Guth na Bliadhna
LEABHAR III.)
AN GEAMHEADH, 1906.
[AIREAMH i.
A' CHROIS-TARA
THA Eachdraidh Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba cosmhuil
ri aon de na h-innleachdan diomhair sin ris an
abrar kaleidoscope's a' Bheurla. Tha i, mar gu'm
b'ann, air a dheanamh suas air fad le mòran de
chriomagan beaga dhathan anns nach 'eil
runsuidhichte, no riaghailteachd, r'a faicinn. Tha
cogadh no fead a' leantainn air muin fead ann, mar
tha tonn a' tighinn air muin tuinne air tràigh na
fairge, gus mu dheireadh, is èiginn do'n
fhear-amhairc a shùilean a thoirt air ais, air dha
'bhi ceannsaichte agus imcheisteach, 's air a
dheanamh dall ach beag leis.
'S e so a' chùis a thaobh luchd-leughaidh, aig
nach 'eil an t-àm no an toil a dhol a stigh innte. Cha
'n 'eil iad a' faicinn ann ar n-Eachdraidh dad 'sam
bith ach trioblaid agus còmhstri. Tha ar cùisean
pràbach fèin 'gan cur fo dhoilleireachd ro-mhòr;
agus o'n a tha iad 'gan tuigsinn an rathad cumhann,
's ann mar sin tha iad a' leughadh Eachdraidh. Is
iomadh neach a tha mar so 's an t-saoghal air fad.
An ni sin nach 'eil soilleir dhoibh an toiseach, cha 'n
'eil iad a' ghabhail ris air chòir air bith. Is toil leo a
mhàin nithean ro-fhaicsinneach, so-thuigsinn. Mur
'eil Eachdraidh, no dad 'sam bith eile, a
dh'ainmeachadh sinn, rèidh,
2
A' Chrois-Tara
A' Chrois-Tara
soirbh, aon-fhillte, agus direach mar is àill leo a
bhith, air ball fàsaidh iad seachd sgith; agus ann an
ùine ghoirid, seargaidh iad gu tur. Tha an
fheadhainn so cosmhuil ris an t-siol a chuireadh
anns na h-àitean creagach. Chual iad am Facal
Naomh le gairdeachas; ach cha robh freumh aca
annta fèin. Mhairidh iad car tamuill, mar an
ceudna; ach an uair a thig àmhgar, no duilgheadas
'sam bith, seargaidh iad air falbh gu grad.
Ach, saor o choghaidhean agus fheadaibh, cha 'n
'eil ar n-Eachdraidh fèin cho duilich a thuigsinn,
dubharach, agus air a chur thar a' chèile, mar a tha
mòran a' cur oirre. Gun teagamh, tha iomadh ni
innte a tha fuaighte ris a' Ghàidhealtachd, 's an
dòigh, agus 's an tomhas a tha dualach d'ar
dùthaich; ach is e so seòrsa de dh'aodainn-fuadain a
mhàin, agus's an taobh a stigh dhith, tha gach ni
rèidh, soileir, agus so-thuigsinn gu lèir. Tha ar
n-Eachdraidh fèin mar shealladh air dùthaich fad
air astar, anns am bheil, air tùs, beanntan agus
bailtean, sruthan agus coilltean, gleanntan agus
machraichean air an cur thàr a' chèile air dòigh
nach 'eil gu tur soilleir. Ach, ann an ùine bhig, 's air
do'n t-sùil a' fàs gnathaichte ris, thig gach ni ann
rèidh, riaghailteach, agus mar is còir da 'bhi.
Tha Eachdraidh Gaidhealtachd na h-Alba air a
roinn gu lèir an tri earrannan. Tha a' chiad earrann
o theachd Eigh Fhearghais gu ruig blàr Srath
4
Chathruaidh (1130). Tha an dara earrainn a'
tighinn a nuas o'n bhliadhna sin gu ruig adhartachadh Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, 's a'
bhliadhna 1476; agus tha an treas earrann a'
tighinn a nuas o'n àm sin gu ruig "Bliadhna
Thearlaich," agus blàr Chuil-fhodair (1746).
Cha 'n 'eil e duilich Eachdraidh Gàidhealtachd
na h-Alba a thuigsinn gu ruig bliadhna arbhartachadh Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, a chionn
gu'm bheil i air a sgriobhadh gu soilleir an Eachdraidh choitchionn na h-Alba. Ach an deigh do Eigh
Seumas Mac Dhòmhnull nan Eilean a chur fo
smachd, agus an tiodal uaibhreach, cumhachdach,
sin a thoirt air falbh uaith, cha 'n 'eil e cho soirbh a
leigeadh ris dhith; a chionn gu'n robh an tubaist ud
'n a ceann-aobhar dhuinn chum gach ànraidh agus
diobraidh a thachair oirnn an deigh sin; agus o'n a
tha e 'n a ceann-aobhar dhuinn chum gach "
ceannairc" agus còmhstri a thachair anns a'
Ghàidhealtachd an deigh bàis Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan
Eilean.
Ach, roimh an àm ud, cha 'n eil e duilich
Eachdraidh na h-Alba a thuigsinn, mar a thubhairt
sinn mu thrath; do bhrigh roimhe 'n tubaist sin, cha
robh 's an duthaich air fad ach dithis chumhachdan
—'s e sin ri ràdh, a'chumhachd Ghàidhealach, agus
a'chumhachd nach robh Gàidhealach idir. Ach air do
Mhac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean a bhith air a chur fo
A' Chrois-Tara
A' Chrois-Tara
smachd, agus a thiodal uaibhnach a bhith air a
thoirt air falbh uaith leis an Eigh, thuit
Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba fo aimhreit anabarr ro
mhòr, a chionn nach robh neach 'sam bith's an
dùthaich gu lèir aig an robh ughdarras cho mòr, 's
cho farsuinn r'ar cuisean fèin a chuir air adhart,
agus Gàidheal na h-Alba a dheanamh 'n an aon.
Tha Eachdraidh na h-Alba a' leigeil ris duinn gu
soilleir ciod e an t-aobhar a bh'ann chum gach
cogadh agus fead a bh'ann eadar Gàidheal na
dùthcha agus na coigrich a bha 'n taobh a stigh
dhith, an deigh bàis an dara Eigh Calum (1034).
Thug esan oidhirp an leantuinn-rioghail a chur gu
taobh, agus a chinneadh fèin a shocrachadh air
cathair rioghail na h-Alba, ni nach bu choir dhasan
a dheanamh; oir a rèir cleachdainnean agus
laghanna
na
dùthcha,
b'e
Lulaig
Mhic
Ghillecom-gain (Righ Mhoiridh) a bha 'n a
fhior-oighre do'n chrùn aig an àm ud. Thoisich, leis
a sin, gach trioblaid, culaidh-fharmaid, agus
còmhstri a thachair oirnn an deigh sin, an lorg a'
ghlacaidh eucoraich ud. Lean Gàidheil na dùthcha
taobh teaghlaich Mhoiridh, agus chath na
Sasunnaich agus coigrich eile 'n an aghaidh. Sheas
ar dùthaich fèin anns an staid chunnartach
mhi-fhiosraich aimhreitich ud gu ruig rioghachadh
a' chiad Righ Dhaibhidh, an uair, 's a bhliadhna
1130, mar a thubhairt sinn mu thrath, thug an righ
sin buaidh air teaghlaich Mhoiridh air blàr Srath
Chathruaidh, agus aig a' cheart àm, dh'aonaich e an
dùthaich sin ris fèin.
Thoisich a' chòmhstri sgriosail so, mar a thug
sinn fainear a cheana, le connsachadh mu
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5
chòir-sheilbh air cathair-rioghail na h-Alba. Cha
robh i air tùs 'n a spàirn eadar Gàidheal is Gall idir.
Bha fir teaghlaich Athuil agus fir teaghlaich
Mhoiridh 'n an Gàidheil araon; agus o'n a bha e mar
sin, b'e droch-còrdadh a mhàin a bha eadar an dà
theaghlaich Ghàidhealach. Ach, is ann mar a chaidh
an spàirn so air a h-adhart, is ann mar sin a tha e
'toirt a mach ceum air cheum gu soilleir co dhiù
gach ni a bha fillte ann, gu h-àraidh gur h-e cath
eadar Gàidheal agus Gall a bh'ann. B'e teaghlach
Athuil a thoisich a' chluich chunnartach, fhuilteach
ud; agus is ann do bhrigh nach urrainn doibh an
cùisean fèin a chuir air adhart gun chobhair, gu'n do
ghuidh iad air Sasunnaich na h-Alba 'thighinn 'gan
cuideachadh. Aig an àm cheudna, thoisich righrean
teaghlaich Athuil gu bhith 'n an riaghladairean
Sasunnach. Dh'atharraich iad àrd-bhaile na
dùthcha o Sgàin gu Dùn Eideann : b'e Righ
Daibhidh a thug a steach do'n dùthaich so na
cleachdainnean riaghailteach sin ris an abrar am
Feudal System's a' Bheurla; agus air iomadh dòigh
eile thug iad oidhirp air Gàidheal na h-Alba a chuir
fo aimheal.
Ach, cha robh so, mar bu dualach duinn, taitneach do mhuinntir na Gàidhealtachd. Dh'èirich
muinntir Mhoiridh fo armachd a rìs agus a rìs, agus
muinntir Ghàidhealach eile maille riu, an aghaidh
righrean na h-Alba, agus an aghaidh an
cleachdaidhean coigreachail cèin. Anns a' bhliadhna
1093 dh'èirich Gàidheil na h-Alba air fad fo
armachd, agus le Dòmhnull Bàn, Mac dara Righ
Calum, air an ceann, thilg iad a mach na
Sasunnaich agus coigrich eile as an rioghachd. Anns
A' Chrois-Tara
A' Chrois-Tara
a' bhliadhna 1130, dh'èirich muinntir na
Gàidhealtachd fo armachd air taobh Aonghais Righ,
no Morair, Mhoiridh, agus ann an ùine ghoirid an
deigh sin, dh'èirich iad a rìs chum "Calum Mac
Aoidh" a chur air cathair riaghail na dùthcha. Anns
a' bhliadhna 1153, bha "ceannairc" Ghàidhealach
ann air son Shomhairle Righ nan Eilean. Anns a'
bhliadhna 1164, bhris Somh-airle a rìs a stigh do
dh'Alba, le armailt mòr de mhuinntir nan Eilean
agus de mhòr-thir na dùthcha comhla ris chum an
riaghladh Sasunnach a chur air falbh, agus crùn na
h-Alba a ghlacadh mar a chuid fèin. Anns a'
bhliadhna 1174, bha "ceannairc " Ghàidhealach eile
ann air taobh iar-dheas na dùthcha. B'e Dòmhnull
Bàn a thog a' " cheannairc " Ghàidhealach sin a
thachair an Alba anns a' bhliadhna 1181, agus ann
an ùine bhig an deigh sin, dh'èirich Guthred Mac
Uilleim fo armachd, agus mòran de mhuinntir
Ghàidhealach comhla ris.
A nis, ciod is ciall do'n chogadh so uile ? An e a
mhàin, gu'n do chuir muinntir Mhoiridh, agus
Gàidheil eile, an teaghlach Mhoiridh air cathair
rioghail na dùthcha? Gun teagamh, is ann mar
sin a bha e an tomhas mòr; ach cha'n ann buileach.
Is cinnteach gu'n do chog ar sinnsirean-ne air son
na chis sin, ach cha'n ann air son sin a mhàin; oir
am bitheantas bha an shilean-ne ri chisean agus
còirean mòran ni 's mò na sin. Dh'èirich iad fo
armachd air an son fèin, 's an dùthcha, an cainnt,
air son an cleachdainnean fèin agus Alba, agus an
rioghachd air fad. Is ann mar sin a bha, mar tha
Eachdraidh 'ga dearbhadh gu soilleir dhuinn, agus
is ann mar sin a bhitheas a rìs, ma bhitheas sinn
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6
fèin fireannach, dileas, seasmhach a thaobh cainnt
is dùthcha.
A nis, ciod a thachair an Alba an deigh do
mhuinntir Mhoiridh a bhith air an cur fo smachd le
ard-righrean na dùthcha a bhuineadh do theaghlaich Athuil ? Gu grad, chaidh a' chumhachd agus
an seasamh uasal is euchdail a bha aca mar
riochdairean Gàidhealach thairis gu righrean nan
Eilean. Chuir iad umpa fèin an fhalluing
bhoidheach Ghàidhealach, agus sheas iad a mach
fad re iomadh bliadhna mar diuraidhean nan
Gàidheal. B'e Somhairle a spion a' bhratach
Gàidhealach a mach a' làmhan fàilinneach
Mhorairean Mhoiridh, agus a thog i an àird ann am
measg nan Eilean. B'e Somhairle a chuir sios mar
dhileab a' bhratach so d'a luchd-leanmhuinn fèin,
agus a shuidhich a rìs, agus a shin-a-mach an
t-seann Bheul-Aithris Ghàidhealach. B'e a' bhratach
so, air an robh " Cainnt is Dùthaich " sgriobhta
(theagamh ged nach robh e soilleir air tùs) a thug
Dòmhnull nan Eilean an àird 's a' bhliadhna 1411,
oir 's gann a ruigear a leas a dhearbhadh gur e crùn
na h-Alba air an robh e 'cumail sùla, 'nuair a
shiubhail e le armailt mòr o na h-Eileanaibh chum
catha a chur 'an aghaidh nan Sasunnach.
Tharruingeadh an rùn ceudna a stigh ionnsuidh
inntinnean an luchd-leanmhuinn
a bha aige. Dh'innis iad gu follaiseach gu'n robh
iad 'n an riaghlaidearan air leith, agus air am bonn
fèin. Dhealbh iad airgiod air an son fèin, agus
rinn iad còrdadh ri rioghachd chèin eile. Tha cuid
ag ràdh, an lorg so, gu'n robh iad 'n am
fir-bhrathaidh, fir-cheannairc a thaobh righ is
A' Chrois-Tara
A' Chrois-Tara
dùthcha; ach cha b'ann mar so idir a bha iad. Bha
iad a' glèidheadh Beul-Aithris nan Gàidheal. A'
bhratach Ghàidhealach air an robh iad air an cuir
an seilbh, bha iad mar so a' cumail suas, le dubhlan,
agus gu buannachdail. Thubhairt iad-fèin gu follaiseach, agus ann an litir a sgriobh fear dhuibh a
dh'ionnsuidh an righ Shasunnaich, gu'n robh iad 'n
an riaghlaidearan air leith, air am bonn fèin, agus
gu'n robh iad, mar a bha an sinnsirean 'n an nàimhdean do righ na h-Alba, agus do'n dùthaich sin a
bhuineas da.
Ach, air do'n tiodal so a bhi air a thoirt air falbh
leis an righ, thuit dùthaich nan Gàidheal air fior
droch làithean. Is ann mar dhuine gun cheann,
gun ghàirdeanan, gun chridhe, gun ghuth a dh'fhàs
ar dùthaich-ne gu grad an lorg na tubaiste sin.
Tha cuid ag ràdh gu'n robh e 'n a ni maith air son
Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba gu'n robh Tighearnan nan
Eilean air an cuir as leis an righ, a chionn gu'n robh
iadsan 'n an ain-tighearnan os cionn mòran
fhineachan eile ; agus air do Dhòmh-null a bhi air a
chur fo smachd, leigeadh fa sgaoil na fineachan eile
so. Ar leinn, gu'm bheil iadsan gu tur air am
mealladh a thaobh a' bheachd so. An lorg
ceannsachaidh nan Eilean, chaill a' Ghàidhealtachd
gu grad, agus an tomhas mòr a' chumhachd a bha
aice anns na linntean a dh'fhalbh chum
leanailteachd, chum fèin-ceangaltas. Fhad's a bha
Tighearnan nan Eilean air an ceann, bha Gàidheil
na h-Alba làidir, neartmhor, agus aonnichte ri
chèile gu h-iomlan. Ach cha b'ann mar sin a bha
'nuair a thug righrean na h-Alba buaidh orra.
Thugadh a' chumhachd a bha aca uatha, agus
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7
Bratach nan Gàidheal maille rithe; ach cha d'
thàinig ni air bith eile an àite na bha air a thilgeadh
sios. Bha Dòmhnuill nan Eilean air a sgrios ; ach
cha robh e comasach do righrean na h-Alba dùthaich
nan Gàidheal a chuir air a bonn fèin. Dh' èirich
fine 'an aghaidh fine, agus teaghlach an aghaidh
teaghlaich. Cha robh neach 'sam bith ann aig an
robh ùghdarras na's leòir chum a' chòmstri sgriosail
fhuilteach ud a chumail fodha. Gun cheann-feadhna,
gun bhratach, gun chumh-achd-teis-meadhonach,
chaidh a' Ghàidhealtachd uile am miosad gu grad.
Uidh air uidh, thàinig a steach do dhùthaich nan
Gàidheal droch chle-achdainnean gun àireamh,
aimhreit, eas-aonachd, creachan, mortadh, agus
gach seòrsa uilc eile. Cha n-aobhar foghnaidh
dhuinn gu'n robh na Gàidheal 'n am muinntir
aineolach, allmharach, aimhreiteach aig an àm
mhuladach sin. Ach, fa dheoidh, thàinig an
àrd-righ gu Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba, agus 'n a
chois, aineolas, buirbe, cleachdainnean is
luchd-comhairle Sasunnach, a' Bheurla, agus mòran
ni eile nach 'eil a' cordadh dhuinn idir.
Agus a nis, 's ged a thàinig an àrd-righ
ionn-suidh
dùthcha
nan
Gaidheal,
thuit
Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba da-rireadh air droch
làithean ; agus is ann mar so a bha i air fad mhòran
bhliadhnaichean a bha fathast ri tighinn oirre. Gu
grad, chuir an Crùn a chùl ris a Ghàidheal's ris a'
Ghaidhlig, agus thug e air falbh leis gu
dranndanach, fèin-chùiseach gach cothrom agus
tachartas a thàinig's a rathad chum dùthaich nan
Gàidheal a chuir am feabhas. Mhair an rian so fad
iomadh bliadhna ; ach fa dheòidh rinneadh agus
A' Chrois-Tara
A' Chrois-Tara
chuireadh a mach innleachdan-riaghlaidh eile.
Fhuair a' chiad Eigh Tearlach a. mach agus a
chuid-cùairtearan —'s e sin ri ràdh iadsan a bha
'cumail taobh ris 'an aghaidh luchd-leanmhuinne
Chrombheill—gu'n robh na Gàidheil 'n an gaisgich
threuna, agus, gun teagamh {foillseachadh na 's mò
na sin dha'n taobh fèin), gu'm bitheadh iad ro
fheumail dhoibh mar chompanaich an àm doibh a'
dol a chogadh an aghaidh an nàimhdean-ne. So, a
nis, am bann a chaidh a dheanamh eadar righ na
h-Alba agus muinntir na Gàidhealtachd. Thubhairt
a' Chùirt nach buineadh iadsan ri cùisean is
gnothaichean na Gàidhealtachd ; agus cheadaich
cinn-fheadhna dùthcha nan Gàidheal, air an dara
làimh, a' bhratach rioghail a chumail suas, mar a
b'fheàrr a dh'fhaodadh iad. Gu dearbh ■chàraich am
bann so buil neònach, bhreisleachal, air muinntir na
Gàidhealtachd; do bhrigh gu'n d'thug e orra a' bhi 'n
an luchd-cumail suas agus 'n an luchd-dionaidh nan
Stiubhairteach —an t-aon teaghlach an Alba air fad
leis an robh Gàidheil na dùthcha am bitheantas air
an cumail fodha's air an docharaicheadh air dòigh a
bu mhutha. Gun teagamh, dh'fheudadh mòran a
bhith air a chur an cèill mu na nithibh so; ach cha'n
'eil àite againn air an son aig an àm so. Dh'fheuch
sinn r'a leigeil ris •da'r luchd-Ieughaidh cia mar a
thachair do Ghàidhealtachd na h-Alba a' bhith 'n a
cùil-taic, agus 'n a dionadair do na Stiubhairtich,
leis an robh i am bitheantas air a cur am mi-shuim,
agus cho mòr air a dearmad leo fad mòran
bhliadhnaichean. Ach, ged nach robh an
co-aontachadh so gu h-iomlan maith air son
dùthcha nan Gàidheal, oir thug e a steach do'n
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8
Ghàidhealtachd droch spiorad cogaidh is aineolais,
agus a tha maireann gus an latha an diugh ;
gidheadh, tha sinn ag aideachadh gu'n robh i ni
maith a thaobh aoin nithe co dhiù—is e sin ri
IO
A' Chrois-Tara
ràdh, gu'n do chum e suas a' bhratach
Ghàidhealach,, agus gu'n do ghlèidh e a'
Bheul-Aithris Ghàidhealach air dhòigh nach robh
comasach, theagamh, do rud 'sam bith eile a
dheanamh. Bha roimhe so daoine cealgach,
fèin-chùiseach ann am measg nan Gàidheal, mar a
tha, 's mar a bhitheas, gun teagamh, gu crich an
t-saoghail so; ach a dh'aindeoin sin, cha robh a'
chuid bu mhò de mhuinntir na Gàidhealtachd 'n an
daoine cealgach, faoine, fèin-chùiseach aig an àm ud,
ni 's mò na tha iad an diugh. Chog ar Sinnsirean an
aghaidh Chrom-bheill, 's an aghaidh Righ Uilleim, s
an aghaidh na h-Aonachd, agus air taobh an 8mh
Righ Seumas agus a mhic Prionnsa Tearlach, cha'n
ann a chionn gu'n deachaidh am bribeadh le òr is
airgiod a chum sin a dheanamh, ach a chionn gu'n
d'thug iad gràdh do'n Gàidhealtachd; gu'n d'thug iad
gràdh do'n bhrataich againn, agus a chionn gu'n
d'thug iad, mar an ceudna, gràdh 's onoir da'r
Beul-Aithris Ghàidhealach.
Agus tha so 'gar 'toirt air ar n-aghaidh gus ar
ceann-teagaisg a rìs. Agus is e sin ri ràdh ann an
aon fhocal a' Chrois-Tara, no, "is ann mar so a bha,
agus is ann mar so a bhitheas," mur bi sinne lag,
faoin, mi-chreidmheach agus mi-dhileas a thaobh
nan daoine o'n d'thàinig sinn. Is fior, gu labhairt an
cainnt chumanta, gu bheil ar làithean-cogaidh mar o
shean. Chuir sinn seachad gach claidheamh agus
Gaelic Confederation
ii
dag, biodag agus sleagh. Ach a' bratach bhoidheach
Ghàidhealach air am bheil na focail misneachail,
brosnachail, beothachail, a leanas air an sgriobhadh
gu soilleir, gu comharraichte, agus, ar leinn, gu
bràth " Cainnt agus Dùthaich" ; is e sin gu dearbh
fathast ann ar measg. Is leinn fèin a' bhratach
bhoidheach sin : is leinn fèin an t-sean Bheul-Aithris
Ghàidhealach. Togaibh suas a' bhratach gu h-àrd!
Togaibh an sean iolach ris na speuraibh 1 " Albainn
! Albainn ! "—an t-sean chath-gairm Ghàidhealach.
An diugh an t-àm taitneach ! An diugh an uair
iomchuidh!
GAELIC CONFEDERATION
THE drawing together of the Gaels of Scotland and
Ireland is a natural consequence of the language
movement in both countries, and that that movement should have awakened a general desire for
more intimate international relations is an encouraging and gratifying feature of our common
agitation. We have already drawn attention in these
pages to the antiquity of that correspondence, and to
the desirability of re-establishing it upon a firm and
enduring basis. That the Gaels of Ireland and of
Scotland should unite to advance objects and
aspirations held in common by them is at once a
measure of the simplest precaution, and the most
obvious expediency. As we have already remarked
more than once, we are of the same race with the
Irish, we enjoy a common literature, much of our
history is a common possession, our aims and objects
are identical, and our languages are nearly the
same. Under these circumstances, it is obvious that
not to unite for purposes of offence and defence
would be to expose ourselves to the charge of
neglecting to utilise means and resources which
Providence has placed in our way; and inasmuch as
neglect of this kind is justly universally derided as
the unfailing characteristic of weak statesmen and
feeble, indecisive measures, we venture to express
the hope that men and conduct of this sort will on no
account be suffered to play havoc with the interests
of the Gael.
There is no need to insist at this particular
conjuncture of our affairs on the purely historical
and antiquarian aspect of that Union and correspondence which used to subsist between the Gaels
of Ireland and those of Scotland. We have already
dealt with that topic ; and in view of the words of
abounding and imperishable wisdom which one
immeasurably greater, wiser and better than ourselves uttered concerning it many centuries ago, we
hold that it would be almost an impertinence to
re-open the question. Said Naomh Colum Cille at
the famous Convention of Drumcat, which was
organised for the purpose of establishing the relations which should subsist between the two great
branches of the Gaelic brotherhood, namely the Gael
of Ireland and the Gael of Scotland, " 11 have, O
High King and Princes of the Gael, one word more to
say in this business. It is plain to every person
who has been looking for any length of time upon the
Gael of Alba and on the way they have succeeded
against every foe who attempted to interfere in any
way with them, that the hand of God is with them and
against their foes. Hence I say it is not a very wise
thing for the Gael of Ireland to accept any advice, or
to adopt any purpose of action which would be in
danger of dragging them into hatred for the Gael of
Alba, and perhaps into a war with them. It is
friendship and affection and love that ought to be between
the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Scotland, and not
hatred or war. If the hand of God is with the Gael of Alba,
against their foes, the hand of God will be with the Gael of
Ireland as long as the friendship which ought to be is
between them and the Gael of Alba.'
" Colum Cille sat down. The Ardrigh stood up.
" ' Kings and nobles of the Irish,' said he,
' both clergy and laity, I think it is as well for us all
to leave this business to the arbitration and
settlement of Colum Cille himself. It must be that
the Ardrigh of Ireland has some dominion or power
or authority over the Gael of Alba. All I want is to
find out what that dominion is, and to put a name on
it, and to enforce it. When that is done we shall all
understand each other. I now, in the presence of
this Convention, ask Colum Cille himself to take
that matter in hand and to settle it, and we shall all
be satisfied with whatever settlement he makes.' "
The Ardrigh sat down. Colum Cille stood up. "
'High King of Erin,' said he, 'and ye princes and
nobles of the Gael, the whole question has been
already settled, generously settled. There is
henceforward no danger that hatred or war shall
arise between those two tribes of the Gael. There
is a disciple of mine here, and he has an exact
knowledge of every sort of relation that has taken
place between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of
Alba, from the first day an Irish person went eastwards until the day we now have.
He has an
exact knowledge also of the nations of Europe and of
their history, and of every occasion on which matters
stood between two races of people as they now stand
between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Alba.
From the knowledge which he possesses he will find
out for us what sort of bond it is that exists now
between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Alba.
He will, as the Ardrigh has said, put a name on the
bond. The settlement of the question was put upon
me. I now put the settlement of the question upon
my pupil, Colman, the son of Comgellan.'
" Colman, the son of Comgellan, then made the
settlement, and here is how he made it:—
" ' That the hosting of the Gael of Alba shall be
always with the men of Erin, because the hosting
belongs to the original stock; but that their spoils
and their ships shall belong to the men of Alba.'
"It is in those words we find the settlement
which Colman made, but historians are not very well
agreed among themselves as to the force and
significance of the words. Some of them say that the
settlement left the Gael of Alba under the dominion
of the Ardrigh of Ireland. Others of them say it did
not, but that it is how the Gael of Alba were bound
to help the Gael of Ireland in time of need, and the
Gael of Ireland to help the Gael of Alba in the same
way; that no dominion was given to any side of them
over the other side.
"When the settlement was made Aodh, the
Ardrigh, ordered an enactment to be written, and
that the will of the Convention should approve the
enactment, so that it should have the strongest force
of law. He asked Colum Cille to draw up the
enactment. Colum Cille did so. The enactment
was composed and written. Then it was read for
the Convention, and the Convention sanctioned it.
That made firm law of it. According to that enactment the Gael of Alba were free for ever from any
claim of tribute from the Ardrigh of Ireland, and
from any other sort of dominion. It was not how
Aodh, the Ardrigh, relished that, but it was how he
saw plainly that the mind of the Convention was
determined on it, and that it was no use for him to
be trying to resist it. But for the influence Colum
Cille possessed in the Convention and the reverence
all the people had for him, and but for the dread
which the Ardrigh had of him, there was no fear that
that settlement or that enactment would have been
made. War would have arisen between the Gael of
Ireland and the Gael of Scotland, and there was no
knowing what would have been the end of it."
Now, the character of the relations which should
subsist between the Gael of Scotland and the Gael of
Ireland being as above described by Colum Cille, it
becomes our bounden duty, no less than our interest,
to fall on all available means and measures whereby
that ancient and honourable compact may be
revived and strengthened, in order that both
contracting parties may derive the greatest amount
of satisfaction and profit from this natural and
necessary union.
