ramifications that this new group identification has on
advertisements. A study on sports marketing in China notes that “senior executives at
advertising firms in China noted that Chinese youth have a strong tendency to do
everything in groups…their idea of individualism is congruent with their idea of group
behavior” (Maher et al. 2004, 153). This knowledge can be utilized when targeting
products for certain demographics.
Master X, the Chinese high schooler who won his rap battle, returns home to
polish the lyrics he needs to perform for his friends at the skateboard park this weekend.
It’s a hardcore track for the album he is trying to produce. One of his posse members is
writing the chorus and another has been practicing two or three beats to use in the
background. Together, they produce Master X’s first album at the local hip hop lab.
They get a graffiti posse to design the album art and print up fliers to pass out at hip hop
stores. Master X and his posse promote the CD at live concerts and Internet chat rooms,
hoping that a large music label will sign him so that he can make his own music video
and hear his music on the radio
110
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