It will doubtless be observed that, according to
the terms of the compact submitted by the Saint and
subsequently endorsed by the Convention, the
contracting parties were left free to work out their
respective social and political destinies; and to this
arrangement we heartily subscribe. The alliance is
to be not an incorporating Union—a phrase which
for obvious reasons stinks in the nostrils of every
patriotic Gael in Scotland—but an easy, flexible and
statesmanlike
arrangement
whereby,
whilst
national independence is, in each case, jealously
preserved, a kind of Gaelic confederacy is
established for the furtherance of common ends and
for the purpose of offering a united resistance to the
designs and attacks of ambitious and unscrupulous
enemies. This is the ideal form of Union, and the
only thing of the kind, unless we are greatly
mistaken, which the political conscience in every
civilised country will tolerate in the future. This is
the true Union of Hearts—an alliance based not on
force and the abnegation, if not the positive
destruction, of all national political rights, but on
mutual affection and love; on the most powerful of
all political motives, namely, the consciousness of
possessing and sharing interests and aspirations in
common; and lastly, on an identity of fact and
tradition in respect of language, history and race.
Such a Union as this we strongly advocate in the
interests of the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland. We
advocate it, too, in the interests of the British
Empire itself which, if it is to be maintained here at
home, must adapt itself to the altered conditions of
which we speak by cancelling the present anomalous
Unions, and by erecting in their place arrangements
which shall be honourable and satisfactory to all the
contracting parties. Unionism, as presently
constituted, stands condemned. It is repugnant to
the feelings of the three Celtic nations inhabiting the
British Isles, whose political bondage is now an
affair of the past, and whose reawakened national
aspirations must inevitably travel in the direction of
complete separation if English statesmen, who have
so much to gain and so little to lose by the kind of
friendly accommodation we suggest, are not wise
enough to profit by their opportunities whilst yet
there is time, and, by seasonable concessions (which
can leave neither sting nor bitter taste behind
them), grant us that which, whether they like it or
not, we are every day growing more and more
determined to possess, if necessary, at all costs and
at all hazards imaginable. And although in many
respects we necessarily have not, nor ever can have,
the slightest sympathy with Socialism, yet he must
needs be a very trifling and shallow political
observer indeed who does not or will not perceive
that the current of political thought in Europe is
now setting strongly, perhaps irresistibly, in that
direction, and that the triumph of Socialism will
involve the undoing of those means by which
powerful nations keep those which are less
numerous, less rich and less well-armed than
themselves in political subjection to them. Indeed,
so far is the tendency of the times from going in the
direction of Imperialism as some vainly and
ignorantly pretend, we hold, on the contrary, that it
is progressing in precisely the opposite direction,
owing to the spread of socialistic ideas in all the
civilised countries of Europe.
The days of " big
battalions," overgrown fleets and costly and
extravagant armaments of all kinds, whereby alone
the sacred rights of individuals as well as nations
have been ruthlessly violated and trampled on in the
past, are fortunately drawing to a close, owing to the
spread of the gospel of Socialism; and so far as it
makes for peace, disarmament and the universal
recognition of the rights of oppressed nationalities,
that otherwise predatory political creed has our
unbounded admiration, and will always command
our unqualified approval and support.
We are
coming to a time when nation will no more rise
against nation, or country against country, at the
bidding of a single individual however crooked in his
measures or arbitrary in his rule, or at the
instigation of a group of selfish and intriguing
politicians or financiers. The " Rights of Man" is no
empty, high-sounding phrase of doubtful utility,
dubious political morality, and, practically,
impossible, but is, humanly speaking, an eternal
verity, which the nations of the world are rapidly
coming to regard as something more than a mere
revolutionary shibboleth— as something nobler and
better and grander, and, last but by no means least,
something infinitely more Christian than the mere
party catch-word whereby and wherewith men, not a
whit less self-seeking and corrupt than those they
designed to supplant, managed in too many cases to
gratify their lust of power at the expense of the
people, whose spokesmen and agents they
impudently and falsely pretended to be.
The subject of Union naturally inclines us to
devote a few words at this conjuncture to the discussion of that alliance which makes the greatest
figure in our history—we allude, of course, to the
compact with France. That connexion was the
necessary consequence of the introduction of the
feudal system into Scotland, and of that series of
disastrous political arrangements which resulted in
the gradual transference of the centre of political
gravity from the west—its true home—to the east of
Scotland. St. Columba's alliance with Ireland was
the one which this country ought to have cultivated*
and maintained at all costs, and at all hazards. It
was not only the safest and soundest one in the
interests of both countries, but, being founded on a
natural sentiment, being the logical consequence of
pre-existing historical facts, it was the only one
capable of preserving the kingdom intact, and of
saving the common nationality of both parties. The
sovereigns of the House of Atholl, however, thought
otherwise ; and on what slender and unsatisfactory
grounds we too well know. They deliberately set to
work to destroy the Gaelic power in Scotland, and
having effectually accomplished that unpatriotic
object, their successors on the throne of Alba found
themselves face to face with the necessity of finding
a workable substitute for that alliance (in order to
balance the power and pretensions of England)
elsewhere. Even after the suppression of the Gaelic
polity, and the virtual triumph of the feudal system,
Scotland might yet have been drawn back, had there
been statesmen and a party strong and far-seeing
enough to grasp the full meaning of the situation,
and to act on the knowledge which that
consciousness brought them, to her original
principles. But, apparently, the die of the political
destinies of our country was cast for at least several
hundreds of years ; and by the later feudal
sovereigns (of the House of Stuart) the fatal alliance
with France was made and maintained. Now, it is
obvious that that disastrous policy could have but
one of two results, either of which must inevitably,
sooner or later, spell ruin (that is absorption) to the
lesser of the two powers concerned. Either the
alliance must endure for all time, in the which case,
in obedience to the irresistible law of political
majorities the lesser must become swallowed up by
the greater, and Scotland so become a mere province
of France; or the other alternative must no less
certainly happen, namely, the connexion must
sooner or later become incapable of bearing the
political strain imposed on it, and, the law of
political majorities again taking effect, Scotland, as
being the lesser, must inevitably be absorbed by her
more powerful neighbour of England. As a matter of
fact the first of these two eventualities was within
an ace of coming to pass in the reign of Queen Mary,
who, whilst in France, actually signed away the
independence of her country to the French ; and
there can be no doubt that had not the so-called Reformation introduced another and equally hostile
influence into Scotland, the Franco-Scottish alliance
would soon have degenerated into the one-sided
affair in which, sooner or later, it was bound to end.
That pestiferous upheaval—the " Reformation "
—saved us, indeed, for a time; but the frying pan is,
proverbially, but an indifferent exchange for the fire.
Indeed, it is questionable whether of these two
unblushing evils, absorption by France is not to be
considered as an eventuality preferable to extinction
by England. At all events, when two evils which will
noways be denied are clamorously striving for
precedence, the wise man, and he that is cunning
withal, will endeavour to make a shift with that
which hails from the greater distance. Besides,
absorption by France would at least have
temporarily preserved the faith in Scotland— the
loss of which, considered entirely from the political
point of view, has wrought so great havoc amongst
us, and is the cause of existing weaknesses and
follies too numerous and perhaps too painful to
mention. But, again, in the troubled history of our
country, the die was cast adversely to the Gaelic
tradition, and in violent and open opposition to the
wishes and inclinations, religious as well as political,
of the Gaelic people. The " Reformation " triumphed
in the seat of Government, and in the East of
Scotland, then more than now (owing to the growth
of the great city of Glasgow) the home of political
influence and power in Scotland. The English cause,
which was closely associated with it, triumphed also;
and the two succeeding centuries witnessed the
subjugation of the Gàidhealtachd by the English, and
the complete absorption of the Lowland tradition by
the national measures of the Saxon power- the two
principal events which the policy of the "Reformers"
in respect of Church and State, the destruction of
the French alliance, and the feudal system with its
inevitable tendency towards Anglicisation, was
bound, in the natural course of political events,
sooner or later to bring about. The seeds of national
extinction, and, we are inclined to believe, of
religious disruption, were sown far back in our
history. The fatal policy pursued by our feudal
sovereigns, from the reign of David I. downwards, of
exploiting the anti-Celtic fringe at the expense of the
Gaelic inhabitants of Scotland, the rightful and
natural repositories of political power in the country,
culminated at last, as all men of wisdom and
foresight must have perceived that those unpatriotic
measures if unwisely persisted in were obliged, by
reason of their very character and tendencies, to
terminate, namely in the destruction of the
independence of the Scottish crown and people,
through the agency either of absorption by England
or annexation by France. Nor are these two
consequences, dismal and melancholy though they
must necessarily be regarded by every individual
who has a spark of national pride or a particle of
patriotism within him, to be considered as by any
means exhausting the capacity for destruction and
mischief which seems to have been inherent in that
mischievous policy. The turbulence and barbarity of
the Scottish nobles, of which the historian justly
complains, the corruption and ignorance of the
Church, and the lawlessness and ferocity of the
common people under the feudal system, were but
reflexes of the bitter struggle waged for so many
years between the rival races inhabiting Scotland.
The feudal sovereigns themselves, thanks entirely to
their obstinate devotion to that ruinous and
tyrannical system, were for the most part either
contemptible puppets in the hands of a few
unscrupulous and designing men—mere phantoms
in the mist of their ridiculous regal pretensions—or
ultimately fell victims to their own unprincipled
endeavours to yet further enslave the nation, and to
drag their country, whether it wished it or not, still
deeper into the mire of that feudalism whose goal
and object here, as elsewhere in Europe, were
government by " divine right," and the abolition of
all constitutional checks and safeguards in favour of
tyranny and absolute power. The Gaelic system of
Government, imperfect though it was in many ways,
and to which Socialism owes all that is best and
sanest in it to-day, was the very antithesis of
feudalism ; and it is to the efforts of our feudal
sovereigns, and to those of the Normans and others
imported or invited into this country by them for the
purpose of supporting their pretensions to
unconstitutional Government and absolute power,
that no small part of the evils and miseries which
have inflicted, and continue to inflict, our country
must be ascribed. The elective principle was the
dominating keynote of the Gaelic system; and when
that safeguard was removed by the introduction of
slavery and feudalism by David, not only was our
political development checked and indefinitely
postponed, not only were we, the Gaels of Scotland,
whose proud name this country bears, and whose
whole soil, mountain and river, loch and forest, town
and city, is justly and rightfully ours, robbed of our
birthright, oppressed, insulted and despoiled, but
the whole country was rudely and roughly torn up
by the roots, as it were, and forced into a soil which
being uncongenial, even repugnant to it, not only
arrested its development and prematurely stunted
its growth, but produced so luxuriant a crop of
disasters, mischiefs and ills as finally choked our
unhappy country altogether. Hence no doubt,
the stained and sordid page of Scottish story. Hence
treasons innumerable and tyranny unspeakable.
Hence turbulence, rapine, murder, leagues and
bands, covenants, plots and counter-plots. Hence
Church corruption and State immorality; hence wars
and tumults, risings and feuds, private
assassinations and judicial murders ; hence foreign
influences, and their attendant evils, partial
counsels and unjust laws and ordinances ; and
hence, coming more towards our own times, those
successive changes and revolutions in Church and
State which have robbed us of our independence ;
which introduced the English influence, and which
find us today little better, when all is said and done,
than a conquered province—the English tripper's
Mecca or the Saxon sportsman's Paradise !
We have said above that the understanding with
Ireland is the measure which every patriotic Gael,
whatever his religion or politics, should endeavour
to promote ; and we venture to repeat our advice.
Would that our feudal sovereigns had seen the
matter in the same light, and had acted on the
counsel so wisely tendered by Saint Columba who, in
the light of the Treaty of Drumcat, must surely be
regarded as the Gael's great law-giver. But, with the
solitary exception of that rousing patriot and
far-seeing statesman King Robert the Bruce, the
alliance we advocate was entirely neglected by them.
Instead, the Gael of Scotland was treated as an
intruder and an enemy within his own gates; and a
policy which might have brought prosperity and
contentment to both Scotland and Ireland, and
confusion and disappointment to our common
enemies, was recklessly cast aside for the glitter and
tinsel of feudalism and the French alliance.
The
natural political affections and
24
Gaelic Confederation
tendencies of the country were disregarded, and the
policy of Scotland forced into a groove which, as all
history shows, was peculiarly repugnant to the
original owners of the soil; which so long as the
crown existed, failed to obtain the sanction and
approval of the Gaelic population ; which kept the
country in a state of continual discord and confusion,
anarchy and bloodshed; which wasted the resources
and dissipated the energies of the land in an endless
round of feuds and risings; which operated as the
curse and blight of our national existence, and which
finally left us where we are now, dispossessed and
disinherited,
landless,
poverty-stricken,
denationalised and disunited.
But, fortunately, gloomy and unspeakably depressing though this picture needs must be in great
measure, yet we are not without all hope as regards
the future. The recent general election, with which
from the purely party point of view this publication
is not to be regarded as being any way concerned, if
it has proved anything has surely established the
fact that the democracy of these Isles is becoming
increasingly favourable to the cause of rational
national self-government, in spite of the
misrepresentation with which those who are hostile
to the cause have endeavoured to combat and
discredit it. For our own parts, we wish that this
great question could be approached from the
non-party point of view ; but since the exigencies of
The Gray Kirk
25
party warfare seem to forbid the indulgence of so
reasonable a hope, we take this opportunity of
saying that in so far as the Liberal programme
embraces our cause, and so long as it shall continue
favourable to the same, so far, and so long, shall we
be favourable to Liberalism. Thanks to that election,
and to the great change of feeling which has swept
over the entire country in respect of what is called
Home Rule, the Gaels of Scotland and the Gaels of
Ireland have now a unique opportunity presented to
them—an opportunity of renewing, strengthening
and widening the understanding underlying the
famous Treaty of Drumcat, an opportunity of living
in history again, of re-establishing the Gaelic
tradition, of rejoining and carrying on the
long-disconnected threads of our common story, of
making the Gaelic cause the cause of Alba -at large
(as once it was), of replanting our flag upon the ruins
of the Lowland policy, of marching shoulder to
shoulder in serried and irresistible array towards
the realisation of our great national ambition—the
establishment
of
a
great
Gaelic-speaking
Confederacy of Nations. God grant that the hand of
God may still be with us, and against our foes ! God
grant that the tide which has now set in so strongly
in favour of the Gaels may be taken at the
flood—utilised to its utmost, and that there may be
no " moaning at the bar " when next the Gael puts
out to sea!
THE GRAY KIRK
IN a gray valley between hills, shut out from all the
world by mist and moors, there lies a village with a
little church.
The ruined castle in the reedy loch, by which
stand herons fishing in the rank growth of flags of
bulrush and hemp-agrimony which fringes it, is
scarcely grayer than the hills. The outcrop of the
stone is gray, the louring clouds, the slated roofs, the
shingly river's bed and the clear water of the stream.
The very trout that dart between the stones, or hang
suspended where the current joins the linn, look
gray as eels.
Green markings on the moors show where once
paths the border prickers followed on their wiry
nags led towards the south, the land of fatted beeves
and well-stored larders, clearly designed by
Providence or fate to be the jackman's prey, but long
disused, forgotten and grassed over, though with the
ineffaceable imprint of immemorial use still clear.
Dark, geometrical plantations of black fir and
spruce deface the hills, which nature evidently made
to bear a coat of scrubby oak and birch. Wire fences
gird them round, the posts well tarred against the
weather, and the barbed wire so taut that the fierce
winds might use them as ^Eolian harps, could they
but lend themselves to song.
A district which the wildness of the past has so
impressed, that the main line of railway steals
through its corries and across its moors as it were
under protest, and where the curlew mocks the
engine's whistle with his wilder cry.
The village clusters round the kirk, as bees
crowd round their queen, the older houses thatched.
Their coping-stones carved with a rope, remain to
show how, in the older world, their rustic architects
secured their roofs against the blast.
No doubt the hamlet grew between the castle
and the church. The jackman of the chief, the
sacristan and kindly tenants of the church, ready
and near at hand to put on splent and spur, and able
to take lance or sprig of hyssop in their hand at the
first tinkle of the beil or rout of horn.
The castle in the loch has dwindled to a pile of
stones, from which spring alders, birches and sycamores, whose keys hang yellow in the wind, unlocking nothing but the sadness of the heart, which.
marks their growth, from the decay of the
abandoned keep.
A modern mansion set with its shrubberies and
paltry planted woods, where once the Caledonian
forest sheltered the wild white cattle in its glades,
seems out of place in the surrounding gray. Its lodge,
with trim-cut laurels and with orcubas and iron
gate, run in a foundry from a mould, is trivial,
comfortable and modern ; and the low sullen hills
appear to scorn it in their fight with time, for they
remain unchanged from the bold times of rugging
and of rieving, when spearsmen, not a pensioned
butler, kept the gate.
The crumbling and decayed stone wall, secluding
jealously the boggy meadows of the park, shuts off
the modern mansion with its electric light, its
motor-cars, its liveried servants and its air of castellated meanness, from the old houses huddling in
the wynd. They look towards the chapel with its
high-pitched roof, its squat round tower with crenel-
lated top and its sharp windows pointed like a lance.
It seems to gaze at them, as if it felt they were the
only links that time has left, it with its old own
world. The eye avoids the modern buildings in the
town, the parish church, four square and hideous,
with windows like a house, and from the hills falls
on the chapel and is satisfied. Only in some old
missal, with the illustrations by some monk
adscribed to his small round of daily cares, can you
behold its equal, as it stands desolate and gray.
The chapel of a race of warriors, men dark and
gray as is the stone of which its walls are built, once
a lone outpost of the great mother fort in Rome, it
lingers after them, sheltering their tombs and
speaking of their fame. Instinctively one feels that
once its doors stood open, just as it were a mosque or
church in lands where faith continues the whole
week, and men pray as they eat or sleep, just when
they feel inclined, and naturally as birds.
In the green churchyard, whose grassy hillocks
wave it like a sea, the long gray tombstones of the
undistinguished dead appear like boats that make
towards some haven, laying their courses by the
beacon of the tower.
The church itself floats like a ship turned bottom
upwards on the grassy sea. Its voyage is ended, and
the men who once clattered in armour in its aisles
and through its nave now sleep below its flags. A
maimed ritual and a sterner creed prevail, and those
who worship in the church have shown their faith by
laying down encaustic tiles over the spur-marked
stones on which their forebears jangled in their mail.
A fair communion table of hewn stone, smug and
well-finished and with the wounds upon the bleeding
heart all staunched (as one would think), stands
where the altar stood, cold and uninteresting, a
symbol of the age. Nan ragionam; on every side, lie
those who, in their time, carried their wars across
the border, and on the bridge at Rome charged on
the people who pressed on them, just as they would
have charged in Edinburgh, had any other cian
presumed to take the croon of the old causeway of
the High Street, and brought upon themselves an
excommunication from the Pope.
Stretched under canopies of stone they lie,
looking so grim and so impenitent, that one is sure
they must be satisfied with their presentments, if,
looking down on their old haunts, they see their
images. Many are absent who would have filled a
niche right worthily, Tineman and the Black Knight
of Jedburgh and others of the house, who, in their
time, shook Scotland to the core. But in the middle
of the aisle, in leaden caskets hooped with iron and
padlocked, lie two hearts. One, that of Archibald
who belled the cat. The other heart has travelled
much, and in its life beat higher with all generous
thoughts than any of its race.
He who possessed it, or was possessed by it, liked
ever better, as he said, to hear the laverocks singing
than the cheeping of the mouse. His hands were
able, all his adventurous life, to keep his cheeks
from scars, as he averred in Seville to the Spanish
knight who wondered at their absence from his face.
Carrying a heart to Palestine, he fell, not in the Holy
Land, but on the frontiers of Granada, that last
outpost of the Eastern world. The heart he carried
lies at Melrose, and his own, sealed fast in lead,
soldered perhaps in some wild camp lost in the
Ajaràfè of Sevilla, is the chief ornament of the gray
chapel of his race.
Set like a ship, the chapel lies in the long waves
of sullen hill and moor that roll away towards the
south.
In its long voyage through the sea of time, crews
of wild warriors have clung to it, as their one refuge
from the spear of life. Each in their turn have fallen
away, leaving it lonely, but still weather-tight and
taut; a monument of faith, as some may think, or of
good masonry and well-slapped lime, as the profane
may say, still sailing on the billowy moors which
stretch towards Muir-kirk; so little altered that any
one of those who in the past have prayed within its
walls, if he returned to a changed world, would cling
to it as the one thing he knew.
So it drifts on upon its voyage through time.
R. B. CUNNINGHAME GRAHAM.
CREIDHIMH AGUS CAINNT
SINCE our last number was published, the principles
on which this publication is conducted (and will
continue to be conducted) have been subjected to a
good deal of conjecture and criticism on the part of
some of our contemporaries in the newspaper press.
There appears to be a feeling abroad that a Catholic
Review, written by Gaels and in the interests of
Gaels, is something in the nature of a " sensation,"
which time is rapidly changing, or deepening, into a
mystery. A critic whose locality need not be specified
charged us with starting a propaganda in the
interests of the Catholic Church, and being politely
informed that that is precisely what we have done,
his astonishment and perplexity knew no bounds.
The fact that the Catholic Church was here long
before the Protestant religion was born or thought
of, as the saying goes, does not seem to have
occurred to these simple-minded people; and, really,
if their attitude and language were not so
unreservedly funny, we should be inclined to resent
them as a piece of silly impertinence. But it would be
indiscreet to quarrel with innocence, when it bears
no malice, and is obviously the offspring of an
ingenuous mind. There is, too, surely something
pathetic about ignorance, when it arises, not from
natural causes, but from sheer force of circumstances, and the operation of laws forced on the
victim from without. To judge, too, by appearances
and by the facts of one's own times, though a popular
failing, yet it need not arouse more than a passing
resentment. If the heart is sound, the judgment,
however whimsical and blundering, can soon be set
right. It is your unpleasant person who refuses to be
guided by learning, who resolutely and obstinately
shuts eyes and ears to historical truths, that excites
our ridicule, and invites, as he deserves, our censure.
Wilful misrepresentation is the snake in the grass
which deserves to be " scotched " as soon as sighted.
The
merely
uninformed—the
blushing
innocent—once he is brought off from his unlearned
ways, is the good •cause's best friend.
So we desire to deal in no recriminations in respect of the head above mentioned. Its effect is
merely to leave us a little sadder, though not wiser,
men. For surely it is regrettable that even one Gael
should be found a-wondering what a Catholic
propaganda should be doing in the Gàidhealtachd.
For our own parts, we reserve our astonishment, as
our perplexity, for our Presbyterian friends, who
have no earthly business at all to be there.
We have already touched on the part which the
Gael of Scotland played at the " Reformation " ; but
in view of the general ignorance on the subject, we
conceive we cannot do better than to refer to it
again. It is an important subject, because designing
people have misrepresented it; whilst others, not a
whit less disingenuous, have refrained from
mentioning it altogether. We have lately been
perusing a number of Gaelic tracts, obligingly
furnished to the Gàidhealtachd by the Society for
Promoting Christian Knoivledge, not so much for our
spiritual edification, as the incautious reader might
be disposed to imagine, as with a view to discovering
what their authors might have to say on this very
subject. Our discoveries have resulted in a series of
mares' nests, if the confirming foregone conclusions
by so amusing a process may thus be characterised.
The means adopted by these authors is simplicity
itself. They omit all reference to the
Highlands, and panegyrise John Knox as the embodiment and epitome of all virtues, and as the voice
of a unanimous nation. Now, why do they say, in not
very good Gaelic, the thing which is not ? Obviously,
the answer is easy. Either they do not know about
what they are writing (which, perhaps, is the more
reasonable, as it certainly is the more charitable,
hypothesis), or, being better informed, they are
cunning enough not to let the historical cat out of
the bag in so open and unguarded a fashion.
It may be objected, however, that a Gaelic
Protestant tract is hardly competent to discuss
questions of history : that space forbids, and that the
audience to be addressed is not to be considered as
being mightily concerned with such matters. We
waive the obvious objections to this point of view,
and will take Eachdraidh na h-Eaglaise as guide,
counsellor and friend in determining this matter.
The volume in question is a somewhat ambitious
performance. It begins with the birth of our
Blessed Lord and ends, if we remember rightly, with
some not very intelligible Church (Protestant)
dispute in the Lowlands. The one infinitely
solemn and all-important event may not to an
unprejudiced reader—to one, at all events, who has
not the privilege of " sitting under " any Protestant
minister — seem even remotely connected, or even
approximately at all appropriately contrasted or
united to the other. But no matter. No doubt, it is
a simple matter of taste—since neither religious nor
profane history can have anything to do with the
matter—whether the sublime and the
(comparatively) ridiculous can thus be suitably
associated. In any event, our point is, that
Eachdraidh na h-Eaglaise is equally silent as
to the " Reformation " in the Gàidhealtachd as are the
more " popular" productions of the estimable Society
above mentioned. Why is this? the reader who is of
an inquiring turn of mind will naturally demand. Is
this silence upon so vital and momentous an issue
part and parcel of the old discreditable policy of "
boycotting " the Highlands ? Our answer to this
reasonable inquiry is, Certainly not. The author of
the Eachdraidh in question was a Gael, and a
minister of the Presbyterian Church at that. He was
no mean scholar and writer, too, as his, in many
respects, well-written history proves ; and the
curious reader may take it as certain from us that
had his Church had a leg to stand on, historically,
and with particular reference to the Highlands, he
would have gratefully presented his co-religionists
with that support, if, indeed, his regard for truth
and fair-play had resisted the vulgar temptation to
add to the number.
Let us turn from these sources, however, to
others, equally Protestant, though more historical,
and, no doubt, better known. We have already
quoted from Gregory's History on the subject. But we
crave the reader's permission to quote him again. He
says (p. 186): "Although the Reformation was
undoubtedly one of the most important events in
Scottish history, yet its progress is to be traced
almost exclusively in the history of the Lowlands ; at
least the history of the Highlands and Isles presents
little that is interesting on this subject. It is not to
be supposed, however, that the great Highland
barons were slow to follow the example of their
Lowland neighbours in seizing the lands and
revenues of the Church. On the contrary, the
deplorable state in which the Highlands and Isles
were found to be, in a religious point of view, at
c
the commencement of the seventeenth century, was
evidently owing to this cause. But in such proceedings the bulk of the Highland population, if we
except the vassals of the Earl of Argyll, seems to
have taken little interest, and many of them long
continued to adhere, as a portion still do, to the
worship of their fathers." The testimony of Lachlan
Shaw [History of the Province of Moray), who on almost
every page reveals him to be a bigoted Protestant, is
to a similar effect. He observes, " upon perusing the
ecclesiastical records, it is apparent that the true
rational Christian knowledge, which was almost
quite lost under Popery, made very slow progress
after the Reformation. It was long before ministers
could be had to plant the several corners, and
particularly the Highlands. In the year 1650 the
country of Lochaber was totally desolate, and no
Protestant ministers had before that time been
planted there. And when the number of ministers
increased, very few of them understood the Irish
language, and people were settled in the Highlands
who were mere barbarians to the people. . . . The
number of Papists was great. They who professed
the Protestant religion retained strong prejudices in
favour of the religion of their ancestors," etc.
But, indeed, the difficulty experienced in "reforming " the Gaels of Scotland is well known, and
eloquent testimony to the tenacity with which our
ancestors clung to the faith of their forefathers, long
after the more gullible Saxon of Scotland had swallowed the religious and political nostrums of Knox
and his faction, is to be found in many a State paper,
composed with a view to "civilising" the Gàidhealtachd, of destroying Catholicism, and of banning
our language and customs. Even down to Bliadhna
Thearlaich (1745) the Highlands, as a whole, remained staunch and true to their original principles
and maxims in Church and State. The spies of the
Hanoverian Government in the Gàidliealtachd had
but cold comfort to give to their southern employers.
The Highlands swarm with " Papists," they tearfully
report; " Popery " is everywhere. The priests of our
Holy Religion go about openly, instructing the
people, encouraging them to remain true to the faith
of their forefathers, and administering the rites of
the Catholic worship. Everywhere in the Highlands
these pious and self-sacrificing men are protected,
and warmly and gratefully received. And when we
turn from these accounts to the " Memorials," "
Reports " and so forth which English statesmen
invited, and received, from those who were supposed
to understand Gaelic affairs and who were
favourable to their "happy" establishment in Church
and State, we easily perceive that the general
burden of their refrain—their common counsel of
despair—consists in urging the twofold maxim: To
bring off the Gael from his religion, you must first
"civilise" him; that is, suppress his language, and so
teach him to become an Englishman.
To those who have been behind the scenes, as it
were, in this manner, as we have done and are
accustomed to do, in quest of historical material
wherewith to carry on the great tradition of Gaelic
history, there is something infinitely pleasing and
encouraging in the frank and candid manner in
which the foes of our nationality thus associated
religion and language. These " memorialists" write
for statesmen's eyes alone, sometimes, perhaps—though they knew it not—merely for the
great man's pigeon-holes; for they were a garrulous,
as well as a rapacious crew, and doubtless, in many
cases, exceeding fatiguing reading. But at at least
they cultivated the virtue of candour, and so far as
spies can justly be said to deserve it, they have
merited our gratitude in this respect. They speak
openly. They are not shouting from the house-tops
with a police reporter below to take notes of their
observations, or even confiding their lucubrations to
the correspondence columns of a newspaper,
wherein, though anonymity may be sanctioned, yet
the name, though not necessarily for publication, is
requisite as a guarantee of good faith. So they open
their minds freely. There is no " hedging "
observable in these informers—no unnecessary
beating about the bush. A spade is not called " an
agricultural implement," but simply and rudely a
spade. The dominating idea is plainly to
sell—whether for actual pelf or place matters not
(the commercial instinct is nakedly there, and is the
same)—as much of the rare commodity called truth
as the informer can scrape together; and to trust
rather to interest, than gratitude, for the resulting
measure of "the Patron's" patronage. Hence it is, no
doubt, that these State documents furnish so
pleasing and edifying reading. Religion and
language are the Gael's crimes. Abolish the one and
you will destroy the other; and so, indeed, alas ! it
has proved in too many cases.
There is, of course, nothing particularly new in
this point of view. If not as old as the hills, it dates
far back in our story. The war between Gael and
Saxon, between Catholicism and Cosmopolitanism,
is ancient reading. The first we have dealt with
elsewhere, in the language appropriate to the theme.
The second is now being waged with ever-increasing
bitterness and fury all over the world. It is curious,
too, and instructive to note how the importance of
language and nationality is being recognised in an
ever-ascending scale, wherever our Holy Religion
obtains ; and pray name us the place on God's earth
where the Sign of the Cross is not raised ? There has
just come to our hands a recent copy of La Nouvelle
France, a Canadian publication published in the
interests of our French-speaking co-religionists in
that country, wherein we find an important article
entitled, " La langue et la Foi: Pourquoi notre langue
est la meilleure gardienne de notre Foi". The author
rightly insists that the French language is, amongst
French-speaking Canadians, the best guardian of
the faith in Canada;1 and his remarks on the
cognate case of Ireland—where this truth in regard
to the Gaelic language is being rapidly realised
—are sympathetic and singularly apposite. In the
land of our hearts—in Alba, to wit—treason to
religion and treachery to language have done
abundant fell work. Temporarily, at all events, the
measures so confidently recommended by hireling
spies and " memorialists " have triumphed, not,
thank God! entirely, but in a measure and to a
degree which cannot but be saddening to those who
have the best interests of the Gàidhealtachd at heart;
who know how grossly our Holy Religion is maligned
by interested partisans for their own selfish ends;
who are familiar with the social and economic ills
which Protestantism has brought in; and who
reprobate and deplore the warring of modern
Protestant Church factions as something wholly
repugnant to the principles of our common
1Just as the Gaelic language is the best guardian of the faith
amongst the many thousands of Gaelic-speaking Catholic Gaels
in Canada.
Christianity. How long will these things be? How
long will it be (we ask) before our blind and
misguided fellow-countrymen—our brother Gaels—
see eye to eye with us—with the faithful remnant of
old Alba; with the many thousands of their
expatriated Catholic fellow-countrymen in Canada ;
and with the Gaels of Ireland, now so gloriously
advancing in the common cause of Creidhimh agus
Cainnt—of faith and language ? Our wish—our
dream, if the reader prefers it—is for a united
Gaeldom; for one faith, for one tongue, for the
religion of our forefathers and for the language of
our race—for the " sea-divided Gael," a great con-
federacy : new hopes, new aspirations—a new life and
all that such entails. Who will assist us to achieve
these great and glorious ends ?
There is one other topic on which we propose to
make a few observations before bringing these
remarks to a close. The Scottish Gael's attachment
to the Catholic religion, long after the rest of the
country had abandoned it, was accustomed to be
ascribed by his enemies to his " superstition,
stupidity and ignorance," just as at the present day
you will hear foolish English people ascribing to the
same cause the Irish Gael's attachment to the faith
of his ancestors. This cool assumption of a superior
intelligence on the part of English people is
characteristic of the race. What they do not hold to is
necessarily, in their opinion, not worth the having.
The Catholic is "ignorant" and " superstitious "
because he is not a Protestant. Than this very
elementary form of reasoning, no greater proof, of
course, could be adduced of the folly, shallowness
and stupidity of the flippant blockheads who indulge
in it. They seem to forget, too, that their own
dull-witted and lubberly peasantry is probably the
most uninteresting and intellectually unfruitful
element in Christendom. That the Gael of Scotland
remained Catholic because he "knew no better," is
an assertion which is not only false to all history, but
which is easily disproved by the statements of
contemporary Protestant partisans themselves.
Certainly, considering the intellectual state of the
Gàidhealtachd under Catholic auspices, and the same
thing under Protestant influences, no intelligent
Gael of to-day, who yet is a Protestant, can afford to
foul his own nest in so shameless and ridiculous a
manner. Here is what one of these " memoralists "
has to say on this very subject. Writing after the '45,
and in condemnation of the prevalence of "Popery" in
the Gàidhealtachd, he observes, "whoever knows
them (the Gaels of Scotland), and speaks
impartially, will acknowledge that there are not any
people in our Island more smart and sagacious".
Here is somewhat similar testimony. " There are not
in any corner of Britain a people of quicker natural
parts than they; and we know what fine geniuses
they have produced." Another State paper contains
the following significant passages: " There is hardly
anywhere a more subtle people than they are; and
one may find amongst them men who by the oddness
of their way of living in their wild remote corners
and un-acquaintedness with the manner of the
world, seem to be simple, ignorant and blundering,
and yet are cunning fellows, and full of address in
their negotiations. Generally speaking, they are a
people of exceeding good parts and capacity, and
very lively. . . . Their wits not being broken with sore
labour, are sharpened by discoursing with one
another. . . . They are greatly addicted to enquire
after news,
4<D
Oran Sgarba
which they do at every person they me
informer writes in a similar strain, an
Swedes and the Norse, whom he este
intelligent, " are not so smart, nor of s
the Highlanders usually are ".
Such were the Gaels of Scotland
influences. The testimony above qu
inasmuch as it proceeds from quart
hostile to our forefathers' religion and
their manners and customs. It shows u
sagacious people of good parts, whose
and whose intelligence was obviously
much given to discussion and always
The Gael of Scott and other Protestant
of monstrosity, a half-witted dolt cram
most foolish and childish and degrading
is for the Protestant Gael to say w
picture; and, Crois Chriosd orinn fèin I
him his dilemma.
ORAN SGARBA
[Chaidh an dàn so a leanas a sgrìob
Dòmhnullach, ris an abrar 'sa Bheurla S
thug iomadh bliadhna 'na dhor-sair do
an Cille Chinmein Dh'eug Alasdair o chi
e gle aosmhor, agus fo mhòr spèis aig
eòlas air. Chaidh an dàn so a sgrìobha
Alasdair a' fuireach anns an Eilean Sgar
'Gheola dhubh air barr an t-sru
e 'gheola dhubh fo 'h-aodach, 'G
dhubh air barr an t-sruth, Gu
fulangach ri gaoith.
Bha Dughal a' sìor àithn' orm, Na ràimh
aodaich. 'Gheola dhubh, etc.
Oran Sgarba
Dar chaidh mi Bhial na h-uamha, Bha
gaoth à tuath 'si beucaich,
Na sruthan bha iad uamhasach. Na
cuartagan ag èirigh. 'Gheola dhubh,
etc.
Dar chaidh mi suas gu Garbhallach
Bha 'n fhairg' le feirg ag èirigh,
Thuirt Mac-an-Lèigh ged eòlach e, "
Tha 'n Dòmhnullach 'na eigin ".
'Gheola dhubh, etc.
Sin dar labhair Caristiona :
" Tha thuigs' agam mu dheighinn,
Cha ghabh mi fhèin mo storas,
Ma 'se 'n Dòmhnullach a gheilleas ".
'Gheola dhubh, etc.
Ged's iargalta bharr cladaich e, Na
gabhadh sibh bonn curaim,
Nach dean a' Gheola calla dheth, Le
Alasdair 'ga stiùireadh. 'Gheola
dhubh, etc.
An àm bhi 'tilleadh dhachaidh leatha,
Gu'm b'astarach mo dheidh,
'Dhol tarsuinn Coire Bhreacain, Cha'n
fhaic i le beum sleibhe. 'Gheola
dhubh, etc.
Dar ràinig mise m' acarsaid,
'Us ghabh mi beachd gu geur oirre,
Bha 'h-uile sparr 'us ball 'us seòl
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
43
Bha innte 'n òrd' mar teudan. 'Gheola dhubh, etc.
WHO IS "RIGH NA H-ALBA"i
UPON the death, in 1034, of that great prince,
Malcolm II., the direct male line of Kenneth Mac
Alpin became extinct; but, as Bobertson observes in
his Scotland under Her Early Kingsr "the rights of the
royal race, originally inherited through the female
line, were transmitted in the-same manner through
heiresses to the two great families of Atholl1 and
Moray, whose disputes for the crown were destined
to become as fruitful a source of strife and bloodshed
as the sanguinary struggle between their immediate
ancestors, or the earlier feuds between the lines of
Constantine and Aodh".
It must be remembered that, according to the
rule of alternate succession hitherto observed
amongst the Gaels of Scotland, and abundant traces
of which we find amongst the Gaels of Ireland, the
next king after Malcolm's death ought to have been
chosen from the family of his predecessor, Kenneth
III. Malcolm, however, determined to set aside the
Gaelic rule of succession in favour of his own family,
and, after the death of Boedhe (Kenneth's son), he
conspired and accomplished the assassination of the
latter's heir, whose name is unknown to history, but
who, the last male representative of his race, was
probably Tanist or heir-apparent to the throne after
the death of his father, the above-mentioned
Boedhe. Malcolm himself had no son, but the
removal of his rivaVs heir left the succession to the
throne open to his grandson Duncan, who,
accordingly, in the year
JThe family which subsequently described
itself as De Atholia.
The Eobertsons of Struan
are of this family.
44 Who is " Righ na h-Alba " ?
1034, ascended the throne of the
Ard-Eigh of Scotland, immediately
after the assassination at Glamis, in
Forfarshire, of his grandfather King
Malcolm.
Boedhe, however, left a daughter,
Gruach, who, by her marriage with
Gilcomgan, the son of Mal-bridge Mac
Ruaidhri, Mormaer or, as the Irish
annalists style him, King of Moray,
carried the claims of her house, after
the death of her brother, into that
family.
In 1032 Gilcomgan, Mormaer of
Moray, was surprised and burnt in his
rath or fortress with fifty of his
immediate followers, leaving, however,
an infant son, Lulach (by his wife
Gruach), who, after the death of
Boedhe's son—at the hands or at the
instigation of Malcolm II.—became the
sole remaining representative of the
line of Kenneth III. Gruach, the widow
of Gilcomgan, eventually married Mac
Beth (the slayer of Duncan and future
King of Alba) who had succeeded
Gruach's late husband, and his own
cousin, in the Moray Mor-maership.
Mac Beth, consequently, besides being
husband to Gruach, became the
guardian of the infant Lulach, and the
representative, during the minority of the latter, of
his claims upon the crown of Scotland.
Duncan, the heir and successor of his grandfather, Malcolm II., was the son of Bethoc (eldest
daughter to Malcolm) by Crinan, lay-Abbot of
Dunkeld, and, before his accession to the throne of
the Ard-Eìgh, had been appointed ruler of the
dependent province of Strath Clyde.
The murder of the youthful Duncan by his rival
Mac Beth is too well known to require more than a
few passing references. It is scarcely necessary to
observe that the Shakespearian version of that
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
45
tragedy is, historically, highly inaccurate. The "
meek and hoary Duncan" was really an inexperienced stripling. Mac Beth himself probably
struck the fatal blow in " the smith's bothy " near
Elgin, to which the ill-starred Prince had retired for
a little much-needed rest and refreshment after his
sore flight from the North, where his army had been
hopelessly crushed by the Lochlannach jarl, Thorfin.
The Shakespearian " thanes," borrowed, of course,
from the historical romances of Boece and other
later sources, were non-existent. Even the Scotland
of Malcolm III. knew nothing of them; and in many
other respects, which need not here be
particularised, the historical details of the great
English dramatist's great drama are open to serious
historical objection.
Nor is it necessary, strictly considering the
writer's purpose in composing this paper, to enter
upon any discussion touching the personal and
other qualities of Mac Beth. Suffice it to say that he
seems to have been an excellent ruler, and that the "
white-washers'" art cannot justly be
said to have been exercised to any real
and lasting effect so long as so
promising a " subject" as the usurping
Mormaer
of
Moray
remains
unexperimented upon. "The historical
Mac Beth," says Mr. Eobertson, "
appears to have been an able monarch
. . . for his reign has been handed down
in tradition as an era of fertility and
prosperity—generally a sign of the
ability of the ruler; and he is recorded
with his queen among the earliest
benefactors of the Culdee Society of
Lochleven." St. Berchan observes of
him:—
"After slaughter of Gael, after
slaughter of Galls
(foreigners) The liberal King will
possess Fortrenn.
The red one was fair, yellow,1 tail;
Pleasant was the youth to me.
Brimful was Alba east and west,
During the reign of the fierce red
one."2
In 1058, Mac Beth was slain at
Lumphanan
in
Aberdeenshire,
whereupon Lulach the Simple became
Ard-Righ of Alba. The son of the
murdered Duncan, however (Malcolm),
soon removed from his path the
remaining obstacle to his accession to
the throne. Lulach was betrayed into
the hands of his enemy at a place
called Essie, on the confines of
Banffshire and Aberdeenshire, where his violent
death put an end for a time to the struggle between
the rival houses of Moray and Atholl.
During the long reign of Calum A'Chinn Mhòir
(1058-1093), Moray remained comparatively quiet.
"The deaths of Mac Beth and of his successor
Lulach," says Mr. Robertson, " had crushed, without
-extinguishing, the hopes of the rival family; but
though their pretensions were again revived by
Lulach's son, Malsnechtan, fortune continued adverse to the men of Moray, and a sanguinary and
decisive victory" gained by Malcolm still further
■depressed the balance of power in favour of the
reigning family. Malsnechtan, however, survived his
overthrow to " die in peace " a few years afterwards
(1085), "when," observes Mr. Robertson, " the title of
' King of Moray,' conferred upon him by the Irish
annalist, implies (if correct) a partial independence;
but as there can be no doubt about the foundation of
Mortlach before the date of his death, the
surrounding territory must have been
1 Yellow-haired: yellow hair was much esteemed by the
Gaels.
2 Celtic Scotland, vol. i., p. 406.
by that time annexed to the crown; and the influence of the Moray family must henceforth have
been confined to the westward of the Spey ".
Upon the death of Malsnechtan, in 1085, the
Moray principality and the claims of that family to
the throne of Scotland, passed to his sister whose
name is unknown, and whose husband, Aodh,
became, in right of his wife, Mormaer, or as he appears
in charters of the period, " Earl" of Moray. Nothing
is known of the parentage of this Aodh (a favourite
and common name, as Dr. MacBain justly observes,
amongst the Gaels of Scotland and
Ireland), a circumstance which will be
duly discussed in its proper place.
Aodh seems to have made at least one
attempt to establish his wife's title to
the throne, but being badly defeated by
Alexander I. (1107-1124) it is doubtless
to that circumstance that we must
ascribe the appearance of his name in
royal charters belonging to the reign of
Alexander, and to the early years of
that
of
his
successor
David
(1124-1153).
By the daughter of Lulach, Aodh,
Mormaer of Moray, had a son Angus,
who in the reign of David I. and after
the death of his father, fought the
disastrous battle of Strickathrow
(1130), in which Angus himself
perished, together with a great
number of the men of Moray and the
Mearns, his followers. The battle,
which was fought in support of the
hereditary policy of the Moray family,
and the death of the Mormaer, are
thus alluded to in the Irish annals : "
Battle (1130) between the men of
Alban and the men of Moray, in which
fell four thousand of the men of Moray,
with their King Oengus, son of the
daughter of Lulag ; a thousand also of
the men of Alban in heat of battle ".
The event is also alluded to by the
Saxon Chronicle which, under the same
date, has the following: " In this year
Anagus was slain by the Scots army, and there was
a great slaughter made with him". Orderic Vital
(quoted by Skene) further confirms this account in a
narrative which has every appearance of truth. "
Malcolm," he says, " a bastard son of Alexander (the
late king), attempted to deprive his uncle of the
crown, and involved him in two rather severe
contests; but David, who was his superior in talent
as well as in wealth and power, defeated him and
his party. In the year of our Lord 1130, whilst King
David was ably applying himself to a cause in King
Henry's court and carefully examining a charge of
treason which, they say, Geoffrey de Clinton had
been guilty of, Angus Earl of Moray with Malcolm
and five thousand men, entered Scotia (or Scotland
proper) with the intention of reducing the whole
kingdom to subjection. Upon this Edward, the son of
Siward Earl of Mercia in the time of King Edward,
who was a cousin of King David, and commander of
his army, assembled troops and suddenly threw
himself in the enemy's way. A battle was at length
fought in which Earl Angus was slain, and his
troops defeated, taken prisoners or put to flight.
Vigorously pursuing the fugitives with his soldiers
elated with victory, and entering Morafia or Moray,
now deprived of its lord and protector,1 he obtained by
God's help possession of the whole of that large
territory."
So far the history of the Moray Mormaership,
and of the high claims connected therewith, present
little difficulty in the way of their historical elucida1The italics are my own. The significance of this statement
will subsequently appear.
tion. We now however approach a
period of considerable doubt and
obscurity, in dealing with which it will
be necessary to proceed with the
utmost caution and circumspection.
Angus, Mormaer or Earl of Moray, was
slain, as has already been said, at
Strickathrow; and, dying without
issue, the Mormaership failing heirs
would of necessity revert to the people
of Moray, in accordance with Gaelic
law and immemorial custom, instead
of returning to the King, as under the
feudal system (which affirmed the
sovereign to be the sole source of all
honour), and had it been a feudal
dignity, it must needs have done.1
It is asserted, however, by
Robertson and Dr. MacBain that
Angus had a brother Malcolm, who,
upon the former's death in 1130,
inherited the claims of the Moray
family, and even continued the war
against David for a period of four years
after his brother's death and overthrow
in Forfarshire. Frightened, however,
by
the
magnitude
of
David's
preparations, in view of the Moray
Mor-maer's unseasonable obstinacy,
the supporters of the latter, it is
asserted, tiring of the war and
becoming alarmed for their safety,
treacherously delivered Malcolm Mac
Aodh into the hands of David. " He was
at once despatched," says Robertson, "
to the castle of Roxburgh, and David, in the full
determination of eradicating every trace of his
enemies, declared the whole Earldom (of Moray)
forfeited to the crown."2
1It is proper to observe here that the peerage of Moray
created in favour of Randolph, the friend and supporter of
Robert the Bruce, as that which was bestowed at a later date on
Lord James Stuart, by Queen Mary, have nothing whatever to
do with the title under discussion. It is necessary to bear this
distinction in mind in view of what follows.
81134.
But before we proceed to discuss the authenticity
of his version it is necessary that I should here
interrupt the thread of my narrative in order to
bring upon the historical stage yet another character, in the shape and person of the impostor
Wymund, Bishop of Man. " The battle of
Strick-athrow," says Skene, "was followed a few
years after by one of the strangest incidents which
occur in the history of Scotland at that period. It is
obviously alluded to by Ailred in his eulogium upon
King David, when, on telling us that 'God gave
David the affection of a son amid scourgings, that he
should not murmur or backslide, but should give
thanks amid scourgings,' he adds : ' These were his
(David's) words when God sent as a foe against him
a certain spurious bishop, who lied and said he was
the Earl of Moray's son,' and again, ' that the Lord
had scourged with the lies of a certain monk that
invincible king who had subdued unto himself so
many barbarous nations, and had without great
trouble triumphed over the men of Moray and the
islands'. Wymund, whose extraction is obscure, but
who probably hailed from Skye,1 upon being raised
to the See of Man, appears to have allowed his
ambition to get the better alike of his veracity as of
a proper sense of what was due to his
ecclesiastical status, for he boldly
declared himself to be a son of Aodh
Earl of Murray, assembled a band of
iOn this point Robertson quotes Newburgh,
who says Wymund was born at some obscure
spot in England, and that he pretended to be a
son of the Earl of Moray; but Newburgh (says
Skene) seems to have known nothing certain
about his earlier history. "Wymund himself says
in his profession quoted by Stubbs : " Ego
Wymundus sanctce ecclesice de Schid " or Skye
—which possibly accounts for the following he
subsequently got in Moray and the Isles.
followers, dropped the name by which
he had hitherto been known in favour
of that of Malcolm Mac Aodh, and
declared war against the high King of
Scotland. His claim (says Skene)
appears to have been recognised as
genuine by the Norwegian King of the
Isles, and by Somerled the Celtic
regulus of Argyll, whose sister he
married. ' Every day (says William of
Newburgh) he was joined by troops of
adherents, among whom he was conspicuous above all by the head and
shoulders : and like some mighty
commander he inflamed their desires.
He then made a descent on the
provinces of Scotland, wasting all
before him with rapine and slaughter;
but whenever the royal army was despatched against him he eluded the
whole warlike preparation, either by
retreating to distant forests, or taking
to the sea; and when the troops had retired, he
again issued from his hiding-places to ravage the
provinces.'"
It will be observed that in the foregoing account of
Wymund's proceedings William of Newburgh gives
us a particular description of the personal
appearance of the militant Bishop.1 He is tail, so
much so that he "was conspicuous above all by the
head and shoulders". Consequently, if there was
really a "Malcolm Mac Aodh" existing at that time
who had been present at the battle of Strickathrow
but who was now, according to Robertson and
others, languishing in prison, the respective
identities of the two men could have been easily
established.
1 " His jovial countenance and ready eloquence, his stalwart
frame and commanding stature . . . marked him out as a fit
leader for an ignorant and excitable multitude, though scarcely
in the capacity of a Bishop."—Robertson. (The italics in the
above quotation are my own.)
Either we must assume that Wymund was the
alter ego of the alleged Malcolm, which does not seem
probable, or that the Moray and Isles men, knowing
the Bishop to be an impostor, yet accepted him,
temporarily, for what he was worth to forward their
own political ends. It is not denied by the supporters
of the Malcolm Mac Heth theory that Wymund
attempted to impersonate a son of the Earl of
Moray—Malcolm, to wit. Why, then, was not
Malcolm, if he existed, taken out of prison and at
once confronted with the impostor Wymund? It is
obvious that a simple measure of this sort (the
necessity of which the active, shrewd and fertile
brain of David should surely have been the first to
recognise) would immediately have pricked the
Bishop's bubble. We do not read,
however, that anything of the kind was
done. On the contrary, the supposed
Malcolm is kept jealously in prison (by
Messrs. Robertson and MacBain); the
King engages in a costly, dangerous
and difficult war, which at one time
seemed about to come near to costing
him his throne, and the pretended
Mormaer of Moray is suffered to go,
literally, scot-free, plundering, burning
and slaying, forming important and
highly
political
matrimonial
connections, and setting the whole
country by the ears; whilst all the time
the living person he is impudently
impersonating is securely lodged in
gaol! For what intelligible reason did
David suffer affairs to come to so
extraordinary a pass ? In view of the
theories of the historians above
mentioned we may well address to
ourselves this significant and highly
pregnant question. The answer to it, so
far as it concerns David and the part
he played throughout the Moray
"rebellion" of Wymund, will certainly
not be found in history.
The rest of the Moray career of
Wymund and his subsequent fate must
now be sketched in the briefest
manner possible. After a fruitless
invasion of Galloway, where he
sustained a serious check, Wymund
appears
to
have
renewed
his
onslaughts upon Scotland proper, from his former
coign of vantage in the Isles and the neighbouring
countries. At last, however, he was taken prisoner
(1134) and subsequently confined (1137)1 in the
castle of Roxburgh, where, it is pleasant to think,
the society of "Malcolm, the real Earl of Moray,"
may have conspired to mitigate in some measure the
rigours and sorrows of captivity.
David died in 1153 and Malcolm, his grandson,
reigned in his stead. The rule of this prince,
however, was not at first popular with his Gaelic
subjects, and in 1154 the Moray and Isles men again
rose in revolt. Somerled, the Mormaer of Argyll,
invaded Scotland at the head of a large army, and
associated with him in this desperate enterprise
were the two sons of Wymund by the sister of the
Argyll ruler. " The civil war," says Skene, " had
lasted three years when, in the year 1156, Donald,
the eldest son of Malcolm (Wymund) was taken
prisoner at Whitherne, in Galloway, by some of
Malcolm's (the King's) adherents and delivered over
to him, when he was imprisoned in the castle of
Marchmont (or Roxburgh) along with his father.
Somerled, however, continued the war, and Malcolm
found it expedient to neutralise the
1 The King seems to have come to terms with Wymund, for
instead of being straightway incarcerated "the Bishop," says Mr.
Bobertson, " was bought off by a grant of Furness in Westmoreland, where for a short time the Bishop played the tyrant
with impunity ". His misdeeds at Furness were doubtless the
cause of his imprisonment in 1137.
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
support he
received from those who still adhered to the cause of
Malcolm Mac Aodh by coming to terms with him.
Accordingly he liberated Malcolm (Wymund) in the
following year (1157). William of Newburgh tells us
that he (the King) ' gave him a certain province,
which suspended the incursion he had instigated'.
There is good reason for thinking that this province
was the Earldom of Ross." The Earldom of Ross it
undoubtedly was, and Skene's conjectures that the
King may have made him a present of that title
because it was connected with a " remote district over
which the sovereign could exercise but little
authority," and in the hope that his prisoner " might
expend his turbulent energy there with impunity,"
seems probable enough, especially when we consider
the Bishop's restless, aspiring and warlike character.
Wymund's proceedings as Earl of Ross were, indeed,
truly of a piece with that which we already know
about him ; for William of Newburgh, the same
authority, be it observed, to whom we are indebted for
the leading facts in the career of this most singular
adventurer, tells us that "whilst he was proudly
proceeding through his subject-province, surrounded
by his army like a King, some of the people who were
unable to endure either his power or his influence,
with the consent of their chiefs1 laid a snare for him ". "
Obtaining," says Skene, " a favourable opportunity
when he was following slowly and almost unattended
a large party which he had sent forward to procure
entertainment, they
1 This obviously implies that Wymund was what we should
nowadays term an " outsider". If, as MacBain contends, " Malcolm
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
Mac Aoidh " was first Earl of Eoss, his distinguished race and
high claims should at least have preserved him from such
barbarities.
took and
bound him and deprived him of both his
eyes and otherwise mutilated him." " Afterwards
he came to us," says William of Newburgh, "and
quietly continued there many years till his death.
But he is reported even then to have said that had he
only the eye of a sparrow his enemies should have
little occasion to rejoice at what they had done to
him." Such is Newburgh's account of the
misfortunes which befel Wymund as Earl of Ross.
Mr. Robertson, however, in order, presumably, to
make his theory square with Newburgh's statements,
suppresses the Ross creation altogether, and brings
Wymund's public career to a close at Furness in
Westmoreland !1 "At length," he says, " the people
of the neighbourhood, whose patience was worn out
by his exactions, watching their opportunity, seized
upon him in an unguarded moment, and the luckless
Wymund, to whom no mercy was shown, was
deprived of his see and passed the remainder of his
life, sightless and cruelly maimed, in the monastery
of Biland.
No sufferings, however, could subdue
the reckless spirit of the man who was wont to boast
with a laugh . . . that if his enemies had only left him
as much sight as a sparrow's eye he would have
shown them how little cause they had for triumph."
It is instructive to turn at this conjuncture from Mr.
Robertson in
1It is a pity that Mr. Robertson did not condescend to explain
what Wymund was doing "proudly proceeding through his
subject-province surrounded by his army like a King " in the
capacity of a Bishop and in the neighbourhood of Furness in
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
Westmoreland ! Why,
also, if he was merely " bought off by a grant of Furness in
Westmoreland," was the consent of chiefs necessary before the
contemplated barbarities could be committed upon him ?
order to quote Dr. MacBain on the same subject. In
the latter's Excursus and Notes to Skene's Highlanders,
under the head of Mac Heth, we find the following: "
Much nonsense has been written about Malcolm Mac
Heth (Mac Aoidh), whose life-story is complicated by
the fact that an impostor, Wymund, Bishop of Man,
tried to act his part. . . . Earl Ed is one of David's
seven earls and was, of course, Earl of Moray. He
was married to King Lulach's daughter and was thus
father of Angus, Earl of Moray, slain in 1130.
Malcolm Mac Heth was another son of Aed and
continued the war. . . . Malcolm Mac Heth was
reconciled to the King in 1157 and made Earl of Ross.
The impostor's share in the whole story is not clear."
In a further note appended to his Excursus Dr.
MacBain observes: " The first Earl of Ross was
Malcolm Mac Heth. . . . His real due was the
suppressed Earldom of Moray: he only got the (easter)
Ross part of it. He seems to have behaved badly and
probably plotted to get back the old earldom."1 The
discrepancies existing between these two accounts—
those, respectively, of Robertson and MacBain—
x l have already referred to the reasons which probably
prompted the Ceann Mòr dynasty to come to terms with Wymund
the second time; but these reasons would certainly not hold good
in the case of a captive Earl of Moray even although he should
have been "bought off" with only "the eastern" part of his rightful
territory. That Malcolm should have returned " Malcolm Mac
Aoidh " to Moray after all the trouble and expense he had put his
predecessor to in suppressing that Mormaership seems to me, at
all events, incredible. The Moray men, moreover, whose
passionate and persistent attachment to the family of their
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
Mormaers under the most discouraging circumstances is one of
the most remarkable features of early Scottish history, are
hardly likely to have treated a genuine son of that distinguished
house in the cruel and shameful manner described by Newburgh.
will be apparent to the reader at little more than a
glance. The former says nothing about the Ross
«arldom. The latter accepts it. Dr. MacBain's Allusion
to the " bad behaviour" of Wymund as Earl of Ross is
an obvious reference to the indignities practised on
the luckless impostor by his hostile vassals, and as
such cannot be regarded otherwise than as
inconsistent with that part of Mr. Robertson's
narrative which involves the important omission of
the Ross dignity, and which concerns the misapplied
quotation concerning the conduct and conversation of
Wymund under the cruelties to which the Bishop (as
Earl of Ross) had been subjected.
Before, however, concluding this branch of my
topic, which I propose to do by adding some further
observations that have occurred to me in the course of
investigating this singular mystery, I now propose to
discuss the grounds on which Mr. Robertson has
constructed the singular theory so often referred to
throughout these remarks. In a note to page 221 of
his Scotland under Her Early Kings he says: "It is
singular how Wymund has been confounded by
nearly every historian down to the present day with
Malcolm Mac Heth. Newbridge (or Newburgh) who
relates his adventures at length, and also had often
seen him in his blindness and captivity at Biland,
merely says that he was born at some obscure spot in
England and pretended to be " a son of the Earl of
Moray. . . . It can be clearly shown that Wymund and
Mac Heth were totally different persons. Malcolm
Mac Heth . . . was captured in 1134,1 and con-
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
lBut
he was not
confined in Roxburgh Castle till 1137. What Wymund was doing
between those dates has already been shown.
Mr. Robertson's
statement makes it appear that fined in Roxburgh Castle
until 1157, when he was liberated by Malcolm IV. and
attested1 one of the Dunfermlyn charters. Wymund
could not have gone to Rushen at the very earliest
before the year of its foundation, 1134 ; he was a
monk before that date, and could not have been made
Bishop until after the imprisonment of Mac Heth.
From an entry in Wendover under 1151, 'eodem anno
Johannes . . . factus est secundus antistes Monse
insulse. Primus autem ibi fuerat episcopas Wimundas
. . . sed propter ejus importunitatem privatus fuit
oculus et expulsas,' it may be gathered that the career
of Wymund was brought to a close at least six years
before the liberation of Mac Heth, and the Bishop of
Man, who probably enacted his singular vagaries
about 1150, may have personated the son, the
brother, the nephew, or the real claimant of the
Earldom—or even that very claimant 2—but it is
impossible to identify him with the
Wymund was sent to gaol as soon as taken, which was not the
case. He was, as it were, enlarged on his own recognisances to
come up for judgment if called on. He failed to behave properly
and his original sentence was confirmed in 1137.
1 As Earl of Boss.
2 The question here naturally arises whom did Wymund
impersonate? We have already seen that Newbridge says that the
Bishop pretended to be " a son of the Earl of Moray". Ailred'a
words are to a similar effect: " God sent as a foe against him
(David) a certain spurious Bishop, who lied, and said he was the
Earl of Moray's son ". It will be observed that Ailred makes no
mention of Malcolm, the supposed brother of Angus and son of
Mac Aoidh, either as an enemy of David or in any other
connexion. Consequently Mr. Robertson's conjectures may safely
be dismissed as superfluous. Somerled gave Wymund his sister in
marriage, either believing that the latter was indeed the rightful
heir of Moray, or that his pretensions as such, though spurious,
yet would pass muster. Was there ever a legitimate son of Mac
Aoidh who bore the name of Malcolm ? I am inclined to think not.
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
solitary captive
in Roxburgh Castle without attributing to one or
both ubiquity." With regard to these remarks, it has
to be observed in the first place that the Cistercian
Monastery of Furness was founded in the year 1124,
not in 1134, as stated by Robertson; consequently his
assertion that Wymund " could not have been made
Bishop (of Man) until after the imprisonment of Mac
Heth," loses its point. The discrepancy of ten years
between the real date of the foundation of the
monastery and the one incorrectly ascribed to it is
more than sufficient to cover the period
The Irish annals simply say (under date 1130)
that a battle was fought between the men of Alban and the men
of Moray in which King Angus fell. The Saxon Chronicle says that
it was Angus, not Malcolm, as stated by Robertson, who was " all
forsworn," and who was killed in battle. Oderio gives the same
information, adding that Moray, now deprived of its lord and
protector, viz., Angus, fell into the hands of the Scottish King—a
remark which he neither could nor should have made had "
Malcolm Mac Aoidh " been present at the battle and survived it,
as Robertson imagined he did; for on his brother's death he
would have at once become "lord and proteotor" of Moray, and in
that capacity would have continued the war. It is possible that
Mac Aoidh had either a bastard son called Malcolm, or a
legitimate son so named who predeoeased his brother Angus.
Wymund may have had some grounds in fact on which to erect
his pretensions; but it has to be observed that cases in which
bold and unscrupulous adventurers of the Wymund type have
successfully passed themselves off as the living embodiments of
purely imaginary characters are by no means infrequent in
history, especially in times of obscurity and confusion and under
disputed successions to crowns and other high offices. Wymund
himself, since his extraction is obscure, may have been that very
bastard. Skene thinks (p. 463) that Wymund designed to pass as a
son of Angus, slain 1130, which of course is possible, if we regard
the patronymic Mac Heth or Mac Aoidh merely as a kind of
surname serving loosely to identify and indicate the olaims of the
family to the Moray Mormaership and through it to the throne of
Scotland. But in any event, every authority is agreed that
Wymund was an impostor, whether connected with the family or
not.
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
of
Wymund's
novitiate and his later elevation to the bishopric, and
to bring this epoch of his adventurous life into
chronological harmony with the subsequent events in
the impostor's career. With regard to the entry in
Wendover, it is obviously inaccurate, unless indeed
we are to suppose that the Earl of Ross and the
Bishop of Man, being different individuals, yet both
committed exactions, and both suffered the loss of
their eyes. But even so, the extract in question will
not be found on examination to be of very much
assistance to our credulity; for it informs us that it
was whilst he was Bishop of Man that Wymund was
expelled and deprived of his eyesight—a version of his
"life-story" which is altogether opposed to the true
facts of the case, and need not be further discussed.
By those who are of the opinion of Mr. Robertson
and Dr. MacBain, a good deal has been made of the
point that both Somerled and the Lochlannach King
of the Outer Isles believed that Wymund was no
impostor, or rather, that the person who came to
them describing himself as Malcolm Mac Heth was
indeed a son of the Earl of Moray. They say that
Somerled would not have given him his sister in
marriage and otherwise showed his confidence in the
genuineness of his claims, had he not been perfectly
satisfied that the person he was so honouring was
truly the individual he represented himself to be.
This view, however, strikes me as being more
creditable to the hearts of those who support it than
it can justly be said to be flattering to their heads.
Somerled was an ambitious prince, and no more
scrupulous, we may safely assume, than the vast
majority of his political contemporaries in whom such
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
a quality as oversensitiveness in respect of
conscience was not, to say the least of it,
conspicuously to be found. Somerled's position, the
result mainly of his own almost superhuman
exertions, was necessarily, besides being " new " in
the sense of being of recent acquisition, somewhat
precarious. He was between two fires, as it were.
He had the King of Scotland on the one flank and the
King of the Norwegian settlements (whom he had
previously worsted in warfare) on the other, neither
of whom, we may reasonably conclude, could have
regarded his growing power and extending territories
with either pleasure or unconcern. An alliance,
therefore, with the representative or with one who
passed, or, whatever his birth and the quality of his
pretensions, was capable of passing as such, of the
great Gaelic power of the mainland was an alliance
eminently to be courted and favoured. The Moray
"Mormaer " would prove a valuable ally, or failing
that, a useful diversion; for it is not to be supposed
that Somerled's great design of conquering Alba and
of seizing the throne of the Ard-Righ for himself had
not already taken shape, at all events as regarded its
principal features and leading characteristics, in that
bold and fertile mind. He, accordingly, received the
adventurer with open arms; gave him his benison
and his sister in marriage, supplied him with
munitions of war and with men, and finally sent him
about his business fondly hoping, no doubt, that in
the event of his protèg&s falling in battle—no unlikely
contingency—or his being despatched by his own
followers, in consequence of his tyrannical and
overbearing disposition, the reversion of the great
Moray Mormaership, together with all its power and
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
influence, might
yet fall into his hands.1
To readers of English
history the striking parallel presented between the
achievements and career of the impostor Wymund,
and those respectively of Lambert Simnel and Perkin
Warbeck in the reign of Henry VII., will at once be
apparent.
The resemblance is so striking as to
suggest the thought that possibly these two adventurers, or what is more probable, their prompters,
aiders and abettors, had this very case of Wymund in
mind when, in a later period and in a different
country, they were casting about for tools—for means
and ways—whereby to accomplish their political
ends.
Lambert Simnel, the son of a joiner in
Oxford, was the first of these adventurers. He
impersonated the Earl of Warwick, who, at the time
of Simnel's first appearance upon the stage of English
history, was a prisoner in the Tower of London, but
who, so the pretender and his friends asserted, had
previously succeeded in making his escape therefrom.
To prevent the English from becoming Simnel's dupes
and followers, the ready-witted and astute Henry at
once produced the real Earl, paraded him through the
streets of the capital, and by these means effectually
prevented his subjects from joining the standard of
the impostor. Simnel, however, fled to Ireland (just as
Wymund had fled to the Isles), where he was kindly
received,
1 In some measure, Somerled was successful in securing this
important reversion to his own house. He supported the children
of Wymund, and on the collapse of the Moray power, the Lords of
the Isles stand forth in Scottish history as the great protagonists
of the Gaelic race—the original possessors of the soil of this
country. With their final forfeiture in the reign of James V. the "
Gaelic Tradition " suffered a temporary eclipse. But the " Celtic
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
Benaissance " of our own days, if it means anything at all, means
both here and in Ireland the renewal of this struggle, and, let us
hope, ultimately, the long-delayed triumph of the Gael.
and his pretensions endorsed for obvious political
reasons, if not because his Irish supporters believed
in him. Eventually Simnel is taken, and instead of
being executed is " bought off" by the gift of a post in
the king's kitchen!1 The other adventurer, Perkin
Warbeck, plays the same role, with the difference,
however, that he pretends to be Richard of York (son
to Edward IV.), whose murder is ascribed on what
seem good historical grounds, to Richard III.
Perkin also goes to Ireland to beat up recruits for his
standard, and subsequently visits the Court of James
of Scotland, where he is most hospitably received, his
pretensions at first declared to be just even by the
King himself, and a daughter of one of whose
principal noblemen he marries ! Ultimately
Warbeck, like Simnel, falls on evil days. He is
captured by the King of England and lodged in the
Tower, in which, had he not attempted to effect his
escape, and thereby forfeited his life, he might yet be
living, to end the story in the approved Gaelic
fashion.
The resemblance between these two
cases and that of Wymund need not be further
insisted on, in view of what has been stated above,
but a nearer examination of their respective details
could not but strengthen and confirm, I imagine, the
singular impression to which the reader's attention
has already been called.
1 The lenient treatment meted out to Wymund is ascribed by
Bobertson to the impostor's ecclesiastical character and status
which, considering David's and, indeed, all the Ceann Mòr
dynasty's reputation for piety and regard for the Church, seems
reasonable enough.
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
R. E.
(To be continued.)
GAELIC ARTS AND CRAFTS
ARCHITECTURE
III. APPLIED PRINCIPLES
MR. CHARLES MOORE in his recently published work
on the Character of Renaissance Architecture asserts that
there are but three "entirely consistent and
distinctive styles "—the Gothic, the Greek and the
Byzantine. "All other varieties of architecture may
(he says) be broadly divided into two classes, the one
consisting of buildings of transitional character, and
comprising all organic and progressive types of
Romanesque, and the other composed of styles made
up of mixed elements now in process of organic
fusion." Personally, I am inclined to agree with Mr.
Moore, whose uncompromising and strenuous views,
however, have perhaps inevitably exposed him to the
attacks of a swarm of protesting critics. The popular
feeling in regard to styles is undoubtedly one of
universal toleration, architects being allowed to
borrow from almost any source they fancy, provided
the general effect be pleasing to the eye of a too often
uncritical, uninformed and undiscriminating public.
It is obvious, however, that this blending of styles and
periods is open to serious objections and
disadvantages from the point of view of art. The
temptation to borrow becomes a kind of mania ; the
eclectic faculty is too often exercised at the expense of
purity and good taste, and with so little of the latter
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
abroad, it is not surprising that architecture in this
country, and all over the British Isles, should be at
very low ebb. I am inclined to think, therefore, that
any attempt to revive Gaelic architecture should
proceed in accordance with the principles enunciated,
with no uncertain sound, by Mr. Moore. We must
have, consequently, not a blend or adaptation of
Gaelic architectural forms, but a complete
restoration—at all events at first. Obviously, the
style itself must be re-established and stereotyped
before the modern architect, who, too often, is but the
" general builder" in disguise, can be suffered to play
fast and loose—to perpetrate his favourite " blends
"—with the real and unadulterated article.
Buildings, sacred and profane, in which what are
called "Celtic features" (sometimes on not very good
grounds, I am afraid) have been introduced by the
ordinary architects, are springing up amongst us,
particularly in Ireland, where " the movement" is
more lively and penetrating than, unfortunately, it
yet is here in Scotland. Such " features " undoubtedly
owe their existence amongst us to the Gaelic
Renaissance ; but nevertheless they are not entirely
commendable from the point of view of art, however
satisfactory they may be as indications of the spread
of the Gaelic cult. In too many cases they are but "
features " at best. They are mere accessories or
assistances to architectural effects whose dominating
principles are drawn from the accepted sources of
foreign art, and are generally introduced in what
cannot but strike the critic as so tentative,
experimental, sparing and even timid a fashion that
they fail altogether substantially to affect, or even
appreciably to modify, the non-Gaelic character of
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
the buildings in
which they appear. Moreover, in not a few cases, "
features" have been introduced in the genuine belief,
no doubt, that such are typically Gaelic; but which, to
the discerning eye, are anything but Celtic. This
proves, of course, that " the movement" which still is
too much in the hands of literary men, politicians,
and the non-commercial public generally, has not yet
penetrated to all classes—especially to what are
called the professional sections - of the community. In
short, the Gaelic Revival does not yet " pay" those
whose business pursuits are still necessarily
concerned with another and an antagonistic, social
and artistic system; and until it does embrace the
whole Gaelic people, which assuredly it must and will
do in no long space of time, we cannot reasonably
expect sound Gaelic architecture or architects who
have more than a nodding acquaintance with the
history and principles of the same. Nowadays, the
architect who is required to " build something Gaelic"
regards the demand as something more or less in the
nature of a freak, as a form of harmless but
inconvenient eccentricity for which a little seasonable
and facetious expostulation is the best and simplest
.cure ; but which, if the worst comes to the worst (and
he is obliged to do what his client whimsically
demands), he feels competent to meet and
satisfactorily dispose of by means of a hurried
reference to MacGibbon and Ross, or to some other
standard work of the kind. With rare exceptions, our
architects have received no Gaelic training whatever,
for the obvious and sufficient reason that, as a people,
we entirely lack the educational means and
machinery necessary to produce Gaelic architects;
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
and unless a man's inclinations lead him to devote
some of his not too abundant spare time to the study
of Gaelic antiquities (which, of course, does not often
happen), there exists absolutely no reason why he
should go out of his way, as it were, to acquire a
knowledge, which, as far as he can see, can be of no
practical use to him, and to steep himself in the
traditions of a past touching which he is not only
necessarily profoundly ignorant, but to which,
perhaps, he is not constitutionally inclined. Owing,
unfortunately, to adverse political circumstances,
most forms of human activity have passed from us;
and if we are to undo the mischiefs of the years that
have gone, we must frankly recognise that this is so.
The Gaelic people, in this as in other fields, must
themselves create the demand, of which the
appropriate supply is ever the necessary and
inevitable consequence. If they insist, as they have a
perfect right to do, and as they must do, if the Gaelic
Renaissance is to have the full effect desired by all
patriotic and practical men, depend on it, the want of
which I speak will soon be supplied. Architects will
arise who will make it their business to study Gaelic
architecture, and so to qualify themselves to act as
builders for the Gaelic people. And when once the
demand has been created and public opinion is
strong enough amongst us to insist that only Gaels
and Gaelic ideas and principles shall be employed,
the erection of the educational machinery necessary
to produce a recognised school of Gaelic architects
will doubtless follow in the natural sequence of
events, and in conformity with the simplest of all
natural economic laws, namely, that of supply and
demand.
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
For my own
part, I am disposed to think that it is not altogether a
misfortune that the progress of the Renaissance in
the direction indicated by these observations has
hitherto been slow, and out of all proportion to the
strength and popularity of the movement elsewhere.
It should be remembered that no concrete example of
Gaelic domestic architecture remains to us, and that
therefore this branch of our native art will have to be
entirely re-created out of written descriptions of the
houses, etc., in which our ancestors lived.
The
danger, therefore, of introducing "features" which,
more often than not on very slender foundations and
an entirely inadequate conception of the principles
underlying Gaelic architectural art, are confidently
declared to be " Celtic," is obvious.
The present
craze for composite architecture—for those weird and
wondrous " blends " in which modern architect and
layman alike rejoice—is a very real menace to the
cause of pure Gaelic art. It is obvious that if our art
forms are again to become popular amongst us, we
must have concrete examples—the offspring of genius
united to learning and experience—from which to
draw our future inspirations.
The process of
putting the cart before the horse, as it were, of
"adapting" and "blending" before ever we have
sufficient existing grounds on which to erect that
fashion, is fatal to true art. It produces a bastard
style—a sort of irregular and undisciplined
conglomeration of principles which cannot but be
shocking and distasteful to the true believer—to the
man or nation of just and nice taste. What we must
hope for, therefore, is that as the Renaissance grows
stronger and increases its hold alike on our
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
professional classes as on the general public,
architects will arise with genius and learning enough
fully to appreciate the character of the momentous
change which is taking place amongst us, and who
will be adequately supported by the public in its corporate
as well as in its individual capacity—for this is the most
important thing of all—in their efforts to revive and
re-establish upon a sufficient and sure foundation
the characteristic principles underlying Gaelic
architectural art.
The nation "in being" is
necessarily a self-contained entity. It must not only
theoretically possess but actually exercise and
control all the resources and accessories of a civilised
community. A Renaissance which is merely confined
to one branch of art, say, letters, is not a national
Renaissance in the true sense of the word. It is
merely a spasmodic and irregular effort on the part
of a section of the public, which may indeed achieve
the partial success aimed at, but which will be
powerless to affect, much less to change or alter, the
full stream of the national life. Our Gaelic
enthusiasts should bear this in mind. They must
make the movement as wide and as comprehensive
as possible, regarding as valuable aids to their ends
all fish that come to their net; and even going out of
their way to persuade the very lame and the halt and
the blind to partake of the fare which the national
cause has provided.
My view is, that ecclesiastical architecture should
precede domestic in the coming revival of Gaelic Arts
and Crafts. We have undoubtedly firmer ground to
go upon in respect of the former than, unfortunately,
we have in regard to the latter. Besides, it was ever
the temper of the Gael to consult the sacred interests
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
of religion before
indulging his love of comfort and display with respect
to things mundane. It is but appropriate, too, that
the first thoughts of his reawakened national
conscience should be directed to the House of God,
which in all his past trials and vicissitudes was so
often a source of never-failing comfort and pious
consolation to him—the place of all places on earth to
which his oppressed spirit turned oftenest with the
expectation of finding therein that peace and
encouragement which the malice and wickedness of
his enemies combined to deprive
him of elsewhere.
The Gael's House of God should,
therefore, I venture to think, be always and
everywhere such as educated Gaelic opinion and piety
should require, which his ancestors before him
required, and the structural features of which the
saints and scholars and the master-builders who
preceded us have left on record. We cannot alter,
much less demolish, of course, with a view to this end,
our existing churches and cathedrals; but this at least
we can and must do, if the Renaissance is to become
that comprehensive and penetrating force which is
essential to its unqualified success, namely, take care
that for the future we eschew foreign models, and so
build our churches and cathedrals that they may not
only afford him an appropriate setting for his orisons,
but be sources of inspiration to the Gael, as well as
practical reminders of that piety, taste, genius and
skill for which his ancestors were remarkable among
the peoples of the earth.
There is no valid reason, however, why public
bodies, individuals and societies should not also assist
in this good and most necessary work. With regard to
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
private houses, what is known as the Scots baronial
style is still popular amongst us, though in too many
cases but a bastard imitation of the true style is the
result of the modern architect's well-meaning though
misguided efforts to " modernise" the grand old
models of the past, in which Scotland is so peculiarly
rich. I have already shown that this style is
fundamentally Celtic; and but little alteration in its
leading and characteristic features would be required
in order to make it purely Gaelic. This style of
architecture is well fitted for large buildings of all
kinds, private mansions, town halls, public offices,
hotels and the like, which is abundantly proved by
the number of such buildings now in our midst or in
course of erection, in which some of the elements of
this grand and beautiful style have been introduced.
But little pressure, therefore, should be required on
the part of the Renaissance in order to bring this
style into full harmony with the principles
underlying true Gaelic art, and so to create and
establish a taste for native architecture. Our civic
fathers, indeed the whole lay public, official as well
as private, have a not less grave responsibility to
discharge in this respect than has the ecclesiastical
body itself, whose present opportunities I have
already referred to. Both should see to it that they
take suitable and adequate account of the Gaelic
movement; nor should the Gaelic public relax in their
efforts to bring their responsible heads into line with
the movement, as well on this particular point of
Gaelic architecture as on all others that embrace and
concern and control the national life. In this way
only can the Renaissance be justified of its principles,
supporters and founders. Those whom it is neces-
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
sary
to
teach
must be persuaded that our movement is not for a
few, but for all; that it is not to be confined to any
particular branch of human activity, but that it aims
to be as comprehensive as it needs must be general if
it is to have enduring results.
The public must be
instructed to the effect that no partial success is
intended by us; but that the flag will be kept flying
until every citadel, every strength, nay even every
temporary obstacle or barricade now in the hands of
strangers has been captured and reduced, and the
whole land and all its appurtenances restored to their
original possessors, the Gaelic race. The deplorable
state of art in England should operate to fire our own
people with the determination not to rest until they
have completely revived our country's former
pre-eminence as the western home of arts and crafts.
The glorious past has left Scotland and Ireland rich in
artistic resources, and it requires but colonisation
anew in order to render this fair country at once
prosperous and beautiful again. We have the means
and the brains to repair the ravages of the past: let us
not, therefore, lack the spirit and the determination
necessary to the reconstruction of our national life.
Let it not be said of us of the grand and venerable
Gaelic race as was recently remarked by an eminent
Englishman, Mr. Arthur Symons, of his own
countrymen, in the following at once striking and
melancholy passage :—
" What seems to be made evident by his exhibition
(the Arts and Crafts) is that there is at present in
England no instinctive feeling for decoration, for
construction, or for any form of craftsmanship. We
have only to go into an old-furniture shop to see how
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
well English workmen could once make chairs and
tables and cupboards, things which they can no
longer make well unless they copy them from old
models. We have only to cross Europe in the
Orient express, and as we get nearer and nearer to
the East, to look out of the carriage windows at every
little station, and we shall see the peasants bringing
their embroideries for sale, native industries still
alive and effective. What the Servian peasants can
do, we with our Art schools cannot do, it seems.
Just as we have no architecture, so we have no
craftsmanship. Painting is cultivated as an art, an
exotic thing, a toy for rich people; but the arts that
must arise, if they arise at all, out of the need of
beauty in daily life, the arts of architecture and of
handicraft, have either died out of our midst, or
survive, like the large and small trinkets of the Arts
and Crafts, for a mockery and a warning."
G. L.
GAELIC ORTHOGRAPHY
FROM time to time the subject of spelling reform
flutters the scholastic dovecots of the Gael, and the
throne of the grammatical Baal, which passes
amongst us by the name of Leathan ri Leathan agus
Caol ri Caol (and to which we all bow the knee), is
contumaciously assailed. Prophets, too, arise, who
denounce the " vagabond h " as a thing wholly
superfluous and, grammatically, unclean ; and critics
of more daring disposition, and with even less
reverence for the hallowed mysteries of the past,
boldly affirm that the last hope of the Gael consists
54
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
in reducing his
language to a cut-and-dried system of phonetics.
Then, as such outbursts here, as elsewhere, have a
knack of doing, the storm subsides ; the " reformers"
(a gallant but somewhat irresponsible band) withdraw car tamuill, and Baal—not a whit the worse for
his shaking—resumes his despotic and unconscionable sway.
Such, in brief, is a tolerable description of the
various attempts that have hitherto been made to "
reform " the Gaelic language—to bring it "
up-to-date," as our moderns would say. Time was
when " reform" was thought to lie in the direction of
our adopting the same character as our kinsmen
across the Moyle now use; but that " movement,"
never a plant remarkable for its vigour, soon lan-
55
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
74
Gaelic Orthography
Gaelic Orthography
guished, and now is, we think, fortunately, past all
praying for. Next came the unknowledgeable critics.
—occasional dead-sea fruit for the most part—pedants who had not Gaelic almost to a man, and the
constant burden of whose querulous and uninformed
refrain was "the Gaelic must die the death," because,
forsooth, our language admits such reasonable
compounds as bàta-smùid, slighe-iaruinn, and so forth.
These captious critics were easily routed and
dispersed. They were politely referred to their own
language, which abounds in such compounds; and
soon the place wherein they had flourished
(generally the correspondence columns of Saxon
newspapers) knew them no more.
But Baal, in the three-fold shape of the grammatical rule known as Leathan ri Leathan agus Caol ri
Caol, the superfluous or " vagabond h " and verbal
redundancies, is still in danger from time to time of
having
his
gilded
serenity
somewhat
unceremoniously disturbed by the stones of some
grammatical iconoclast more daring and aggressive
than the rest. His cult, indeed, if universally admitted, is not everywhere popular. There is a
growing feeling abroad that his " benevolent despotism " tends to degenerate into absolute tyranny,
and that his influence on our language is not for the
best, since it operates—so it is asserted—to
discourage its development. We propose, therefore, to
bring the tyrant to task—at all events to make him
46
give some sort of account of his. stewardship. The
wholesome Gaelic plan was ever summarily to expel
our kings and chiefs if unworthy of confidence. We
promise to do our best to dislodge Baal and to send
him about his appropriate business if on inquiry we
find that his-presence amongst us constitutes a
danger and a nuisance—if, on weighing him in the
scales, we discover that he is flagrantly wanting.
Let us investigate the charge touching that
"vagabond h". It is asserted (1) that students and
others are apt to be discouraged by the extraordinary number of h's which a Gaelic sentence or
passage of average length generally contains; (2)
that there is no reasonable use or excuse for these
h's since many of them are merely signs of aspiration
—which sign could more easily and conveniently be
indicated by a dot above the aspirated letter—
whilst numbers possess no signification at all; and
(3) that the written appearance of the language
would be greatly improved by the elimination of the
offending consonant wherever practicable.
Whilst discussion of the last head was more or
less "raging" we wonder that it appears not yet to
have occurred to any one concerned to put the
matter to a practical test by the simple device of
comparing an orthodox passage of Gaelic with one
from which the alleged objectionable h has been
politely expelled and his place usurped by the Irish
dot. The following passage, selected at random from
Gaelic Orthography
Gaelic Orthography
Caraid nan Gàidheal, will serve our purpose in making
this suggested comparison :—
" Tha fhios aig daoine gur e aon de na laghannan
sin ris an abair sinn lagh Nàduir air a
shuidheachadh le Dia, ma ghiùlainear uisge ann am
piob o'n tobar a's àirde ann am beinn, a sios troimh
mhachraichean, agus troimh ghlinn, gu'n èirich e
suas gu àirde na màthar-uisge as an d'thainig e. Nan
tugtadh uisge ann am piob o mhullach Beinn Nibheis
a suas o dhùthaich gu duthaich gus an ruigeadh e
mach-raichean Shasuinn, 's nam biodh e comasach
a'phiob
74
47
7 6 Gaelic Orthography
sin a thogail ceithir mile troidh ('s e sin àirde na
beinne), dh'èireadh an t-uisge direach cho àrd anns
a'phiob; ach na b'àirde na 'm fuaran o'n robh e
'teachd, cha'n direadh. Tha so air mhodh àraidh fior
a thaobh uisgeachan na h-aibhne sin air am bheil sin
a'labhairt—an abhuinn sin a tha 'deanamh cathair
Dhè ro ait."
The same passage minus the " vagabond h " :— "Ta
fios aig daoine gur e aon de na lagannan sin ris an
abair sinn lag Nàduir air a suideacad le Dia, ma
giùlainear uisge ann am piob o'n tobar a's àirde ann
am beinn, a sios troimh macraicean agus troim glinn
gu'n èirich e suas gu àirde na matar-uisge as an
d'tainig e. Nan tugtad uisge ann am piob o mullac
Beinn Nibeis a suas o dutaic gu dutaic gus an
ruigead e macraicean Sasuinn, 's nam biod e comasac
a'piob sin a togail ceiteir mile troid ('s e sin àirde na
beinne) d'èiread an t-uisge direac co àrd anns a' piob;
ach na b'àirde na 'm fuaran o'n rob e 'teac ca'n
eiread. Ta so air mod àraid fior a taob uisgeacan na
h-aibne sin air am beil sin a'labairt- an abuinn sin ta
'deanam catair Dè ro ait."
Does the latter rendering represent any substantial improvement on the former so far as ap-
pearance is concerned? That is the question for all of
us to consider. For our own parts we are rather
inclined to doubt it. The process of " dotting the i's "
so frequently and in so generous a fashion, of
retracing one's steps, as it were, to supply so many
omissions, is laborious in the extreme ; and though
the process tends to become less irksome
77
Gaelic Orthography
as the hand and eye acquire the necessary facility
(the result of practice), yet it seems to us that the
trouble and labour involved in stopping the pen to
dot so many letters are not discounted by the
enhanced appearance of the text, at all events in so
high a degree as would, were it otherwise, inevitably
incline us in favour of the suggested "reform". The
A-less advocates base their case on two grounds.
They say the substitution of the dot would improve
the appearance of the written language and that it
would "simplify matters for the beginner". They also
seem to think that it would facilitate the writing of
the language. With regard to the last contention our
recent experience points to an opposite conclusion.
The man who is in a hurry (and who is not
nowadays ?) and who desires to write (literally)
currente calamo is not likely to relish the being
obliged to recover his ground, as it were, so
frequently and in so lavish a manner in order to
promote a very doubtful aesthetic improvement, and
to facilitate the efforts of learners of Gaelic. Nor do
we think that the suggested reform is to be
recommended in the interests of students
themselves. After all, aspiration, whether by dot or
the usual sign of aspiration, is a very simple matter
once it is acquired ; and dot and h are on common
ground in so far as the mysteries of aspiration must
be necessarily acquired by any one desiring to write
or speak the language with facility, elegance and
correctness. To those who know not Gaelic the
written or printed appearance of the language may
seem odd, owing, no doubt, in great measure to the
frequent occurrence of the letter h in the Gaelic
printed page or MS., but this charge of
strangeness—of unfamiliarity—lies at the door of
every other language so far as appearance is
concerned. To those who do not know strange
tongues they necessarily appear as " Greek," whether
the characters in which they are written or printed
be Latin or not. On the whole, therefore, we are
inclined to regard the charge against our Baal as not
proven with regard to this particular point of the
indictment. We are, however, by no means wedded to
this opinion, being in the happy disposition to change
our minds on this or any other conceivable topic,
provided, of course, we are offered good reasons for
doing so.
With regard to the rule Leathan ri Leathan agus
Caol ri Caol, we, at all events, regard it as singular,
inasmuch as, unlike the rest of its tyrannical kind, it
admits of no exceptions. Surely that must be a
phenomenal rule which never is violated! And on
the principle that perfection is rare, if not impossible,
we suspect it. It has been said that this rule was
"forced on us" by Ireland. If this be so, all we can
say is that the rule itself must be a comparatively
recent invention or evolution as neither the Book of
Deer nor The Book of Armagh support it. We agree
with Prof. Mackinnon in his remarks on this
subject.1 He says : " The orthographical law now
so rigidly adhered to was of old frequently
disregarded where there was no phonetic principle
to warrant its application; and I am inclined to think
that the reason for its universal adoption in middle
Irish was that the grammarians of the day mistook a
phonetic law of wide but not unlimited application
for a purely mechanical rule". Its value, viewed
aesthetically and from the coign of vantage of the
written or
1 Transactions of Gaelic Society of Inverness, article " The
Fernaig MS.," vol. xi.
printed page, seems more than doubtful; but whilst
protesting strongly against the abuse of this rule we
wish to be understood as being no less firmly
opposed to any system of pure phonetics. As Prof.
Mackinnon justly observes : " The Welsh dialects
and Manx are written phonetically, whilst Irish and
Gaelic adhere more to the etymological system.
The one system represents, more or less accurately,
the pronunciation of the day; the other preserves the
form of the word. Each system has its advantages
and disadvantages, and I need hardly say that each
system is only partially carried out. No language is
written on a purely phonetic system; no language
can be so, for no people pronounce alike; while, on
the other hand, the basis of the orthography of all
languages is phonetic, and no change in the
pronunciation, however great, is able entirely to
obliterate the evidence of the fact."1 Hear, also, what
the late Dr. Stewart2 has observed on this subject:
" A third principle in orthography is that no more
letters ought to be employed than are necessary to
represent the sound. There are probably few
polished languages in which departures from this
rule are not found in abundance. . . . Quiescent
letters, both vowels and consonants, are not
infrequent in Gaelic. Though these quiescent
letters have no sound themselves they are not always
without effect in pronunciation as they often
determine the sound of other letters." Dr. Stewart,
however, cannot be quoted as an uncompromising
supporter of the rule in question, and with many of
his observations on this head we are bound to agree.
For instance, there is no
1 Transactions of Gaelic Society of Inverness, article "The
Fernaig MS.," vol. xi.
2 Elements of Gaelic Grammar.
valid reason, as he truly says, why such words as
abuich, gabhaidh, chromainn, should not be written
abich, gabhidh, chrominn, which latter forms " fully
exhibit the sound ". We agree. " Nothing," as he
justly observes, " but a servile regard to the rule
under consideration could have suggested the insertion of a broad vowel . . . where it serves neither
to guide the pronunciation nor to point out the
derivation." The views of Dr. Stewart are so
luminously expressed and carry so much weight
where learning, united to common-sense, are most
appreciated that we feel that we cannot do better
than reproduce his observations in extenso, more
especially as our own opinions on the same subject
are precisely those of this able and accomplished
grammarian. "Another case," says Dr. Stewart, "in
which the observation of this rule seems to be wholly
unnecessary is when two syllables of a word are
separated by a quiescent consonant. Thus in
gleidheadh, itheadh, buidheann, dligheadh, the aspirated
consonants in the middle are altogether quiescent.
The vocal sound of the second syllable is sufficiently
expressed by the last vowel. No good reason, then,
appears for writing a small vowel in the second
syllable. Thus far it is evident that the rule
respecting the correspondence of vowels is wholly
impertinent in the case of syllables divided by
labials or by quiescent consonants. If we examine
further into the application of this rule we shall find
more cases in which it may safely be set aside.
Many of the inflections of nouns and verbs are
formed by adding one or more syllables to the root.
The final consonant of the root must always be
considered as belonging to the radical part, not to
the adjected termination. The sound of that
consonant, whether broad or
small, falls to be determined by the quality of the
vowel which precedes it in the same syllable, not by
the quality of that which follows it in the next
syllable. It seems, therefore, unnecessary to
employ any more vowels in the adjected syllable
than what are sufficient to represent its own vocal
sound. The rule under consideration has, notwithstanding, been extended to the orthography of the
oblique cases and tenses, and a supernumerary
vowel has been thrown into the termination
whenever that was requisite to preserve the
supposed necessary correspondence with the
foregoing syllable. Thus, in forming the
nominative and dative plural of many nouns, the
syllables an and ibh are added to the singular, which
letters fully express the true sound of these
terminations. If the last vowel of the nominative
singular is broad an alone is added for the
nominative plural, as lamh-aw, cluas-am. But if the
last vowel be small an e is thrown into the
termination, as sùil-ean, sròin-ean. Now, if it be
observed that in the last two examples the small
sound of the I and n in the root is determined by the
preceding small vowel i, with which they are
necessarily connected in one syllable, and that the
letters an fully represent the sound of the termination, it must be evident that the e in the final
syllable is altogether superfluous.
" So, in forming the dative plural, if the last word
of the root be small ibh is added, as shil-ibh, sròin-ibh.
But if the last word of the root is broad, the
termination is written aibh, as lamh-aiM, cluas-<nM,
where the a, for the reason already assigned, is
totally useless. These observations apply with equal
justness to the tenses of verbs, as will be seen by
comparing the following examples: creid-idh,
stad-<ròlA, chreid-mw,
stad-ainn,
creid-eam,
stad-am, creid-ibh, stad-aibh. The same observations
may be further applied to derivative words, formed
by adding to their primitives the syllables ach, achd,
ag, an, ail, as; in all which e has been unnecessarily
introduced when the last vowel of the preceding
syllable was small, as sannt-ach, toileach,
naomh-achd, doimhneachd, sruth-an, cuilean,
cauch-ag, caileag, fear-ail, cairdeil, ceart-as,
cairdeas.
" The foregoing observations appear sufficient to
establish this general conclusion, that in all cases in
which a vowel serves neither to exhibit the vocal
sound, nor to modify the articulations of the syllable to
which it belongs, it may be reckoned nothing better
than an useless incumbrance. There seems,
therefore, much room for simplifying the present
system of Gaelic orthography by the rejection of a
considerable number of quiescent vowels."
Some of our root-and-branch reformers boldly
advocate the suppression of all quiescent consonants
; and though by this means some improvement might
be effected in the appearance of the written
language, yet it is doubtful if on the whole the
change in question is entirely to be recommended.
We hold that it would be highly undesirable to
reduce Gaelic to the position of a system of
cut-and-dried phonetics; and we know by experience
how difficult it is to stay the axe once it has been
laid to the tree, and how strong is the temptation to
continue pruning long after the operation has ceased
to be either healthful or sightly. Dr. Stewart's
scholarly caution and moderation are nowhere more
effectually exhibited than in connection with this
subject. He says: " Almost the only quiescent
consonants which occur in Gaelic are d, f, g, s, t in
their aspirated state.
When these occur in the inflections of declinable
words, serving to indicate the root, or in derivatives,
serving to point out the primitive word, the omission
of them might on the whole be unadvisable. Even
when such letters appear in their absolute form,
though they have been laid aside in pronunciation,
yet it would be rash to discard them in writing, as
they often serve to show the affinity of the words in
which they are found to others in different
languages or in different Celtic dialects. The
aspirated form of the consonant in writing
sufficiently shows that, in speaking, its articulation
is either attenuated or wholly suppressed."
The subject of Gaelic orthography is also exercising the minds of our Irish kinsmen. In a recent
number of Irisleabhar na Gaedhilge, Eoin Mac Neil!
condemns the rule known as Leathan ri Leathan agus
Caol ri Caol, whose arbitrary proceedings are as
disagreeable to him as they were to his distinguished countrymen, O'Brien and Vallancey. Our
sympathies, however, which certainly are so far with
him, do not go the length of approving the phonetic
system, which his observations lead us to believe
that he contemplates. It may be true, as a critic in
the Northern Chronicle recently asserted, that Gaelic
is " disfigured by heaps of dead letters " —from the
point of view, of course, of the literary and
commercial man. We think, too, that if grammarians
have a fault it is that they are inclined to attribute
too much importance to the purely etymological
aspect of languages ; but for reasons plainly and
intelligently discovered by the late Dr. Stewart, and
most temperately and learnedly urged by him, we
hold that it would be a mistake to allow our
"whole-hoggers " to have it all their own way. With
certain other suggested reforms we take this
84 Gaelic Orthography
opportunity to say that we are entirely in sympathy.
There is no reason, for example, why the preposition
ann should be written double, as it often is, for no
intelligible reason apparently, viz., ann an eòlas, etc.
As Dr. Cameron Gillies justly observes in his
Elements of Gaelic Grammar, "this seems to be writing
the preposition not only double but even triple, for
the double n of ann seems to be already a repetition;
so that ann an is not unlike what is sometimes heard
in English, ' he took it off of me'".
It is obvious, however, that unless there is a
common agreement to effect these and other, no
doubt, desirable reforms, Gaelic will continue to be
written in accordance with the grammatical rules
presently governing its literary construction. The
written form of the language is now stereotyped, and
every day that goes by without some organised effort
being made on the part of the nation to give
practical effect to reforms which have long been
advocated by private individuals, tends to increase
the difficulties in the way of attempting any possible
improvement. It would be useless for us, as we hold
it would be useless for any other publication, to set
the ball a-rolling. What is required is a general
agreement touching the reforms which are not only
desirable but practicable, and a loyal and general
acceptance of such changes as, on full investigation,
shall be found to be expedient. For our own parts, we
have done our best to discover our views with as little
of prejudice as possible. It seems to us that Leathan ri
Leathan agus Caol ri Caol is chief culprit; but we are
quite prepared to discard the "vagabond h," to
embrace the dot and even to assist in the slaughter of
the aspirated innocents, if the consensus of educated
Gaelic opinion points in that direction.
Some Moray Place Names
85
Surely the Parliament of the Gael, the Mòd, which is
(or should be) our Academy of Letters, as well as our
social and political senate, is the tribunal best
qualified to deal authoritatively and finally with these
questions ?
SOME MORAY PLACE NAMES1
THE science of etymology is one of the most difficult
and one of the most fascinating branches of polite
learning. No science is more deceptive. The average
place-name is a kind of Bodach an loin or
Will-o'-the-Wisp, which the unwary and insufficiently
equipped hunter no sooner imagines that he has at
last laid firm hold on but it disappears in the
surrounding mists of antiquity; or having cunningly
tempted him from well-beaten paths and familiar
ways, finally deserts him, leaving his victim to
flounder out as best he may from the morasses and
quagmires into which his incaution, and the
impetuosity of the chase, have indiscreetly conducted him.
To the Gael of Scotland this is naturally a most
interesting and attractive branch of learning. Our
place-names are everywhere, showing what we once
were, and indicating the ground which, if we are to
resume our historical role of " predominant partner"
in our own Scotland, must be recovered. There is no
part of Alba where our place-names do not abound.
The land to which we gave our name was ours, and
the length, breadth and fulness thereof. A Celtic
race is the appropriate possessor of Celtic soil, and
so our ancestors thought. They
The Place Names of Elginshire, by Donald Matheson.
iEneas Maokay, Stirling, 1905.
1
86
Some Moray Place Names
Some
Place
Names
8
7
stamped with the indelible die of their language the
mountains, rivers and glens which surround us. Hill
answers to hill, mountain to mountain, and stream to
stream, not in the common-place tongue of the
shop-keeping nation, but in the romantic language of
the Gael. It is but appropriate, therefore, in these
regenerated days of " Renaissance," when the mind
and heart of every true Gael is being re-born within
him, that scholars should arise to interpret to us these
place-names—to cleanse them of the corrupt
accumulations of the years that have gone, and to
bring this sadly debased and grievously depreciated
coinage into respectable currency again.
But we must be careful. Every Gaelic speaker is
not necessarily an etymologist. Neither is every one
who has leisure, a copy of Dr. MacBain's admirable
Dictionary, and a taste for antiquarian pursuits, a fit
and proper person to go down in books as a dealer in
the science of words—that perhaps most elusive and
difficult of all branches of knowledge. We utter this
caution advisedly; but not, regarding the work
presently before us, of malice aforethought. We
have heard Gaelic speakers questioned by foreigners
as to the meaning and derivation of this or that
place-name, and who, not being etymologists, have
blundered most lamentably in their interpretations.
On the other hand, we regard what is called a " good
working acquaintance " with our language as an
indispensable preliminary to the successful
prosecution of etymological studies in this country.
Obviously, a man should know well the grammar of a
language before he proceeds to discuss its roots, its
Moray
affinities, or its place-names. We hold, too, that he
should be able to read, write and speak that language
with tolerable facility before he sets up as an
etymologist. He should als'o know, of course, the
geography, physical characteristics and the history of
the country whose intimate concerns he is ambitious
to treat of. These things being granted, or rather
thoroughly acquired, the budding etymologist may go
to school again; and if he is diligent, persevering,
painstaking and modest, his debut as an etymologist
seven years afterwards may not be a failure.
With regard to the work before us, we regret to find
that Mr. Matheson has not apparently fulfilled our
preliminary condition. He does not know Gaelic as
we hold he should know it; and we are inclined to
doubt his history. It may seem an unkind thing to
say of a man who has already published a book (and
so admirably " got up" a book); but we suspect his
credentials, and would counsel his withdrawal until
at least he has found time to give some much-needed
revision to his text. Far be it from us, however, to
seek to wish to extinguish this promising northern
light. Some of Mr. Matheson's work is good "
preliminary canter ". He has courage too, though to
be sure that is a quality which the man reckless is too
apt to affect; and he possesses what artists call
"insight" in no ordinary measure. Undoubtedly he
has the constituents of the makings of an etymologist
within him—at some future date which out of
consideration for the feelings of our author we forbear
from specifying—but will he allow the matured and
cultivated genius to come out ? That is the question
which Mr. Matheson must seriously consider, in the
interests alike of his own reputation as author and
future etymologist as of the public, which is craving
for bread, but will not, and cannot, relish a diet of
half-baked flour and stones.
88
The Isle of Wings
THE ISLE OF WINGS1
An t-Eilean Sgiathanach has been more fortunate in its
bards—a numerous and tuneful band— than in its
historians and prose-writers.
This latter "
department" of Gaelic letters is a field perennially
neglected by us; and to be obliged to fall back on
sober English writers for written accounts of that
charming isle, or of any other spot or place peculiarly
Gaelic, seems both unseasonable and unappropriate.
Skye, indeed, lives celebrated in deathless Gaelic
song; and some may urge that the prose may safely
be left to common-place English, which, as a medium
for all that the ubiquitous "tripper" requires, in the
fewest words, and at the shortest possible notice, is
all-sufficient. This view is plausible, though hardly
patriotic.
The history, nay, any account of the
Misty Isle which is ambitious to do substantial justice
to that engaging subject, should be written in
Gaelic—the language of its natives, and the language
of its history and antiquities. To know the shortest
cut to the steamboat pier, the style of architecture
affected by the town hall or pump, the quality and
brand of whisky purveyed at this or that wayside
change-house—these, though useful informations to
the commis voyageur orfear turuis, are not
soul-sufficing. The Gael, at all events, requires
something more and better. We look for song and
story in the language of our race; for something of
89
The Isle of Wings
that delightful blend of prose and poesy, if we may
make the suggestion, in which the Gaelic mediaeval
1 The Misty Isle of Skye, by J. A. MacCulloch.
Anderson and Ferrier, Edinburgh and London.
Oliphant,
writers excelled. Our literature is almost too rich in
song. We seem to have cultivated the bardic art and
faculty almost at the entire expense of prose. And
this is scarce a healthy sign. We live, alas! in
mundane times—in days of briefest prose. More
often than not we are summoned to a dinner or to a
rout by " wire"; whilst those whose pleasures or
negotiations reside in crowded cities parley with
their friends the enemy in the gate of festivity, or
drive their hurried bargains by dint of "'phone". And
Gaelic must needs take notice of this change—not
slavishly, and as one whose guiding maxim is "All
things to all men," and one beyond, and " better " ;
but reasonably, intelligently, and in sober measure.
The field of Gaelic prose--history, sociology,
antiquities and so forth—is indeed yellow to the eye;
but as yet the. native harvesters are few and far
between.
Such as it is, however, and as far as it goes, this
English account of Skye is worthy of praise. It is a
kind of cross between a guide-book and a more
ambitious performance. Friend gossip has his
garrulous say, of course; but his revelations are
offensive neither as to style nor matter. Indeed, Mr.
MacCulloch, as he well may be, is obviously in love
with his theme; and writes as one having a due sense
of its beauties, and not as the scribes at so much per
page, to say nothing of the hour. "Eilean a' cheò," he
says, "has been my home for nearly eight years. Each
year I have come to love it better "—and so hence this
effort. If eight years' acquaintance with Skye have
done so much for Mr. MacCulloch, surely some of the
natives might have been moved to do a little more ?
Their silence, so far as Gaelic prose is concerned,
strikes us as hardly creditable.
QO
The Isle of Wings
Mr. MacCulloch's chapter on the "Historical and
Literary Associations " of Skye, the last in' his book,
and to which we turned first, is perhaps necessarily
brief; but we have no reason to question its
substantial accuracy, much less to find fault with the
very sympathetic vein in which it is conceived. We
notice in passing a slip or two. " Ferchar
Maclntaggart" was certainly not first Earl of Ross,
though no doubt first Earl of line. And it is a
mistake, and confusing too, to speak of Celts and
Scots as being of different race. Neither is there any
good reason why Somerled's ambitions should be so
cautiously referred to. He certainly did plot to
overthrow the Ard-Righ; and it is a thousand pities
that he did not succeed. His policy in Moray
showed his hand as plain as the proverbial
pike-staff; and on the suppression of that powerful
Mormaership— if ever it really was one—his house
succeeded to the Moray power and, what is more,
took up the Moray tradition. The Donald (of the
Isles) who fought and lost the battle of Harlaw
invaded Alba in quest of a kingdom, and as the
representative of the Gaelic tradition, though it may
serve our turn to deny it, and to limit his just
ambitions to the Earldom of Ross. Still, if the "
Celtic Renaissance" is to have any "gumption" about
it, it must set to work to recover all this, lost ground,
otherwise the movement will lack what is essential
/ Choluim Chille
9i
to all national agitations, namelyi harmony and a
definite object. " In him (Somerled) we see the
saviour of the Celts (why not Gaels ?) from foreign
domination; and his traditional scheme of making
himself master of broad Scotland, mythical though it
may be, shows what the Celts believed of him, and
animated his later descendants in their hostility to
the Scottish kings." These ideas niight be better
expressed; but Mr. MacCulloch's nutshell history is
here straight and much to the point.
We have left ourselves but little space in which to
glance at sonìe of Mr. MacCulloch's other chapters.
Those on " Folk-lore " and the " Crofting System "
are probably the best. Our author too is evidently a
keen and sympathetic admirer of nature, and his
descriptions of the mountains of Skye should be read
with profit and pleasure not only by those to whom a
hill is merely something to "go up," with a view to
accelerating digestion, dissipating an idle day or two
or breaking a record, but by those who love "the
eternal hills" for their own sakes, and for what they
really are, namely, the most beautiful and the most
mysterious of all the marvellous manifestations of
God's
wonderful
handiwork.
We
cordially
recommend this book as being the work of a writer
who is not only in full sympathy with his theme but
has been at evident pains to make himself informed.
We should have liked, however, a chapter on the
Bards of Skye, and regard its omission as little short
of singular.
I' CHOLUIM CHILLE
Is tiamhaidh, muladach, na smaointean a dhùisgear
anns an inntinn an uair a ghluaisear tre làraichean
aosmhor I Choluim Chille. Is firinneach a labhair
esan aig an robh cridhe gu so a thuigsinn, agus
cainnt a bu shnasmhoire gu 'chur an cèill. " Bha sinn
a nis (deir an t-Ollamh Sasunnach) 'n ar
92
/ Choluim Chille
seasamh air an Eilean ainmeil sin a 'b àrd lòchran,
fad linntean do Ghàidhealtachd na h-Alba, as an
d'fhuair cinnich fhiadhaich, agus ceathairne bhorba
sochairean eòlais, agus beannachdan na saorsa. Cha
bu chomasach, ged a dh'fheuchtadh ris, an inntinn a
thogail o na smaointean a dhùisg an t-àite so, agus
b'amaideach an oidhirp, ged a bhiodh e comasach.
Ge b'e ni a thàirngeas sinn air falbh o chumhachd ar
ceud-fàithean; ge b'e ni a bheir do na shiubhail o
chian, no do na tha fathast ri tachairt,
làmh-an-uachdar air na tha làthair, tha so ag
àrdachadh ar n-inbhe mar bhithean tuigseach. Gu
ma fada uam-sa, agus o m'chàirdean an fheallsanachd reòta sin a dh'aomadh mi gu gluasad gu
caoin-shuarach, eutrom, thar aon ait' a dh'fhàgadh
urramaichte le gliosas, le fearalas, no le maise. Cha
chulaidh fharmaid an duine sin nach moth-aicheadh
a ghràdh d'a dhùthaich air a neartachadh air
blàr-catha Mharatoin, no a chràbhadh a blàthachadh 'am measg làraichean briste I Choluim
Chille."
Cò esan a bha riamh's an àite so, agus aig an
robh cridhe, nach do mhothaich so ? Tha a' chuid a's
mò de na leacan a nis gu dearbh air am f olach fo 'n
ùir ; ach tha gu leòir fhathast r'am faicinn gu gliocas
a tharraing uatha. Chi sinn an oidhirp a daoin'
uaibhreach gus an ainm a chumail air chuimhne ;
ach mo thruaighe ! cha 'n i 'n eachdraidh a tha air a
/ Choluim Chille
93
gearradh air leac-lighe a chois-neas an cliù nach tèid
as, no a dh'fhàgas an t-ainm neo-bhàsmhor—'s iad
na h-ionracain a mhàin <a chumar an cuimhne
shiorraidh. Iadsan aig am bheil an ainm sgriobhta
air nèamh—is coma c'àit' an càirear cuirp nan
daoine sin, co dhiù is i 'n leac-lighe riomhach, no fòid
gorm a chuirear thairis orra. Faodaidh daoine an
di-chuimhneachadh, ach bithidh iad ann an cuimhne
shiorruidh fa chomhair Dhè. 'S e so a choisneas an
cliù nach searg. Cha 'n 'eil gach cuimhne
thalmhaidh ach gèarr. Bithidh gach teangadh a
luaidheas ar cliù ann an latha no dhà balbh. Na
lithrichean a tha air an gearradh air a' chloich a's
buaine, no air a deargadh le peann iarainn air a'
chreig a's maireannaiche, ann an linn no dhà cha
bhi ann an comas nan sùl a's gèire a leughadh.
Tuitidh an leac 'n a smùr, agus fàil-nichidh a' chreag
fèin; ach cliù agus ainm nan Naomh a chaoidh cha
chaochail.
'N an luidhe's a' chladh so, 's cinnteach mi gu'm
bheil iomadh aon a bha suarach m'a chèile fhad's a
bha iad beò—seadh, a' co-stri, 's a' cath an aghaidh a
chèile—cinn-fheadhna threuna, le 'n ceatharnaich
ghaisgeil, a sheas air an aon bhlàr-catha, agus,
theagamh, a thuit le claidheamh nan ceart daoine
'tha 'nis 'n an luidhe 's an ùir r'an taobh. "'S i so gu
deimhin," thubhairt mi, " Tir na di-chuimhne, far
nach 'eil othail no stri." Ma bha leapaichean na
h-uaighe riamh tosdach, sàmhach, 's ann an
uaigneas fàsail I Choluim Chille.
Bho cheann iomadh linn bha 'n t-Eilean ainmeil
so, far an robh a' cho-lion duine naomh agus
diadhair urramaichte, agus a cho-pàirtich solus an
t-Soisgeil do dhùthchaibh agus do rioghachdaibh
eile, air 'fhàgail e fhèin gun eaglais, gun
fhear-teagaisg suidhichte, no aoradh follaiseach, ged
a tha àireamh mòr sluaigh a chòmhnuidh ann.1 Bu
chianail an t-atharrachadh so do I, agus bu
neo-chliùiteach e r'a aithris ; ach tha linn a's feàrr a'
teachd mu'n cuairt. Tha e air innseadh gu'n
dubhairt Colum Cille, tamull beag mu'n do chaochail
e :—
1
94
Chaidh so a sgriobhadh's a' bhliadhna 1828.
I Choluim Chille
"Imo chridhe, I mo ghràidh 'An ait' guth
Manaich bi'dh geum bà ; Ach mu'n tig an
saogh'l gu crich Bi'dh I mar a bha ".
Thàinig a' cheud chuid de'n fhàidheadaireachd gu
h-eagnaidh mu'n cuairt; ach cò dhiù a bhios i gu
bràth cho urramaichte 's bha i, tha e decair a ràdh.
Ann an iomadh atharrachadh an t-saoghail
chaochlaidich so, cò 's urrainn 'innseadh ciod a
dh'fhaodas tachairt?
Mar so labhair an duine còir ainmeil sin d'am
b'ainm Tormaid Mac Leoid, a chaochail anns na
bhliadhnaichean a dh'fhalbh. Ach ged a bha e 'cur
an fhàidheadaireach le Colum Cille an teagamh,
cha'n ann mar sin a tha sinn fèin (a tha 'n ar
Caitliceaich), a' ghabhail rithe. Cha'n eil teagamh
againn nach 'eil miannach le Dia staid agus cor
Eaglais naomh Chaitliceach na h-Alba—an aon
Eaglais fhior a th'ann's an àm so, air aghaidh na
dùthcha. Bha Eaglais na h-Alba da rireadh air an
àm ud ann an deuchainn mhòir, agus fo
gheur-leanmhuinn eagalaich—fo àmhghair theintich
anns an dùthaich; gidheadh, cha robh i air a sgrios,
do bhrigh gu'n robh Dia agus a Naoimh maille rithe,
agus 'n a meadhon. Agus na rinn e air son 'Eaglais,
ni e air son 'Eaglais a rìs, mar a gheall Colum Cille
gu soilleir dhuinn. Cuin a bha Eaglais
Chaitliceach riamh ann an teinn, no ann an àmhghar nach robh Esan 'n a meadhon gu a dion ? Is
minic a bha 'n Eaglais mar phreas a' lasadh agus a
rèir coslais an impis a bhi air a losgadh as—
gidheadh bha ar Tighearna Beannaichte agus a
Mhathair Naomh gun smal maille rithe. Ri na
linntean a dh'fhalbh, bha mile an deigh mhile air an
tearnadh nach " lùbadh an glùn do Bhàal," agus
/ Choluim Chille
95
cha robh na h-amannan sin ann's nach robh còrr
dhuine dileas chum Creidimh agus dùthaich, agus
diadhaidh, r'a fhaotainn an Alba. Anns na làithibh
dorch' an 6^ Righ Seumas, an uair a bu
mhulad-aiche cor na n-Alba—'nuair a bha sinn ann
am braighdeanas, mar gu'm b'ann, cho cruaidh 's
gu'n do chroch sinn ar clàrsaichean air na geugaibh
seilich, 's nach dùraicheadh sinn leis a' mhulad aon
de laoidhean Shioin a sheinn—an uair nach robh
cothrom againn Aifrionn Naomh Choluim Chille
'èisdeach—cha do sgriosadh Eaglais Chaitliceach na
h-Alba. Bha'm preas fada fada r'a theine; ach fada
mar bha e, cha thrèig Dia agus a Naoimh-san e.
Dh'èirich Eaglais na h-Alba as an luaithre theintich.
Thogadh na eaglaisean a rìs, oir cha do loisgeadh am
preas. O'n àm sin a nuas gu linn an 4mh Righ
Uilleam, bha cogadh is co-stri gun fhios, gun tàmh
an aghaidh na firinn ; ach cha do bhuaidhich
geur-leanmhuinn agus laghannan neo-ghlic,
eucorach, air muinntir Chaitliceach na h-Alba. Is
iomadh geur-leanmhuinn loisgeach, cruaidh,
fuilteach a rinneadh air an Eaglais. Ciod e
eachdraidh na h-Eaglais ach eachdraidh air
geur-leanmhuinn? Agus an Alba, an Eireann,
agus an Sasunn, eadhon anns an Roinn-Eòrpa air
fad, cia h-uamhasach na deuchainnean teinteach
troi'n d'thàinig i! Cia liughad comunn a bha aon
uair ainmeil mar Eaglais air an t-saoghal, a tha gu
tur air an sguabadh air falbh! Agus iomadh
eaglais a tha 'nis a' togail an cinn gu h-àrd—a tha
ainmeil 'n an là agus 'n an linn fèin, sguabar air
falbh bhàrr aghaidh an talaimh. Faodaidh Dia an
coinnleir de fhior chreidimh 'atharrach o àite gu
h-àite, a thoirt air falbh, mar gu'm b'ann, o aon tir, 's
a shuidheachadh ann an tir eile; ach an solus priseil
so— solus 'Eaglais fèin—cha mhuchar e a chaoidh.
Tha
96
/ Choluim Chille
'n gealladh Choluim Chille againn gu'm biodh I mar
a bha, mu'n tig an saoghal gu crioch. Is leòir sin.
Agus nach thubhairt ar Tighearna Iosa Criosta e
fèin mu dhèighinn 'Eaglais nach dean geataichean
ifrinn buadhachadh orre am feasd? Mar sin, na
biodh eagal oirbh : bithibh air deadh mhisneach
sibhse uile 'tha air bheag chreidimh; oir—
" . . . mu'n tig an saogh'l gu crich Bi'dh I
mar bha ".
IAIN MAC AN ABBA.
Guth na Bliadhna
LEABHAR III.]
AN T-EAEEACH, 1906.
[AIREAMH 2
A' GHÀIDHLIG AGUS NA SGOILEAN
AIG a' chruinneachadh mhòr a thachair anns an
Oban a chionn beagan mhiosan, thuirt fear de na
luchd-labhairt a bha 'lathair, agus e a' cur an cèill
na smuaintean a bha aige a thaobh inbhe agus
suidheachaidh na Gàidhlig ann an sgoilean na
Gàidhealtachd—thuirt e, tha sinn ag ràdh "this was
not a question of preserving the Gaelic language but
of educating the people of the Highlands through
the medium of their own tongue ".1
Mar so labhair an duine so, agus a rèir coltais
gun dùlan no gearan sam bith air an taobhsan a
bha 'lathair. Theagamh, nach robh na briathran a
labhair an duine so air an cur sios focal air fhocal,
no mar bu choir dhoibh a bhi, agus gu'n robh
feadhainn ann ris nach robh na briathran a'
cordadh, agus nach robh idir glè thoilichte leo.
Ach biodh sin mar a bhitheas e, is cinnteach
gu'm bheil mòran ann a tha 'beachachadh air a
chùis so mar a bha an duine so a' gabhail rithe,
agus a tha 'sealtuinn air a' Ghàidhlig mar
mheadhon
chum
chriochan
agus
mar
inneal-ionnsachaidh a mhàin.
1
Highland News.
98
A' Ghàidhlig agus na Sgoilean
Is toigh leosan a' Ghàidhlig, deir iad; ach cha'n
ann a chionn gur i ar cainnt fèin i, agus a chionn gur
i suaicheantas ar dùthcha fèin ; ach do bhrigh gur i
a' chainnt a's mò a labhar agus a's cumanta ann an
Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba, agus a chionn gu'm bheil e
soilleir nach fhaod iad dol air an adhart chum
oigridh na dùthcha ionnsachadh as a h -aonais.
A nis, cha cheutach leinn idir idir a' bharail so ;
agus o'n is cleachdadh leinn (mar is aithne gu maith
d'ar luchd-leughaidh) ar n-inntinn fèin a chur an
cèill gu soilleir, gu fearail; is èiginn duinn sin a
labhairt mu'n chùis so gun eagal, 's gun fhàbhar sam
bith.
Air tùs, is i Ghàidhlig ar cainnt fèin, a fhuair sin
o Dhia; agus co dhiù tha e buannachdail dhuinn ar
cainnt fèin a chumail suas no nach 'eil, is e dleasnas
luchd-leughaidh Ghuth na Bliadhna, agus dleasnas
nan uile sin a dheanamh gu cridheil, gu sunndach,
agus gu h-eudmhor. Tha fios aig gach fear 'san
t-saoghal gu lèir gu'm bheil a' Ghàidhlig 'n a cainnt
fheumail, ro shean, fhogh-luimte agus airidh air
spèis mhòir; ach saor o sin, agus ged a bhiodh i 'n a
cainnt an-uasal, gun fheum, gun spèis air bith an
sùil an t-saoghail; gidheadh bhiodh e fathast ar
dleasnas solaimte a cumail suas 's a leantuinn suas,
agus a cur air adhart le'r n-uile chridhe
" An leig sinn eachdraidh chaomh ar tir' A
sgriobhadh de gach clàr, 'S a' Ghàidhlig chòir
a chur a dhith Le linn nach tuig a gnàths' ?
Ar cànain aosda, glòrmhor, binn, A dhùisgadh
fuinn nam Bàrd, Am fan sinn diomhanach
gun sùim 'Us daoi 'ga cur gu bàs 1"
99
A' Ghàidhlig agus na Sgoilean
Tha e air a ràdh le cuid gur e ionnsachadh no
foghlum a' cheud ni agus gur i a' Ghaidhlig an dara
cuspair. Is coma leosan co dhiù ma gheibh a'
Ghàidhlig bàs no nach fhaigh, ma bhios "ionnsachadh" air a chuir air adhart air an dòigh a tha
iad 'smuaineachadh 's 'gabhail rithe. "Is i a'
Ghàidhig a' chainnt dhùthasach aig còrr is deich
mile air fhichead de sgoilearan (deir iadsan); agus a
chionn gu'm bheil so mar so, tha sinn a' sparradh
oirbh feum iomchuidh a dheanamh dhi ann an
sgoilean na Gàidhealtachd, agus do bhrigh nach
fhaod sum dol air ar n-adhart as a h-eugmhais. Co
dhiù a bhios sin 'n a ni maith no olc, beag no mòr,
thaobh cumail suas na Gàidhlig mar chanain beò,
cha'n urrainn sinn a radh ; agus is e ar barail-ne
nach fhaod an dà cheist so a bhi air an cur air muin
a' chèile. Is freagarrach do'n latha an t-olc a
th'ann; agus tha sinn a' meas gu bheil ionnsachadh
muinntir na Gàidhealtachd 'n a ni mòran ni's mò,
agus ni 's cudthromaiche, do'n t-sluagh air fad na
tha cumail suas agus sgaoileadh na Gàidhlig."
Is ann mar sin a tha mòran ann ar measg a'
beachd-smuaineachadh mu'n chùis so; agus is èiginn
duinn aideachadh nach 'eil am beachd sin a còrdadh
ruinn air chor air bith. Tha sinn 'meas gur i a'
Ghàidhlig a' cheud ni; do bhrigh gur i cainnt a tha 'n
a comharra agus 'n a h-anam do mhuinntir no
chinneach air bith. Agus ciod a buannaicheas e
dhuinn an saoghal a' chosnadh, agus gun a bhi
sealbhachadh ar n-anam fèin ?
Ach, gu sona co dhiù, cha'n 'eil feum againn a
bhith sparradh air adhart na Gàidhlig do bhrigh gur
i cainnt ar dùthcha i a mhàin, ged is fior gu bheil
sinn gu tur deas, rèidh, sin a dheanamh air an
aobhar ud fèin. Ach is ro fheumail a' chainnt io o
A' Ghàidhlig agus na Sgoilean
a' Ghàidhlig. Tha i anabarrach sean. Tha
fogh-lum mòr, sgèimh, agus luachmhoireachd aice.
Tha i ro fheumail do neach air bith aig a bheil miann
air cainntean eile na Roinn Eorpa dh'ionnsachadh
chum labhairt no sgriobhaidh. Tha i aig bonn de'n
chuid a's mò de na cainntean a's cuirteile, agus a's
foghluimte's an t-saoghal, agus a tha mairsinn aig
an latha an diugh ; agus, ni na 's mò na sin, tha i mar
iuchar dhoibh sin uile. Cha'n 'eil i idir 'n a cainnt
do-lubaidh, bochd, neo-fhoghluimte, neo-shnasmhor,
neo-choimhlionta; ach, air an dara làimh, tha i ro
lubaidh, oileanaichte, ardmhodhail, làn, gu
h-anabarrach briogh-mhor. A' chainnt so a
bhuileachadh oirnn le Dia, agus a tha daoine
foghluimte air feadh an t-saoghail 'ga moladh 's tha
iad a' gabhail farmaid rithe a chionn 's gu'm bheil i
cho aosmhor binn ; am bith sinn cho faoin, cho
aineolach agus mi-thaingeil agus i a cur an
neo-shuim, agus 'ga leigeadh dol gu bàs ? Nar
leigeadh Dia !
" 'Si 'n canain Am beul nam Bàrd's nan
eoin,
'S fearr gu càineadh,
O linn Bhabel fèin,
'Si's fearr gu moladh,
'S a's torrunnaiche gleus,
Gu rann no laoidh, A
tharruing gaoth tro' bheul,
'S fearr gu comhairl' 'S gu gnothach
chuir gu feum,
Na aon teang' Eorpach,
Dh'aindeoin bòsd nan Greug."
Tha fios aig gach creubh gu bheil neach air bith
aig a bheil dà chainnt, mòran ni 's feumail agus ni 's
foghlumaichte na esan aig a bheil an
Who is "Righ na h-Alba" ?
101
aon chainnt a mhàin. Tha e moran ni's tapaidh,
sgairteile na t-aon-chainnteach, agus tha an dòigh a
tha aige chum sealltuinn thairis air an t-saoghal
agus air gnothaichibh aimsireil is spioradail mòran
ni's àirde, 's farsuinne na tha aig esan aig a bheil an
aon teanga a mhàin; mar tha an duine aig am bheil
a dhà-sbuil mòran ni's feumail dha fèin's do'n
chinne-daoine gu lèir na esan a tha cam. Is ann air
a' bhonn so a tha sinn a sparradh air aghart na
Gàidhlig, agus ag iarridh a toirt a steach anns gach
sgoil air feadh Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba, a chionn
gur h-i ar cainnt fèin i, a fhuair sinn o Dhia, agus a
chionn gu'm bheil i ro fheumail duinn; 'n a meadhon
chum eòlais mhaith fhaotainn, agus 'n a
sealbhachadh priseil, luachmhor, air an taobhsan
aig am bheil miann chum dol a staigh do'n t-saoghal
mhalairteach, no do na dreuchdan foghlumta.
Is e so, ma tà, à chrèud Ghàidhealach a thaobh
ar cainnt fèin. Esan nach creid e gu h-iomlan, gu
ceart agus gu daingeann, cha'n airidh e 'bhi 'na
Ghàidheal, no eadhon fiuthal air an ainm aluinn
bhoidheach sin.
WHO IS "RIGH N A H-ALBA"?
ii
ON referring to the pedigree of the Moray
Mor-maers, the reader will observe that it embraces
two individuals whose names, and, consequently,
whose filiation are not presently known. The first of
these individuals is the wife of Lulach, Mormaer of
Moray after the death of Mac Beth; the second being
the husband of the daughter of Lulach—that Aodh,
or as the name is frequently incorrectly written,
Heth, who became "Righ na h-Alba" and Mormaer of
Moray undoubtedly in right of his wife.
With regard to the first of these individuals,
though it is unfortunate that her name, as that of
her apparently sole female offspring, has not come
down to us ; yet for the purposes of the present disJ
cussion, our ignorance on this point is by no means
to be regarded as invalidating conclusions hereinafter to be drawn from that alliance. The fact
remains that after the death of Malsnechtan (1085)
his nameless sister succeeded to the claims of the
Moray family, and, marrying the above-mentioned
Aodh, constituted her husband Mormaer of Moray,
and the channel through which those hereditary
claims and rights, justly associated with herself and
her family, were eventually transmitted to her
progeny. The son of the sister of Malsnechtan and
daughter of Lulach, viz., Angus, " Earl" or Mormaer
of Moray, by Aodh or Heth, succeeded to the
Mormaership of that important province; and at the
head of the men of Moray and the Mearns fell at
Strickathrow (1130) fighting either in defence of his
title to that Principality or, as the narratives of
David's partisans would lead us to imply, in
pursuance of an offensive movement on his part
which had for its object the wresting of the crown of
Alba from the representatives of the House of Atholl.
Whatever, however, the precise circumstances which
led up to, and caused, that fatal conflict may have
been, there can be no reasonable doubt that the
claim of Angus to the Moray Mormaership was in
strict accordance with Gaelic law and custom. He
was supported in his enterprise by the whole force of
Moray, the men of which recognised him as their
chief ; and the facts that the partisans of David
invariably style him
" Earl of Moray," and that the men of the province of
Mearns also threw in their lot with Angus, prove
conclusively that there was no flaw in that title
which after the death of his father he had justly and
properly assumed.
Tì, therefore, as I maintain, Angus died unmarried, or, at all events, without legitimate heirs,
the question of the parentage of his father, Aodh,
becomes a matter of the first importance; for failing
heirs male or female of his own (Angus's) body, the
succession to the Mormaership and to the royal
claims associated therewith must, in accordance
with law and custom, have passed to the representative of the family of his nearest kinsmen— to
the house, that is to say, from which his father,
Aodh, was sprung. I have already detailed my
reasons for believing (1) that Angus had no brother,
and (2) that if he ever had one, the latter must have
predeceased the Mormaer slain at Strickathrow.
The pedigrees, however, make no mention of the
alleged " Malcolm Mac Aodh," and, as I have already
shown, the Irish annals are silent on the same
subject. The natural inference from these
circumstances seems to be, therefore, that either he
never existed, or that he predeceased his brother at
a period unknown, or at all events anterior to the
battle in which Angus lost his life.
In discussing the important question of the
parentage of Aodh, Mormaer of Moray, in right of his
wife, it is highly unfortunate that this common
personal name can afford us no clue whatever as to
the filiation of the individual who bore it. It was and
still is under its corrupted or Anglicised form of
Hugh one of the commonest names in Gaeldom. But
so much at all events we may take for granted
namely: (1) that the Aodh or Hugh in question was a
Gael, and (2) that he must have been a man of
distinguished birth.
With regard to the first of
these two points, I hold that the name itself, in the
absence of all proof to the contrary, may safely be
regarded as sufficient indication of the racial
complexion of the husband of the daughter of
Lulach. With regard to the second, it is extremely
unlikely that an individual of mean or obscure birth
should have been suffered to mate with the heiress
of Moray, whether we consider the importance of
that Principality itself, or the high claims which
were undoubtedly associated with it. And in
discussing the question of the parentage of Aodh, as
well as in drawing deductions from any theory that
may be advanced in connection therewith, not only
must these considerations be kept constantly in
view, but it must also be remembered that the fittest
helpmeet for the heiress of Moray must necessarily
have been one who, by virtue of his exalted position
and the strength and number of his connexions and
following, was generally regarded by the men of
Moray as one who would not only constitute himself
a worthy and efficient protector of their
representative and her possible heirs, but who would
also be in a position to advance her claims to the
throne. Under these circumstances, it appears to
me that the most suitable husband for the daughter
of Lulach was, her situation being as described, the
heir, or at all events a near relative to one of the
Scottish Mormaers, and if, as I believe, that
selection ultimately fell upon a son of one of the
neighbouring Mormaers, the strong reasons which
could be urged in favour of such a union seem to me
at all events to derive an additional degree of weight
and probability by reason of the consideration last
mentioned.
For my own part I am strongly inclined to believe
that Aodh was a near relative, possibly a son, of that
Ruaidhri, Mormaer of Mar, whose name appears in
the Book of Deer as witness to a charter of the period.
And in no other way consistent with probability and
with the recorded facts of history, I imagine, can the
claim which the family of Mar subsequently
advanced to the Moray Mormaership be explained in
a manner which can be regarded as even
approximately satisfactory.
The first appearance in history of Ruaidhri,
Mormaer of Mar, is in the capacity of witness to a
charter by King Alexander and his Queen Sibilla,
daughter to Henry, King of England, to the Church
of the Holy Trinity at Scone in the year 1114. His
next appearance is as witness to a charter by David
confirming various grants of land to the Church of
the Holy Trinity at Dunfermline, between the years
1124-1129 ; his third and last appearance, so far as
is yet known, being that already mentioned in the
Book of Deer, where, under date 1131, he appears as
witness to a grant of land by Gartnait, sou of
Cainnech, Mormaer of Buchan,1 and Ete (daughter
to Gille Michael and Gartnait's wife), to the monks
of the Abbey of Deer in Buchan. Ruaidhri, therefore,
"flourished," so far as charter •evidence is
concerned, from the years 1114 to 1131 inclusive.
Clearly, however, he was alive some considerable
time before the first mentioned of these dates, and it
is quite possible that he lived for some years after
his last recorded appearance. His period,
chronologically considered, may therefore safely be
regarded as perfectly consistent with the theory that
the Aodh or Hugh who subse1
In right of his wife, the above-mentioned Ete.
quently became Mormaer of Moray in right of his
wife was either the son of Ruaidhri or at all events a
contemporary and near relation to that Mormaer;
but before I proceed to discuss this question in
greater detail it will be necessary for me to adduce
some particulars relating to the complex and
troubled history of this last-mentioned Principality
itself.1
About the year 1228 an action was raised by
Thomas Durward, the King's door-keeper and the
representative of a rich and powerful Aberdeenshire
family, against the Earl of Mar of the-time. A similar
action was raised by Alan Durward in 1257, the
ground of both disputes being-that the earls in
possession were illegitimate, and that the legal
representatives of the earldom (as it then was) were
the Durwards in question. The dispute was referred
to the Pope, who ordered inquiry to be made into the
matter. The Durwards, however, whose claim to the
earldom was no doubt based on representation
through the female line, were unsuccessful in their
claim. Earl William—the earl against whom the
action of 1257 was brought—" remained in
possession," and there cannot thus be any legal
doubt of his legitimate-descent. In the course of
these proceedings a charter dated 1171, and said to
have been granted
1 According to Skene, Celtic Scotland, Angus succeeded to>
the Mormaership on the death of his brother Malsnechtan in
1085. I am inclined, however, to think that Eobertson (Scotland
under Her Early Kings) is right in regarding the Beth who
appears as witness to the foundation of the monastery of Scone,
temp. Alexander I., 1107-1124, as the Aodh or Heth who, whether
he reigned or not as Mormaer of Moray, was certainly father to
Angus, " Earl" of Moray. The date of Aodh's death is not known,
and we appear to know nothing about Angus until his overthrow
and slaughter at Strickathrow in 1130.
by King William the Lion to Morgund, Earl of Mar
and predecessor of William, was produced in support
of the family in possession, and no doubt this charter
played an important part in determining the
question in favour of the family of Earl William. "
This deed," says Skene,1" was first made known by
the learned antiquary, John Selden, who printed it
in his Titles of Honour (p. 700) to illustrate his
remarks upon the title of Thane. It is in the form of
letters patent and not of a charter, and is addressed
by William King of Scots to all bishops, earls, abbots,
priors, knights, thanes and provosts, and all other
good men of the whole land, as well cleric as laic. It
then narrates that Morgund, son of Gillocher,
formerly Earl of Mar, had come before the King at
Hnidhop Burnemuthe, in his new forest on the tenth
day of the calends of June, in the year of grace 1171,
demanding his right to the whole Earldom of Mar,
before the common council and army of the kingdom
of Scotland there assembled: that the King had
caused inquisition to be made into his claim by
several men worthy of credit, who were barons and
thanes of his kingdom, and who found that Morgund
was the lawful son and heir of the said Gillocher,
Earl of Mar; upon which the King granted and
restored to Morgund the whole Earldom of Mar, in
which his father Gillocher had died vest and seized,
to be held by the said Morgund and his heirs of the
King and his heirs in fee and heritage, with all
pertinents, liberties and rights, as freely, quietly,
fully and honourably as any other earl in the
kingdom. . . . Further, on the same day and at the
same place, after doing homage before the common
council of the kingdom, the said Morgund demanded
right should be done him for
1
Celtic Scotland, Appendix iv., vol. iii., p. 441.
io 8
Who is "Righ na h-Alba"?
the whole Earldom of Moray in which Gillocher, his
father, had died vest and seized ; upon which petition
inquisition having been made by several men worthy
of credit who were barons, knights and thanes of the
kingdom, they found that Morgund was the true and
lawful heir of the Earldom of Moray; and because at
that time the King was engaged in the heavy war
between him and the English, and the men of Moray
could not be subjected to his will, he was unable to do
justice to Morgund, he promised that when he should
terminate the war between him and his enemies and
subjugate the rebels of Moray, he would well and
truly recognise the right of Morgund and his heirs to
the Earldom of Moray."
This, says Skene, is undoubtedly a very remarkable
production, if genuine. Selden says : "I have it writ
in parchment in a hand of the time, wherein it is
dated, but without any seal to it". No suspicion
appears to have attached to it until Mr. Chalmers, the
antiquary, assailed it in 1819 in a paper contributed
to the nineteenth volume of the Archceologia (p. 241).
Mr. Chalmers gives his reasons for thinking this
document spurious under nine heads, the majority of
which, however, have been discounted by subsequent
writers a good deal more accurate, if not more
learned, than himself. Skene, however, regards the
allusion to the war with England in 1171, whereas
hostilities between the two countries did not break
out until 1173, as " fatal to the authenticity of the
document,"1 and
1 The late Earl of Crawford writing with the results of
Skene's investigations before him states that " my late friend Mr.
Maidment was not disposed to give up the point of its
authenticity without further discussion " {Earldom of Mar, vol. i.,
p. 169).
Who is "Righ na h-Alba''?
109
in this opinion I am by no means disposed to disagree
with him. As however the late Dr. Joseph .Robertson
justly observes,1 the facts which the deed in question
set forth " may perhaps be true in part". Professor
Cosmo Innes, too, was of opinion that even if
admitted to be a " very early forgery, it is scarcely
less important than if admitted to be genuine";2
whilst Lord Crawford's remarks on the same subject
are characterised by the sagacity and caution for
which that extremely learned man was remarkable.
" I may observe, however," he says, " that I should not
be surprised if evidence some day emerged to show
that Morgund was really the son of Gillocherus or
Gillocher, possibly Earl of Mar. The forger of a
charter would be careful to proceed upon accurate
data, so far as they were obtainable ; and the lapse of
eighty years between 1171 and 1257 was not
sufficient to obliterate memory as to who Earl
Morgund's father really was. Even a supposititious
document may render evidence when carefully
scrutinised."3 With regard to this last point, it should
be borne in mind that the contests between the Earls
of Mar and the Durwards were of exceptional
severity, and extended over a considerable period of
time. The Pope himself was called upon to
adjudicate upon the rival claims; and that the result
of all this costly and protracted litigation should have
resulted in a verdict for the earls in possession,
proves conclusively that the forger (if such he really
was) was "careful to proceed upon accurate data". It
is obvious that the allusion to the Moray Mormaer1 Antiquities
of the Shires of Aberdeen and Banff, vol. iv.,. p.
691.
2 Acts
of Parliament, preface.
of Mar, vol. i., pp. 171-72.
3 Earldom
ship and to Gillocher, Earl or Mormaer of the combined provinces of Mar and Moray, would have been
fatal to the success of Earl William's defence, whether
we regard the gratuitous nature of that allusion
(assuming it to be spurious and without foundation in
fact) or the character of the individuals who were
responsible for the opposing claim, and the almost
superhuman efforts they made to establish their case.
As Lord Crawford justly observes, too, by no possible
stretch of the imagination are we entitled to assume
that the memories of the Durwards,1 their legal
advisers and friends (to say nothing of the rest of the
country, including the King and his court, which must
naturally be supposed to have been profoundly
interested in so important a case) played them so
false and proved so defective that in the
comparatively short space of eighty years neither the
one nor the other was able positively to say who
Morgund's father really was, and what was the
position which he occupied during his lifetime. That
the text of the deed of 1171 was universally regarded
as furnishing " accurate data" upon these particular
points, is conclusively proved by the fact that the
papal investigation into this cause cèlèbre resulted in a
verdict in favour of Earl William.
1 The Durwards possessed very large property in Mar, which
must have come to them through marriage, and perhaps was so
settled in their favour in 1222-28, when a settlement or
composition was entered into between Earl Duncan and Thomas,
the father of the Alan Durward of 1257. The settlement is now
lost, but is enumerated in a schedule of Scottish records delivered by Edward I. to King John Baliol in 1292 as follows: "Item,
in uno sacculo existente in eadem maletta veteri una pixis
sigillata, in qua est compositio inter comitem de Mar et Thomam
Ostiarium olim facta" (Earldom of Mar, vol. i., p.
It seems to me, therefore, that whether we regard
the deed of 1171 as authentic or spurious, the facts
which it sets forth, so far as they concern the Mar
claim to the Moray Mormaership, are not to be
gainsaid. There is, however, additional evidence to
offer in support of this claim which, I .submit, places
the matter beyond reasonable doubt.
In the year 1837 the late eminent lawyer Sir Francis
Palgrave published the first volume of a number of
important historical MSS. relating to the early
history of Scotland ; and amongst these instruments
recovered to the nation, and issued under the
authority of Government, was one dealing with an
appeal prepared in name of the seven ■earls of
Scotland and of the community of the realm, to
Edward I. of England, which concludes with the
following memorandum: " That when William, King
of Scotland, restored to Morgund, son of Gyloclery,1
the predecessor of the Lord Douenald Earl of Marr,
this Earldom of Marr, according as the same is
contained in a writing which Douenald Earl of Marr
possesses, there was wanting then to the said
Morgund, and there is still wanting to the Earl, three
hundred pound land, partly in domain and partly in
holdings and more, for which he claims that right
should be done him ". Skene connects this document
with the charter of 1171. " The writing here
referred to seems to have
11 regret I am unable to give the etymology of this word. In
the deed of 1171 it is written Gillocher. The Gille is translatable at
sight; but what of the termination ? In a pedigree of the Mar
family prepared by George Erskine, Bailie of Alloa to the Earl of
the 15,1 find it written " Gillocher or Gillohrist" . But is it possible
to get Gillohrist out of Gillocher or Gyloclery? Perhaps its true
form is GillechUire = the servant or follower of the clergy.
Gilleohriost, however, was a common Gaelic name, instances of
which are not wanting in the Mar pedigree.
been this very deed," he says ; but whether it was. so
or not, it is important as proving that indirectly the
result of the papal inquiry was generally accepted as
being favourable to Earl William,1 and as showing
that in or about 1290, as in 1257, no-doubts were
entertained as to who Earl Morgund's. father really
was. But important as this evidence is, in view of
what has been stated above, more remains to be told.
In the same appeal of the seven earls of Scotland,
Donald, Earl of Mar, appeals to Edward of England in
name of himself (as one of the seven earls) and in
name of the freemen of Moray, and the other relations,
connections and friends of the said Earl (Donald).- Now
it is-obvious that no such appeal could possibly have
been made by Earl Donald had he not had ample
grounds on which to make it; nor would such an
appeal have been suffered to pass unchallenged, or
have been allowed to have been entered at all, if the
rest of the nobility of Scotland were not persuaded
that in so doing Donald was acting entirely within,
his rights, and in strict conformity with universal
belief and common knowledge. The occasion of this
historic appeal was, it must be remembered, the most
solemn and important that can possibly be imagined.
It was an appeal addressed, not by a few individuals
upon an obscure or trifling occasion, and to a quarter
correspondingly obscure and unimportant ; but it was
the voice of the entire nation speaking through the
channel of its accredited representatives to a rich and
powerful foreign
He appears to have died about 1273.
The Latin text of this interesting and important document
is printed in full in Sir Francis Palgrave's Documents and Becords
illustrating the History of Scotland (preserved in the Treasury),
pp. 14-21.
1
2
monarch, and upon a subject the most grave and
weighty that the mind of man can well conceive— the
independence and well-being of an entire kingdom.
It must be patent, therefore, to the meanest
intelligence that this was neither the time nor the
place for the assertion of claims which had no
foundation in fact, and which, if spurious, could only
have had the effect of still more complicating the
issues at stake, and of dividing and discouraging the
country at a time when, in view of the rising
pretensions of the arch-enemy of Scotland—the very
person to whom this appeal was addressed—the
country's existence seemed to depend upon opposing
a bold and united front to the ambitious designs of its
English enemies. But I hold that the allusion
speaks for itself, and stands in no need of any special
pleading on my part. The reference to the freemen of
Moray, and to " the other relations (consangidneos),
connexions and friends (amicos)" of Earl Donald is
introduced in the most natural manner imaginable;
and considering the later history of the Moray
Mormaership, is just what we might expect under a
transitionary state of society, such as obtained in
Scotland at that time, as the consequence of the
introduction of the feudal system, and the gradual
displacement of the native laws and customs by that
agency.
We have already seen that the last recorded
appearance of Euaidhri, Mormaer of Mar, was in 1131
(Book of Beer), a year after the Battle of Strickathrow
in which the men of Moray and the Mearns were
defeated, and Angus of Moray was slain. How long
Kuaidhri lived after witnessing the grant of land
mentioned in the Book of Deer it is, of course,
impossible to say; but the probability is that he was
an old man at that time, and that he did not long
survive his last recorded appearance. Morgund
appears as witness in a charter by King David and
Earl Henry, his son, to the Church of the Holy Trinity
at Dunfermline, which is without date, but which
must have been granted between 1136-53; and he
appears to have died about 1180, as in a confirmation
by Pope Lucius III. in favour of Walter, Prior of the
Church of St. Andrews, of various grants of lands, and
dated 30th March, 1183, Morgund is referred to as
Morgrundi quondam Comitis de Mar. Gillocher;;
therefore, although unfortunately it is at present
impossible to fix his proper period within settled
limits, probably "flourished" sometime between the
years 1132-40. Apart from the deed of 1171 we have
no record of his existence at all; but inasmuch as we
have no record of the existence of any other Earl of
Mar between the dates mentioned, I hold that the
deliberate statement of Earl William (so easy to be
disproved by his contemporaries, if false) should be
accepted as conclusive on the point of the name and
status of his predecessor. The period with which we
are presently dealing is not only a very early one, but
was a time of great confusion and uncertainty, and
owing to the destruction of many of our national MSS.
during the Wars of Independence, and at the so-called
Keformation, the hiatus in question, however
regrettable, is by no means to be wondered at. Few if
any families in Scotland, I venture to think, of the
antiquity and importance of that of Mar, can produce
a pedigree from the earliest to modern times, the
links of which betray so few evidences of the
corroding influences of time and of the disintegrating
action of those troublous epochs through which our
country has passed.
It remains for me, in conclusion, to make a few
observations touching Chalmers's sixth objection to
the authenticity of the charter of 1171. "The six
earls," he says, "who witnessed Alexander I.'s charter
to Scone in 1115 were of Fife, Strathern, Menteith,
Boss, Atholl and Mar; but we see not then or for years
afterwards any Earl of Moray;1 and among the twelve
earls who sat in the great Parliament of Bingham in
1289-90, under the summons of Edward I., there is
not any Earl of Moray. Moreover in the charter which
Robert I. granted in 1321 to his nephew Randolph, for
all those lands in Moray, as they had been in the
hands of the late Alexander III., who demised in
1285, which were now erected in libero comitatus, and
which, as such, were conferred by the grant on his
nephew Randolph. From this deduction we may see
clearly that there was no comitatus Moravice at the
demise of David I. in 1153, and none at the demise of
Malcolm IV. in 1165, and none, we may presume, in
1171 under his brother and successor William, and
certainly none mentioned in the Parliament of
Bingham, 1289-90. Morgund, indeed, does not say
that his father Gillocher, who, if ever there was such
a person, must have lived under David I. and his
successor Malcolm, had obtained a grant of Moray as
a comitatus or earldom.
There is a charter of
Malcolm IV. confirming to the monks of Dunfermline
the grant of his grandfather David I. which is
witnessed by six earls, among whom is
1 The " Beth," however, who witnesses the same charter is now
generally regarded as standing for Heth or Aodh, Mormaer of
Moray. But even if Beth was not, by a clerk's error, Heth, the
deduotìon Chalmers draws could not be allowed to stand, as (he
Moray Mormaers regarded themselves as independent of the House
of Atholl.
Morgund, Earl of Mar; so that if Gillocher ever lived,
he must have existed under David I. who demised in
1153. He merely states that he died seized of the
Comitatus of Moray."1
Chalmers wrote, of course, before the discovery of
the important document published by Sir Eichard
Palgrave in his collection of Scottish national MSS., in
which Earl Donald appeals in name of himself, the
freemen of Moray, and his other relations, connexions
and friends ; and I do not doubt that had he had the
opportunity of seeing that document, his "sixth
objection" to the authenticity of the deed of 1171
would not have passed the press, at all events in its
present form. "With regard to the comitatus or earldom
mentioned by that writer, no such thing, of course,
existed at that early time. Gillocher did not claim the
earldom as his feudal right; nor did he die seized of a
comitatus given him, and erected in his favour, by the
King (David). The dignity which he claimed, and
which he did die vest and seized of, was the ancient
Gaelic Mormaer-ship of Moray, a purely Gaelic and
personal, and not a territorial and feudal dignity,
which is abundantly proved by his successor Donald's
appealing in name of the freemen of Moray -not of the
Comitatus or Earldom of Moray—and of his other Mood
relations (consanguineos) and friends. After the fatal
battle of Strickathrow and the demise of Angus, what
probably happened was this: Gillocher, Mormaer of
Mar, claimed the Mormaership of Moray as next of
kin; and, as stated in the deed of 1171, actually
became such. His brief rei«n over, however, Morgund,
his successor, possibly owing to his taking the side of
William the Lion, was unable to enforce
1
Observations upon the Spuriousness of Selden's Document.
his rule; and, appealing to the King, received the
promise mentioned in the deed. Skene1 says, it is
true, that there is "no appearance of the royal
authority not having been recognised in Moray"
during the first eight years of William's reign. But
considering the scanty nature of the records dealing
with these early times, such purely negative testimony counts for nothing. We know that Moray was in
a disturbed and unsettled state for many years after
Strickathrow, and that it was not finally subdued
until 1181 or even later. An hiatus of eight years in
respect of so troubled and obscure a period, and in
regard to the affairs of so war-like a people as the
men of Moray were, cannot reasonably be held to
prove anything, more especially as in 1 1 7 4 —Dut three
short years after the date of the deed in
question—the whole of Moray was in a blaze of
insurrection. The Mormaers of Mar, from Ruaidhri
downwards, seem to have supported the pretensions
of the House of Atholl—a circumstance which is in
itself quite sufficient to account for the reluctance of
the men of Moray to submit to the authority of
Morgund. In any case, Gillocher's reign as Mormaer
of the combined provinces must have been very brief,
and the probability is that owing to the adhesion of
his family to the kings
'In his Highlanders of Scotland Skene makes the same
mistake as Chalmers here does. He says that after Strickathrow
the Earldom of Moray was conferred upon the Earl of Mar by the
King. This error, however, is not repeated in Celtic Scotland. It is
scarcely necessary here to state that a feudal king could not
withhold or bestow a Gaelic Mormaership. This error, in the case
of Chalmers, is the more remarkable inasmuch as he appears to
have appreciated the essential difference between the two
dignities. " After the death of Macbeth and the demise of Lulach
Moray, according to Gaelic custom, came to the people of Moray
and not to the King," he says.
of the Hue of Malcolm III., a powerful party in Moray
was opposed to his claims, and prevented his rule and
that of his house from being popular with a large
number of the inhabitants of that semi-independent
Principality. Morgund's appeal to the King (William
the Lion) as his feudal chief, at a time when Moray,
besides being still a Gaelic State, was in a disturbed
and dissatisfied condition owing to the action of that
King himself and of his predecessors on the throne of
Alba, probably further accentuated his unpopularity
and compromised his position; and though we find his
successor Donald constituting himself its responsible
representative —a thing which he could not have
done without the full knowledge and consent of the
freemen of Moray—on the ground of blood
relationship, it has to be observed that the appeal in
question was not made until the close of the
thirteenth century, by which time Moray was entirely
subdued to the House of Atholl, and more or less
reconciled to those successive revolutions and changes
in the constitution of the country by virtue of which
Alba had ceased to be a purely Gaelic State and by
which the Ceann Mòr dynasty had effectually
consolidated their pretensions to the supreme power.
Nor is it difficult to explain why Morgund was
unsuccessful in his suits, and why the Moray
Mormaership was enjoyed by but a single representative of the House of Mar. The troubles of the
times, as the deed of 1171 clearly states, were
responsible in no small measure for that result; but
the well-known policy of the early Scottish sovereigns
of the House of Atholl as regards the Gaelic
Mormaership is a further circumstance which must
be taken into full and strict account in debating this
question. That policy, as is universally recognised,
was directed with the view and with the
determination of breaking up these powerful tribal
confederacies, and of imposing purely feudal tenures
and conditions upon such as the King was powerless
directly to suppress, or to unite to the Crown.
William may well have amused Morgund with the
idea of helping him to get possession of Moray after
the war with England and the reduction of the Moray
" rebels " to submission to his power as Ard-Righ.
No doubt Morgund was a powerful ally whom it
would have been rash to offend or to provoke, and a
conditional promise of the kind set forth in the deed
of 1171 was well calculated to flatter and conciliate
that nobleman, whilst at the same time it served the
interests of the King.
At all events, the fact
remains that it was the policy of the Crown not to
tolerate these conglomerations of power in the hands
of particular noblemen; and in proportion to the
power of that individual and the strength and
number of his connexions was seen to consist the
absolute necessity of depressing and weakening him
as much as possible.
Moreover with the growth of
the royal authority and prerogatives, and the spread
of the feudal system, not only did the Scottish
sovereigns find themselves increasingly competent to
deal with their rivals and enemies amongst the
native nobility of Scotland according as their interest
suggested, but the Gaelic system itself passing away,
the recognition of claims such as that put forward by
Morgund in 1171—at which time the feudal system
was by no means paramount in Scotland—must not
only have appeared to the later sovereigns of the
House of Atholl as entirely inconsistent with their
own supremacy, but as being in the nature of archaic
survivals, which it would
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78
De-Anglicisation
have been both foolish and dangerous to tolerate.
The popularity, so far as our early kings are concerned, of this policy of confiscation and suppression
in regard to native dignities and the hold which it]
took of them are strikingly exemplified in history ;
and so warmly did it recommend itself to our later
sovereigns, from James I. to James VII., that they
may be said to have passed their lives in ruining!
their country in the endeavour to give effect to it,
whilst not a few of them actually fell victims to it,
being cut off in the prime of life and in the apparent
height of their power in consequence of their
unscrupulous efforts to yet further enslave and
degrade their people through the channel of the
feudal system.
My conclusion is, therefore, upon this brief
consideration of these several particulars, that
Gillocher, Mormaer of Mar, was also by right of
blood and by virtue of the suffrages of the majority
of the men of Moray, Mormaer of Moray ; and that,
under the Gaelic system, that ancient dignity and
the high claims associated with it would reside in
the present representative of the former House—
the sole existing representative of the ancient
Mormaers of Alba.
E. E.
DE-ANGLICISATION
IT was Fènèlon, we think, who somewhere observed
that where an enemy shows undue uneasiness and
irritation under criticism or assault such manifestations may safely be regarded as a sign of the
inherent weakness and injustice of the cause which
he defends.
In the April number of an English
publication called the National Review, there is a
paper by one signing himself "Vigil" on the
de-Anglicisation of Ireland, which may safely be regarded as an admirable illustration of the truth of
Fènèlon's maxim. It is a paper full of uneasiness and
irritation, and betokens a troubled mind—we say
nothing of conscience in so unconscionable a
connexion—on the part of the writer, whose
anonymity, by the way, probably shelters one of
those modest and retiring, though withal prying and
vigilant personalities, whose appropriate sphere of
activity is English Ireland.
For cool effrontery and impudence naked and
unashamed we doubt if the title selected by this
egregious Unionist for his amusing adumbrations
could well be matched. " The de-Anglicisation of
Ireland" ! It is obviously a crime, a monster
grievance, an astounding misdemeanour, a hideous
scandal, a running political sore which this
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semi-demented Saxon is treating of. Ireland is
beginning to dare to call her soul her own! Imagine
it! Oh! the unspeakable pity, the effrontery and the
heartless iniquity of it! After several hundred years
of English rule she is at long last beginning to act on
the knowledge which has been hers since her
servitude began—that John Bull is a foreigner, an
interloper, a humbug, a tyrant and a bloodsucker,
and that the sooner he is dumped back upon his own
Saxon shores the better it will be for Erin.
Keally, these Anglo-Saxons are impossible, and
their " cheek" staggers humanity. " The
de-Anglicisation of Ireland !" It is a foul crime, a
horrible nightmare! There is a hideous conspiracy on
foot to rob England of her own! " Saxons awake! All
the world knows we never never never will be
slaves, for we have shouted it in at least a thousand
music-halls ; and are you going to stand calmly by
whilst
these
insolent
rebellious
Irishmen
de-Anglicise their country—that country which is a
part of the Holy British Empire, and therefore ours ?
" So this maniac, foaming at the mouth, insolently
raves. Is the creature drunk, or are his doddering
lucubrations to be regarded as merely so many
outward and visible signs of a mind inwardly and
incurably diseased? We pause for a reply. Effrontery
so gross and ignorant, impudence so colossal and
stupefying as this unspeakable Saxon has been
guilty of leave us temporarily breathless with
indignation.
Obviously, the average Englander acts on the
assumption that these isles and all that they contain
belong to him. Let us proceed to knock the bottom
79
out of that hoary superstition. In the first place, the
Saxon unit was the last to arrive. He came not
because he was loved, but because he was wanted to
make himself generally useful, to be, being but a
pagan and barbarian (and fit for nothing else), a sort
of military hewer of wood and drawer of water to
certain effeminate Britons, who by the way speedily
repented of their invitation-Then, like the impudent
varlet he was, he turned on his employers, and
acting the part of the young cuckoo in the nest of the
small birds insolently jostled the unfortunate
natives out of their national birthright. Every one
knows that taming the brute and teaching him
religion and manners proved an excruciating
process, and one upon which an infinity of time and
of pains was required to be expended before even the
slenderest results were obtained. The most of his
veneer of civilisation he owed to-the kindly Gaels of
Ireland and Scotland—to that proud race which was
the light and glory of Western!
Europe at a time when the mere Saxon was as yet
blissfully ignorant of the art of covering his
primitive nakedness with the primitive fig-leaf.
The Norman Conquest of England rather
aggravated than ameliorated this racial nuisance;
for by further barbarising the barbarian lump, it
necessarily neutralised the action of the small
civilising leaven imported into England by Ireland
and Scotland. Even so late as the reign of Henry
VIII. the English were regarded as a pamenu nation,
whose tardy reception into the " European concert"
of those times was thought to be something of an
innovation, and an experiment which time alone
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could justify. The fact that, like the green bay-tree
of the Psalmist, they flourished abundantly and
have overshadowed the earth, though it may afford
a striking illustration of the justice of the
comparison which the Psalmist drew, by no means
invalidates our claims to nationality, to racial
existence. In point of equity, our claims-take
immeasurable precedence of theirs, as much on the
ground of superior antiquity as of natural and
indefeasible right. The Gaels of Scotland and Ireland are a nation whose right to live we ourselves
regard as infinitely better than that of the English,
but whose right so to live all must agree to be at
least quite as good as ! hat of the Saxon. We are
conscious of our right and we mean to enforce it, let
the consequences to England be what they may. By
styling his, for the most part, ill-gotten gains the "
British" Empire, the egregious Englander imagines
that he can go on bubbling the Celtic inhabitants of
these isles with the belief that what is essentially
his is by means of some patent process of recondite
reasoning which he has invented for the occasion,
not absolutely his own. But, to quote a phrase which
contemporary politics has made popular, we have
had "enough of this foolery". We have no desire to
"split" with the English in the sense of renewing
past and, for the most part, forgotten quarrels with
them : on the contrary, we desire to live at peace
and in friendship with all men; but our national
birthright—our nationality —we mean to maintain
at all costs and at all hazards. The Gaelic
movement, if it means anything, certainly means
this, that we have arisen; that we mean to have and
80
to hold what by God's good providence, if not
roluntate hominorum, is ours. We mean to repair, and,
if necessary, to reconstruct the damaged and
time-stained fabric of our nationality. We, the Gaels
of Scotland and Ireland, are a nationality because
we possess all the essential attributes of a separate
and an independent people. We have a language of
our own, a history, a civilisation, arts, crafts, laws
and a literature of our own. Does the idiot who
wrote this amazing paper in the National Review
seriously think for a moment that we are going to
surrender these precious, nay these priceless
possessions for the miserable mess of Saxon pottage
which he and his countrymen have the impudence to
offer us? No doubt we have been weak and foolish on
many occasions in the past; ",ut folly and
ingratitude upon so stupendous and unprecedented
a scale would inevitably not only stagger but stultify
the whole of humanity.
By way of conclusion to these remarks, we are
tempted to give a few characteristic extracts from
this astounding effusion. No small part of the paper
is composed of reflexions touching a certain ''disloyal
incident" which occurred in connexion with the
toasting of King Edward ; but with this we -are by
no means concerned. For the Gael of Scotland there
is no dynastic question.
Eagal air an righ
uaibhreach roimh Iain bochd! Agus gun eagal air Iain
roin righ I The thing may serve to keep alive a few
straggling " Jacobites," but has no possible
signification for contemporary politics. We
accordingly proceed to quote as freely as space will
allow from the rest of his amazing rigmarole :—
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"The remarks of the Chief Secretary on the work
of the Gaelic League suggest a grave doubt whether
the new policy of Liberalism is not vitiated from the
outset by an extraordinary ignorance of what one
group, at least, of ' Irish ideas' really means and
makes for. 'In my judgment,' says Mr. Bryce
solemnly,' expressions of the sentiments, of Irish
nationality ought not to be repressed'— which, by
the way, no one has proposed—' or regarded with
suspicion.' He speaks of ' the increasing interest
shown in the Irish language and in ancient Irish
history' as a ' wholesome thing'. He kindly assured
his audience that ' the continued use of the English
language is in no sort of danger'. But, accepting the
view urged by many amiable and well-intentioned
people, who write eulogies of the Gaelic League and
the Irish language movement in English newspapers
and periodicals, he sees nothing save a fine
intellectual passion for philological and historic il
pursuits in what has been done in Ireland during
the past twelve years to uproot the ' great holdings,'
in Burke's expressive phrase, which, in spite of old
feuds, of bygone errors, and of modern traffickers in
mischief and malice, link together the populations of
the two islands and, especially, their best minds and
their highest aspirations. Such strangely misleading
accounts of the Gaelic propagandism as that published in the Nineteenth Century of November last, by
the Countess Dowager of Desart, may confuse the
uninformed, or deceive those who wish to be
deceived. But Mr. Bryce ought not to be included in
either category. Lady Desart reckons the opening of
a new era of regeneration in Ireland from the day
81
(July 31, 1893) when ' seven literary and thoughtful
men elected Dr. Douglas Hyde and Mr. John
MacNeill respectively president and vice-president '
of the Gaelic League, which body entered .then upon
the campaign for ' de-Anglicising' the sister island,
and has prosecuted it till now. The object and the
incidents of that campaign ought not surely to have
escaped the notice of any one interested in the
problems of Irish government, least of all any likely
to be called upon to take part in an effort to solve
them.
" A few weeks later, Dr. Hyde addressed a meeting in Roscommon and dilated on the progress of the
League. A Nationalist local journal in commenting
on the proceedings had the following significant
remarks :—
'"How they (the Gaelic Leaguers of Roscommon)
will acquit themselves will be closely watched, and,
should they fail to rise to the occasion, an indelible
stain will be cast on a community which in all the
advanced movements in the Irish struggle produced
men that were ready to risk all for the love of
Ireland. . . . Every Irishman knows that the object of
the Irish revival is but to gain means towards that
great end—an Irish nation, acknowledging no
language and no laws but their own. . . . The facts
enumerated by him (Dr. Hyde) would have been
reckoned as dreams some years ago by persons
unacquainted with the strength of the movement. In
the County Wexford it had been decided, by a vote of
fifty-three out of fifty-six present, that after January
1,1905, no schoolmaster be appointed who is not an
Irish speaker. In the County Cork it had been
I20
De-A nglicisation
De-Anglicisation
decided that no appointment be made in the County
Council offices to any man who is not an Irish
speaker. The County Mayo Council had come to a
similar determination, And the action of the Dublin
Corporation (when a motion to the same effect was
passed, in opposition to the protest of Mr.
Harrington, M.P., a former Nationalist Lord Mayor)
is fresh in the public mind.'
"These tactics were rapidly extended during the
next twelve months, to the outspoken delight of the
United Irishman and other organs of the ' Gaelic
Revival,' and, one by one, the Irish-speaking test
was established by councils and other public bodies
in districts where English only is in use among the
people. Mr. Wyndham and Lord Dudley do not seem
to have thought it any part of their business to
notice what was going on. In less than a year, as
was not surprising under these conditions, the
progress of which Dr. Hyde boasted had become
much more marked. In a communication, published
in the Irish World simultaneously with the opening of
Dr. Hyde's American campaign, it is stated:—
"' The Gaelic League, which at its inception was
merely academic rather than anything else in its
aims, and primarily occupied with the preservation
of Gaelic, has expanded to the dimensions of a great
National movement. . . . It is able to afford the
services of ten organisers, who give all their time to
its business, and helping them are two hundred
travelling teachers. In Dublin alone there are thirty
branches of the Gaelic League. There are nearly
nine hundred branches throughout the country,
with an enrolled membership of
82
100,000. . . . The number of schools in which the
language is taught has advanced from 105 in 1899
to 3,000 in 1905. The entire number of students, of
the language at present is considered not to be far
short of a quarter of a million.'
"What the Gaelic school teachers were doing
with the children the local branches of this Gaelic
League hoped to do with the young men and women.
A local secretary, speaking at the Tralee District
Council, said: ' . . . He wished them to understand
that any man who became a member of the Gaelic
League, no matter what his present views might be,
after a few years' membership he would be changed
into what each of them would like to see—that was a
separatist, and anxious for the complete
independence of his country.'
" A few specimens of the local work of the Gaelic
League branches, extracted from Nationalist newspapers, may here be cited. Archdeacon Hutch, P.P.,
presiding over the Midleton branch (Co. Cork), said:
' The Gaelic League has been a tremendous success
in Ireland. It was a cry from the soul of a nation
calling for the emancipation of their tongue and
their ideals and the expulsion of the-foreign race that
had been forced upon them.' At a meeting in Glenties a
little earlier, Canon Macfad-den preached the
thorough-going Gaelic doctrine, though no branch
apparently was then in existence there.
" ' He said the time was come when the youth of
Ireland must choose between being a credit to their
nation and a disgrace. He said they must be
de-Anglicised now or never. Words failed him to express his scorn and contempt for the Irish boy who,
I20
De-A nglicisation
De-Anglicisation
lost to all sense of shame and decency, entered what
the previous speaker had most truly styled the hell
of the British army, whether the men in that army
wore red coats, or khaki, or black. He urged on the
people the necessity for reviving their language, and
for doing away with foreign customs, foreign dances,
and foreign games, and said the time was come
when Anglo-Saxon football should be crushed out.'
"The following excerpts further illustrate the
'non-political' character of the Gaelic League. Dr.
Douglas Hyde himself, in replying to addresses
presented to him before he sailed for New York,
used these words: ' The chairman had said that the
organisation was non-political and non-sectarian. It
was non-sectarian; but in the true sense, in the
Greek sense, in the sense of the power it exercised
over the people of Ireland, it was one of the
strongest political organisations in the country.'
" A meeting of the Gaelic League at
Marshals-town was cheered by the Rev. P. Murphy
with this statement: ' The Gaelic League was built
on a solid foundation, and could not be easily
shaken. It was the rock on which British misrule in
this country will crumble to pieces.'
" Mr. James Donohoe, a County Councillor of
Wexford, said at a Gaelic League meeting at
Ennis-corthy : ' The salvation of Ireland should
certainly come through this Irish revival [the Gaelic
League revival]. There would shortly be a line of
demarcation drawn across the country, and they
would have to take their stand under the National
flag or the flag of Dublin Castle.'
83
"Father O'Hea, at a Gaelic League meeting
(Caheragh, Co. Cork), said that the movement
'would raise Ireland up to the level of an independent nation'.
"Again we read in the Sligo Champion of
December 9, 1905 :—
" ' A meeting of the Gaelic League was held at
Curry, Co. Sligo, on December 3. The Eev. P.
Mulligan, P.P., presided, and in the course of his
address complained that " the foreigner's flag still
floats over our soil, foreign customs and games, a
foreign language and education is to the fore,
everything native and natural is pushed into the
background. This is not what should be ; this is
what won't be. The Gaelic League has entered the
arena and thrown down the challenge—the native v.
the stranger. Ah 1 it is a noble cause, and one worth
fighting for, the regeneration of this old land. Tail
talk won't do the work. Deeds will. Therefore it is,
my friends, that I exhort you to be up and doing, to
take your place as tried men and true in the battle
for intellectual freedom. The day for the Gael is
nigh. He will soon enter his own again."'
"The capture of the national schools by the
teachers imbued with the de-Anglicising passion of
Dr. Douglas Hyde and Mr. O'Daly proceeded apace
under the sympathetic administration of Mr.
Wynd-ham, who went over to Dublin in 1900 full of
pride in his descent from Lord Edward Fitzgerald,
the patriot who plotted to bring a French invading
army to conquer his native land. Irish was taught
before Mr. Wyndham's advent in less than one
hundred elementary schools, while, before he re-
I20
De-A nglicisation
De-Anglicisation
signed, it was established, as an extra paid subject,
in two thousand schools. The amount paid in fees for
Irish in 1901 was £955, and in 1904 over £12,000. At
the same time the multiplication of branches of the
Gaelic League met with no check, and incitements,
such as those of which specimens have been given,
produced their effect in the increasing suppression
of all public recognition of the Imperial Government
in the more general imposition of the Irish-language
test in places where no Irish-speaking people exist,
and, most significant of all, iu the boycotting of the
police and the prosecution of a zealous campaign
against recruiting in the army and navy. The
last-mentioned department of the work has been
carried out most thoroughly by the Gaelic Athletic
Associations, which Mr. O'Daly and other apologists
declare to be in no way connected with the Gaelic
League, but which Dr. Hyde has eulogised as
representing on the physical side the development of
the League's de-Anglicising principles. No part of
the labours of the propagandists of the 'Irish
Ireland,' for which Dr. Hyde and his associates has
been more heartily welcomed, abroad and at home,
by the enemies of British rule than the
anti-enlistment movement.
"Mr. Long soon discovered, we presume, after he
entered upon office, that he could not close his eyes
as complacently as his predecessor had done to the
effect of the teaching of Irish in the elementary
schools introduced to gratify the de-Anglicising
apostles of the Gaelic revival. The special grant,
which Mr. Bryce is now going to renew and extend,
was withdrawn last autumn.
84
" The withdrawal of the grant drew an outburst
of indignant protest from Dr. Hyde and his '
de-Anglicising' colleagues. The Strokestown branch
of the Gaelic League fulminated a resolution declaring that in view of the action of the Government
'it was the duty of all Gaelic Leaguers, although the
Gaelic League is a non-political association, to be
disloyal to that Government and her representatives
in this country; to weaken its
132
De-A nglicisation
influence as far as possible; and, in particular, to
use all their efforts to prevent all classes of our
countrymen from enlisting in the British army'. At
the same time, a resolution was passed that all
names on carts, etc., should be painted in Celtic (sic)
characters, and in Gaelic spelling, in defiance of the
protests of the police that in this form they were not
legible and were of no use for purposes of
identification. Similar protests were multiplied in
all quarters where anti-British influences were rife;
but Mr. Long was, no doubt, aware that while the
grant was still being paid, language quite as violent
and intolerant—as many quotations given in these
pages show—were (sic) of everyday occurrence.
" The evidence furnished above of the separatist
tendency and purpose of the teaching of Irish, as
advocated by the de-Anglicising leaders of the
Gaelic League, ought not to be ignored by Mr.
Bryce. It is drawn from the writings and speeches of
the men themselves who are working to eradicate
all forms of British influence and to create, by their
own avowal, an Irish Ireland. With a very few
exceptions, the extracts are from Nationalist
journals entirely in sympathy with the aims of Dr.
Douglas Hyde. Nearly all of them have been frequently reprinted, both in Nationalist and Unionist
publications, and widely commented on ; nor am I
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
133
aware of a single case in which their accuracy has
been disputed. With proofs like these under his
eyes, can the Chief Secretary persist in asserting
that the Gaelic revival, which works for the '
de-Anglicisation ' of Ireland, is ' a wholesome thing'
?"
This lamentable effusion is based, of course,
upon a singularly foolish and mischievous misconception, namely, that in de-Anglicising their
country the Gaels of Ireland are committing a
species of crime against England. In undertaking to
"govern" Ireland by "British" ideas, it was England
that was the aggressor, inasmuch as the former
country was bitterly opposed to her usurpation ;
and in undoing the work of England in Ireland, the
Gaels of that country are merely consulting their
national honour and convenience. Similar
principles are actively at work in Scotland, the
aims and objects of both Gaelic movements being
identically the same.
GAELIC ARTS AND CRAFTS
JEWELLERY
IT is obvious that anything like a technical treatment of this interesting subject would be singularly
out of place in a purely literary publication of this
kind. In the first place, this is not a journal of the
applied arts ; and in the second, I have been given to
understand that the object of these papers is not to
afford technical instruction, which is easily obtainable elsewhere, but to rouse the modern Gaelic
people to do something for, and by, themselves in
respect of those arts and crafts for which their
ancestors were justly celebrated.
This being so, and wisely so I think, it is obvious
that any remarks I may make on the subject of
Gaelic jewellery should be more or less confined to
an appeal to the Gaelic public to follow in the
footsteps of their ancestors, who acquired so great
renown and fame by reason of their proficiency in
this respect. There are many works dealing, some
exhaustively and in a technical fashion, others in a
manner purely popular, with Gaelic antiquities;
and for those whose interest and curiosity are of a
more personal, practical and direct kind, there are
our public museums and private collections. The
would-be Gaelic craftsman, therefore, has abundant
material at his disposal both in the shape of
technical instruction and of concrete examples of
the Gaelic jeweller's art. He has merely to rise
superior to his circumstances in order to qualify
himself in the direction indicated by these remarks.
It is true, alas! that he must also set to work to
educate his Anglicised countrymen up to a proper
sense and appreciation of the beauty of Gaelic art,
without which, I fear, he would, unless an
individual of private ways and means, independent
of his art, be like to starve. But I hold that true art,
true beauty, joined to faultless execution, is never a
drug, at all events for any long period of time, in
the market. Genius is bound, sooner or later, to
have its appropriate reward; and in the case of a
Gaelic craftsman of parts, even though his countrymen should refuse him honour in his own country,
depend upon it the great world outside would
neither be so foolish nor so illiberal as to deny him
the applause and the profit which his genius
deserves. Persons of taste and refinement, of whom
there are, fortunately, more in the world than a
superficial survey of modern arts and crafts would
lead us to suppose, are ever on the lookout for new
and striking work. The art collector, moreover, is
generally cosmopolitan in his tastes and
sympathies, and cares not whence an artistic object
proceeds, so long as it satisfies his love of art, and
fulfils the essential principles underlying the same.
There is no reason, therefore, why the Gaelic
craftsman should not prosper abroad, if not in his
own country. Beautiful objects are the same all
the world over; and for my part I am disposed to
think that the demand for costly works of art, in
which individuality and excellence of execution play
their appropriate parts, is decidedly on the
increase. Whether this is a natural or a largely
artificial demand, I shall not here stop to inquire.
No doubt fashion has a good deal to do with the
quickening of the public taste in this direction; but
so far as the craftsman is concerned it cannot be
doubted but that this improvement in the public
taste, accompanied as it is with a general increase
of the spending and purchasing capacities, tends to
benefit the craftsman, to diffuse correct notions of
art and to increase the vogue for good work.
As Scotland is a "nation" without possessing any
of the essential symbols postulating nationhood, so
are her arts and crafts similarly devoid of all truly
national bias and signification. In arts she has
ceased to be a nation, just as in politics she has
ceased to be a nation. What art she has, just as
what politics she may possess, are not Scottish, but
British, or rather English attributes. The same
decay which is observable in the political field, the
same causes which have operated to deprive her of
her political independence, and to reduce her to the
dead level of her English neighbour—never a match
for Scotland either in the strenuousness and vigour
of her political life or in respect of the fertility and
inventiveness of her artistic productions—have
conspired to strip her of her national possessions
and attributes. In other words, and more popular
language, Scotland has been absorbed by England
(whose livery the former now wears) "all along the
line". No doubt it pleases us to imagine that this is
not so; but the greater world without the boundaries
of our three shores knows infinitely better, and
merely laughs at us for our pains. The fact that a
Scot here andj there rises to exceptional position in
England, and the fact that our countrymen make
successful colonists at "home" and abroad, no more
mean* that Scotland dominates England, or that
she is> free to follow her own devices, even in
Scotland* than the appointment of a Scot to be head
butler or door-keeper in a great English mansion
couli| be construed as an act symbolising and
securing, his control of that house and its inmates.
The] vulgar jest (in Scotland) about Scotland "
annex^ ing" England is not only pitiful but
mischievous1 pleasantry, whose only possible effect
can be to confirm the popular English belief
touching the quality of the humour which finds
acceptance amongst us:. We have sold our
birthright for a mess of pottage,-, and surely the
least we can do is to swallow the: concoction,
however disagreeable and humiliating it may be,
without foolish grimaces—without quips and
cranks which do but recoil on the dullards] and
simpletons that egregiously utter them.
Our political situation, then, being what it is,
our artistic status is a necessary consequence
there^ of; for unless a people possesses the
machinery of) government in its own hands, you
cannot reason^ ably expect that people to preserve
intact its. national characteristics and attributes.
If history proves nothing else it certainly proves
this. The general decline of Scotland from the
world's national standard, its gradual loss of those
national characteristics concerning which Lord
Rosebery^ spoke with so much feeling, pathos and
eloquence but a short time ago, is attributable
entirely to this,, that Scotland has been largely
absorbed by Eng^ land. Our independence as a
nation has gone, and
with it, of course, the characteristics and attributes
which constituted our nationhood, which were the
spring of our independence, and which
distinguished us from others. The signs and
proofs of this decadence are general and
far-reaching; and though pthey are not more
striking and complete in respect ;of art than they
are in regard to politics, yet the absence amongst us
of all forms of art to which the •epithet " National"
can justly be applied shows all L'too plainly how
thorough and consistent our absorption has been.
Regarded as a whole, the jewellery work of
modern Scotland is absolutely featureless. The :best
jewellery shops in London are undoubtedly [those
which are either owned and staffed by ^Frenchmen,
or which make a special feature of f -French
products. English silversmith work main-plains its
high reputation and its long-established [place in
the affections of the English public; but ithe best
jewellery is that which comes from Paris, tar is
made in London from French designs and by French
craftsmen. In Edinburgh and Glasgow a 'somewhat
similar state of affairs prevails; but there is less
French work and, consequently, less taste. The most
of the articles displayed in the windows of the
Edinburgh and Glasgow jewellers' windows hails
from London, and is the work of English craftsmen;
whilst no small part of it—and this applies to
Scotland as a whole more particularly —emanates
from the home of cheap production and artistic
inefficiency—Birmingham.
The
predominating
influence in Scotland in regard to jewellery, las in
respect of nearly everything else, is therefore
English ; and inasmuch as Scotland now draws tail
her inspiration from that country—no longer
Booking to the Continent for ideals, as for any
interchange of principles and commodities, as she
used to do—the marked inferiority of Scottish
jewellery, as compared with English, is no doubt an
inevitable consequence of the former country'*
subordinate and provincial position. "Scottish"
jewellery, in fine, is, artistically considered, but a
negligible quantity; the best English jewellery goes
to England: our share appears to consist mainly of
the leavings of the London market.
The predominating influence in Scotland is,
therefore, English; but there are two small "
schools," if I may be permitted the expression, of
the jeweller's art in our midst touching which a few
observations should be made. The first of these
"schools" is what is called the "Celtic"; the second
being what I am tempted to describe as the "
Thistle and Cairngorm," for want of a better
appellation.
To take the last first, the vogue, almost entirely
a popular and tourist one, for Cairngorms, thistles,
and what is known as " Scotch jewellery " generally,
would appear to be a growth of the cult of the lowland " Tradition ". This kind or " school" of art has
no innate, inherent, no peculiar, or strictly national
characteristics. It is simply based on sentiment of a
somewhat "cheap" and crude kind. The common or
shop-window thistle of silver or the really
monstrous Cairngorm brooch appeal to a certain
class of people (native and foreign) as being
peculiarly " Scotch," though, of course, it is only
owing to a somewhat elementary and unscientific
association of ideas that they are at all considered
to be so. One of the national emblems of Scotland
is, no doubt, the thistle; and every one knows that
the Cairngorm mountains produce the stone that
goes by that name, though, by the way, but few of
those which figure in the jeweller's shop windows
hail from Caledonia. Still, " Scotch jewellery " is not
a national form of art; it is created merely by the
application of universal principles and the
commonest art forms to objects and emblems
which, rightly or wrongly, are supposed to be
"Scotch". Moreover, the taste displayed by the
makers of these trinkets—their intrinsic value is-as
small as their execution, generally speaking, is
mediocre—is rarely commendable, being little better
than rustic. To say truth, considered as a national
product " Scotch jewellery " is thoroughly contemptible ; and I really should blush for the Scot who,
being asked by some foreigner of education and good
taste to show him what Scotland can produce in the
"department" of jewellery should have the temerity
to recommend him some of this terrible stuff.1
The second of these " schools " is that known as
the " Celtic " ; and it is as little possible to speak in
complimentary terms about the one as it is to do so
concerning the other. This " Celtic " work seems to
depend for its existence upon the vogue for wearing
the Scottish national dress ; and its headquarters
are in Glasgow and Edinburgh. In these two cities a
certain number of craftsmen are kept permanently
employed engraving shoulder brooches,
1 These remarks equally apply, of course, to Ireland. "Irish
jewellery is in just as parlous a condition as Scottish, thanks entirely to the decay of national sentiment and self-respect in both
countries. A traveller—a foreigner—once informed me that after
looking at the priceless artistic treasures in the Dublin
Museum, he came out and went into a jeweller's shop with the
intention of purchasing some artistic memento of his visit. He
was, of course, offered a collection of the veriest trash ranging
from a pebble shamrock set in cheap gold down to a pig carved
in bog oak ! A precisely similar state of affairs obtains in
Scotland.
dirk handles, sgian dubhs, brogue buckles, sporan
tops and the like, with designs which are morejoj
less Gaelic. The demand for this kind of work is,
therefore, to a large extent artificial. It does not
spring from any particular acquaintance witjfl
Gaelic art forms or love of the same for their own
sakes; but depends upon the tailor's and haberdasher's conception of what is proper and
customary, in respect of certain accessories to the
national dress. Nor, as a rule, is this kind of work
marked by much individuality—much less
originality. The ■designs chosen are invariably
copied from existing examples, the majority of
which are by no means amongst the most beautiful
and characteristic of their kind. In fine, if I may
paraphrase the remark of a certain famous
statesman, who declared] that he approved of the
Garter because there was
"no d --------d merit about it," my verdict on this]
kind of work would be that it is manifestly undertaken in obedience to the commercial instinct—
that there is, in short, no d ------------- d love of art
.about it at all.
Apart from the limited use made of a few of the'
more "popular" features of Gaelic art, in the
manner described above, I am not aware that this
valuable national asset is being turned to account
at the present day anywhere in Scotland or Ireland:
Certainly, the general application of the principles
underlying Gaelic art upon a scale which would
suffice to make the effort a national industry is a
thing unattempted in Scotland and Ireland, even if
it be so much as yet dreamed of. The process of
national reconstruction is necessarily slow, no
doubt; yet I venture to think that our progress in
that direction is out of all proportion to the means
we possess for accomplishing the same.
Few
races can compare with ours in respect of the
number -[and wealth of the materials which we
possess for reconstructing our national life ; yet
national assets, (moral and material) which peoples
infinitely less favoured by God than ourselves may
well envy us the possession of, we, the degenerate
descendants of a race once famous for its moral and
artistic achievements seem incapable of turning to
good account, [and would seem to be almost afraid
to utilise for the benefit of mankind, as well as
ourselves. The crowning glories of Gaelic art lie
neglected in our' museums, and objects which it
cannot be doubted any other people would long ago
have freely availed themselves of in order to
re-establish the principles. [upon which art amongst
them should proceed, the^ [modern Gaelic race
seems utterly incompetent to^ utilise.
I make
bold to say that had the English, or any other
civilised people, possessed a tithe of Ithe art
treasures which we as a nation possess, they would
long ago have turned that priceless, legacy, not only
to artistic, but to commercial account. In an age
and in a country which is remarkable for the
paucity and poverty of artistic achievement, in spite
of the almost feverish demand which exists for
artistic and original ideas, the discovery of means
and resources such as those which the Gael of
Scotland and Ireland fortunately possess, though
most improvidently and foolishly neglect, would
inevitably be hailed as a national windfall of
extraordinary importance, and almost unlimited
value. Craftsman would vie with craftsman in the
production of works of art in which the essential
principles of the national style should be 1
preserved : the public taste would quickly be educated up to the point of creating a national demand
for these costly and beautiful objects; and theattention of collectors and art lovers in all parts of
the world would speedily be directed with the most
gratifying results to all concerned, to their many
artistic excellencies and abounding beauties.
It is not too much to hope, I trust, that the
Gaelic movement, which is at last beginning to
show a wholesome and gratifying tendency to
broaden its platform, so as to make it embrace the
whole of our national life, will direct the attention
of the people of Ireland and Scotland to the valuable legacy which the ancient Gaelic craftsmen
have bequeathed us. To foster a taste for Gaelic art
is surely no less the business of our leaders than to
encourage a love of Gaelic letters and learning. The
material advantages accruing from a propaganda in
favour of Gaelic art in all its forms and
manifestations attest a form of patriotism which
possesses immense possibilities and innumerable
attractions; but apart from the purely commercial
view of such an undertaking, its educational value,
considered in relation to our great self-imposed
task of nation-building, or rather reconstruction,
could hardly be exaggerated.
A. F.
GLEANN COMHANN
" LE'R cead, c'ait' am bheil Gleann Comhann, oir
ehuala mi feadhainn a' bruidhinn air an là roimhe.
An e àite ainmeil a th'ann ?"
Matà, m'eudail, tha'n t-àite ainmeil gu leòir; oir
tha an Gleann fuaighte ri eachdraidh a tha cho
tiamhaidh 's tha air chunntas. Tha Gleann
Comhann suidhichte ann an taobh tuath Siorrachd
Erraghaidheal, a' sinneadh a suas an ear dheas bho
thràigh Loch Leimhan.
Tha baile 'n cois na tràighe aig bràighidh a'
chladdaich ris an cannar a' Chàrnach. Air taobh
thall na h-aimhne, tha Taigh-mòr Inbher
Chomhann agus Tòrr a' Chomhann air a
chùlthaobh. A' leanailt an rathaid-mhòir, agus an
deigh dhut dol thar drochaid Chomhann, 's e a'
cheud bhaile-fearrain air an d'thig thu a' Chraoit.
Tha Inbher Ioghain mu d'choinneamh air taobh eile
na h-aimhne. Tha moran am beachd gur th'ann an
so a bha Mac Mhic Iain a' fuirach aig àm a' mhuirt,
air an d'thoir mi cunntas mu'n cuir crioch air mo
sgeul. Tha rithist Achadh nan Con a suas roimhad
air a' cheart taobh do'n amhainn air a bheil Inbher
Ioghain. Cum air do cheum, agus thig thu
dh'ionnsuidh Lic an Tuim. Air dhut Leac an Tuim
'fhàgail air do chùlthaobh, bithidh an àth stad agad
aig Clachaig. Tha'm barrachd cothrom agad a nis
air deadh shealladh 'fhaotainn air Achadh nan Con
taobh eile na h-aimhne. So agad a nis, Clachaig.
Rach a staigh, agus leig t'anail. Theid mise 'n urras
dut gu'm faigh thu aoidheachd o bhean-an-taighe,
oir bha an fheadhain a thainig mar a thainig ise
ainmeil feadh na dùthcha airson cairdeas is
caoimhneas ris a h-uile duine fiachail. Tog ort, a ris,
agus bi a' triall. Nach b'fhior a thuairt mi riut gu'm
faigheadh thu fàilte agus furan o bhean Chlachaig ?
Gabh a nis air d'adhart, agus gabh beachd air an
uamhas a tha romhad. So agad Lochan - Acha Triachadain. Thoir sùil suas air do làmh dheas air
a' bheinn uamhasach tha sud. Cha'n e 'mhàin gu
bheil i na 's direiche na saighead, ach 's ann a tha i
ag aomadh a mach bho a mullach air dhòigh agus
nach b'urrain do dhuine 's am bith direadh a suas
rithe. Ach seall a nis air an fhosgladh a tha 'na
cliabh, leth an rathaid gu mullach : so agadsa, a
Mhic chridhe, Uamh Oisein Mhic Fhionn. Suas,
direach romhad, chi thu an "t-Innein," agus air do
làmh dith tha 'n " Eigin" agus " Bidan na. Miann".
Tha na ceudan do luchd-turuis as a. h-uile ceàrn de
Rionn-Eorpa, agus à America a' tighinn a h-uile
bliadhna a ghabh beachd air an uamhas-nàduir
'tha an Gleann so a' nochadh: a h-uile air a bhi air
tàladh le eachdraidh thiamhaidh " Murt Ghlinne
Comhann ".
Ciod a nis air beachd a b'aobhar do'n
droch-dhiol a chaidh a dheanamh air sluagh a'
Ghlinne aig àm a' Mhuirt ? Mo cheisd ! Is iomadach
aobhar a tha air a thagradh ; ach 's ann Dia a
mhàin a tha bràth ! Bhiodh nàimhdean muinntir a'
Ghlinne a' cuir na braide as an leth. Co dhiù, tha e
fior 's nach 'eil's ann aig an fhortan mhòr a tha
bràth. Anns na làithean a dh'fhalbh, bha
nàimhdeas mòr eadar muinntir Lochabar agus
muinntir Ghlmne Comhann. Cha'n fhaigheadh an
Gleann ainm a b'fhearr o na h-Abaraich na "
Gleann Comhann Slochd domhain na Meirleach ";
ach fhreagaradh muinntir a' Ghlinne le bàrdachd
ghrinn, agus theireadh iad, a toirt do na h-Abaraich
comain an làmh:—
" A bhriogaisag chloimhach, cha'n eil i
'Ghleann-Comhann,
Cha ghoidadh iad gnothach cho suarach 'S
ann tha i an Lochabar aig Sliochd nam
fear-bradach
Aig Ailein 'ga fallach's na bruachan."
Agus, gus an latha an diugh, seadh, ann an
suain thruim a' bhàis, ann an cladh Eilean Mhuna,
tha iad 'nan sineadh, fo'n fhòid, fada bho chèile aig
dà cheann an Eileain. Gun amharus, bha 'bhraid air
a cuir as leth Cloinn Dòmhnuill a' Ghlinne.. Bhiodh
na Caimbeulaich—muinntir Bhraid-Albann agus
Earraghaidheal—seadh, agus mòran eile, a' cuir
oirre gu'm biodh iad a' togail cruidh agu& spreidh
agus iomadh ni eile nach buineadh dhoibh fèin—a
dh'aon fhocal gu'n robh iad mi-chuimhnach air
aithne a tha 'ràdh "na dean gadachd". Co dhiù 'bha
Cloinn Dòmhnuill a' Ghlinne bradach no gadach, bu
mhath an leisgeul e gus an cuireadh as doibh. Tha
mo bharail fèin agus mo bheachd agam air a' chuis.
Ged a chaidh Mac Mhic Iain a h-uile ceum do
dh'Inbheraora a thoirt a mhionnan, agus a nochadh
ùmhlachd do'n Righ ùr a bha'nn, bha e air
dheireadh, bha tuille 's fada. Chaidh a bhinn, agus
binn a shluaigh a thoirt a mach. Bu " Phàpanach " e
! B'ann do'n Eaglais a shuidhich Iosa Criosda air
thalamh e. A dh'aon fhocal, b'e a Chreideimh a
dhith e !
Ciod an dearbhadh a th'agad air a bharail so ?
Tha beul-aithris an t-shluaigh ! Tha e fior gu leòir
nach 'eil so air ainmeachadh ann am paipeirean
diomhair na rioghachd. Ach mar a thuirt daoine
foghluimte riumsa, bha e furasda gu leòir so a
chleith ann am paipeirean diomhair na rioghachd
aig an àm. Eisd ris na briathran so. Sgriobh mi a
dh'ionnsuidh an Athar Stephenson nach mairean
mu'n cheart ghnothach so. Cha robh ann fear a
b'eòlaiche air cuisean na h-Alba na esan. Ciod a
thubhairt e ? " Neither Dairymple nor Macpherson
tells us anything for or against the Catholicity of
the Macdonalds of Glencoe. My impression always
was that religion had a great deal to do with the
massacre. The question of religion could easily be
given the go-bye in such an investigation."
D
'Nuair a chuir an duine grinn, còir, an Ridire
Eanrig Creag, a mach 'eachdraidh na h-Alba, bha e
'labhairt air a' cheart àm ud. Sgriobh mi d'a
ionn-suidhsan cuideach, agus is i so an fhreagairt a
thug e dhomh. " I cannot say that I have come upon
any proof that religion had any decisive part in the
Glencoe affair. No doubt it served to swell the
prejudice against the cian, but I do not think that
at that moment religious motive was very prominent in the minds of any of those responsible for
Scottish affairs."
Mar a thuairt mi cheana, tha beul-aithris
sluagh na dùthcha diorrasach, diongmhalta mu'n
chuis. A thuilleadh air a so, tha'm Bàrd Mucanach
a rinn Marbhrann Murt Ghlinne Comhann a' nochadh
a chreideas so, 'nuair a tha e a' seinn :—
" Lamh Dhè leinn a shaoghail! Tha thu
carach, mar chaochla nan sion,
A ni nach guidheamaid fhaotainn Mar na
sruithibh ag aomadh a nios.
'S i chneidh fein, thar gach aobhar Bhios
gach duine ri caoine, 's e tinn,
Breith Mhic-Samhuin air Saoidhean
Tigh'nn a ghleachd riunn a thaobh
cul-ar-cinn.
A Righ ! fheartaich na greine
Tha'n Cathair na /eile, dean sith Ri cloinn an
fhir a bha ceutach
Nach bu choltach ri feile fir chrion. 'N uair
a thogte leat bratach,
Croinn chaola, fraoch daithta, agus piob
Bhiodh mnai ghaoil, le fuaim bhàs
A' caoidh laoich nan arm sgaiteach 's ann
stri.
Gu'n robh aigne duin 'uasail
Aig a bhad' agus uaithe a' d'choir
Cha b'i gheire gun tuigse Bha sa bheul bu
neo-thuisliche gloir
Ceann na ceille's na cuideachd Rinn na
h-eacoraich cuspair dheth t-fheoil
Cha b'e'm breugair' a mhurtadh Le luchd
sheideadh nam pluicean air stòl.
Ach fear mor bu mhath cumadh Bu neo-sgathach
an curaidh gun ghiomh
Cha robh barr aig mac duine ort Ann an
ailleachd, 's an uirghiollach cinn. Anns a' bhlar bu
mhath t-fhuireach
Chosnadh làrach, as urram do'n righ, Mo sgread
chraiteach am fulachd !
A bha 'n tigh chlaraidh 'n robh furan nam pios.
Cha robh do chridhe mar dhragon 'Tarrainn slighe
na h-eucoir a' d'churs
'S tu le' d'chlaidheamh ag eiridh
As leth t-athar's righ Seumas a Chruinn Cait' an
Albuinn's an Eirinn
Luchd a thaghaich, 's a reiteach do chuis Bi'dh là
eile ga dheuchainn
'S tus' ad laidhe gun eisdeachd fo'n ùir.
B'iad mo ghradh na cuirp gheala Bha gu
fuighantach, fearail, neo-chrion,
'S mairg a chunnaic 'ur n-uaislean Dol fo bhinn
'ur luchd-fuatha gun dion;
Ach na'm bitheamaid 'nar n-armaibh Mu'n do
chruinnaich an t-sleag air an tir
Bhiodh luchd chotaichean dearga Gun dol
tuilleadh do dh'armailt-an-righ.
Cha robh gnothach aig leigh
'Dhol a leigheas nan creuchd nach robh slàn A'
call am fala fo'n leintean
Bha na fir bu mhor feil ri luchd-dhàn Nam b'e
cothrom na feinne
Bhiodh eadar sibh fhein's clann na Ghall Bhiodh
eoin mhollach an t-sleibhe
Gairsinn salach air chreabhagan chaich.
Cha b'e cruadal an cridhe Thug dhaibh buannachd
air buidheann mo rùin
Tilgeadh luaidhe na cithibh 'S sibh, mo
thruaighe ! gun fhios air a chuis
Eadar uaislean a's mhithibh
~-J$ \ t Gun
robh bhuaidh ud a' ruith oirnn o thus
O'n i 'n uaigh ar ceann-uidhe Bi'dh na sluaisdean
a frithealadh dhuinn.
Cha b'i sid an fhuil shalach 'Bha ga taomadh
mu'n talamh sa Ghleann
'S a luithad ùmaidh mar ghearan A bha cuir
fudair na dheannaibh mu'r ceann ; A Righ dhulaich
nan aingeal! Gabhsa curam d'ur n-anam's sibh
thall
Chaidh 'ur cunntas an tainead Le garbh
dhusgadh na malairt a bh'ann.
Thrus do chinneadh r'a cheile,
Dheanamh coinneamh an dè anns an Dùn
Ach cha d'aithris thu sgeula Fhir a b'urrainn a
reitach gach cuis Ite dhaingean na'm beuma
'S am baranta treun air an cùl
Bi'dh la eile ga fheuchainn
'S mise druidte fo dheile's an 'ùir.
Cha bu chocairean gioraig
Chumail comhnard an slinnein ro chach; O'n la
thoisich an iomairt Chaill clann Domhnuil
ceann-fine no dha : 'N gleacair òg 'ur ceann-cinnidh
'Chuir a dhochas 'an smioraibh a chnàmh
Gheibheadh cocaire bioradh Rogha spoltaich o
spionnadh a laimh.
Luchd a thragadh nam buideal Bheireadh
earrach air ruban de'n fhiòn,
'N uair a tharladh sibh cuideachd Bu
neo-bhruideal mu'n chupan ud sibh
Ag iomairt thaileasg, a's chluichibh Air a chlar bu
neo-thru'ail ùr gniomh
Cha bu chearr a measg truid sibh 'N àm
paidheadh na cuideachd's g'an diol.
Gu'm beil mise fo mhulad
Ag amharc 'ur gunnaidh 'air steile
Sàr ghiomanaich ullamh Leis an cinneadh an
fhuil anns a bheinn Ann a frith nan damh mullaich
Far an deante leibh munasg air seilg, Ge bu tric
sibh gan rusgadh Cha d'iarr sibh riamh cunntas's
na beinn.
Cha bu sgathairean gealtach Bhiodh a'
maoitheadh an gaisge gach là
Tha's eilean na'n cadal
Nach duisg gus a faicear am bràth Luchd
dhireadh nan eit-bheann
Le'n cuilbhiarean gleusta na'n laimh
'S lionmhor fear nach d'rinn eiridh Bha na
ghiomanach trèum air a h-earr.
Righ ! gur mis 'tha for airtneul Ri àm dhomh
bhi faicinn 'ur beann 'S cha lugha mo churam
Ri bhi' g'amharc 'ur dutchannan thall Mar
bitheadh mar thachair
'S ann leamsa gun b'ait bhi dol ann, Gus an
tainig a chreach oirnn
Mar gun tuiteadh a chlach leis a ghleann.
'S iomadh fear tha thoirt sgainneil
Do'n tighearn òg air an fhearann so thall,
Eadar ceann Locha-Rainaich.
Rugha Shleibhte, 's bun Gharaidh nam beann
Bha thu feicheannach daingean
Far an eiste ri d'theangaidh an cainnt Mar
urbal peucaig gu tarrainn, 'S mar ghath
reubaidh na nathrach gu call.
Leum an stiuir bharr a claiginn
Le muir suigh, 's gun sinn ath-chainnteach
dho
Dh'fhalbh na croinn, 's na buill-bheairte
'S leig sinn uallach na slait air a sgòd. 'S
bochd an dusgadh's a mhaduinn
So fhuair sinn gu grad a theachd oirnn 'S
ma gheibh sinn ùine ri fhaicinn
Bheir sinn fncadh mu seach air chlo."
Nach briagha am Marbhrann a rinn am bàrd
Mucanach; ach cia mar tha'm marbhrann a'
seol-tainn ciod a b'e creideimh muinntir Ghlinne
Comhann ? 'Bheil thusa 'ghraidh! gun tiugse, gun
tur-nàdair ? Nach cual 'thu mar a thuairt e:—
" A Righ fheartaich na greine ! Tha'n Cathair
na fèile, dean sith Ri cloinn an fhir a bha
ceutach
Nach bu choltach ri fèile fir chriom"
'■ 'Bheil thu am beachd, na'n duil, gu'm biodh e a'
guidhe airson feadhnach nach robh a' creidsinn ann
an staid Mheadhonach an taobh thall na h-uaghach
?" " Seadh gu dearbh, cha tug mi sinn fanear. A nis
thugaibh cunntas air eachdraidh mhuirt o thùs a'
ghnothaich."
" 'S e sin, a Ruin, tha mi nis a dol a dheanamh
gun mhoille."
Aig àm an " Ath-leasachaidh" (ma tà, gu 'dearbh,
is neonach am focal e) dhlùth-lean cuid mhòr de
Chinn-feadhna na Gàidhealtachd ris an t-seann
chreidheamh a thainig a nuas o làithean N.
Challum Chille, agus shiorbhuanaich iad anns a'
chreidheamh so fad nan linntean, ged a shaoil le
roinn mhòr do dùthaich gu'n deachaidh an
creidh-eamh so a " leasachadh " le feadhainn a
fhuair coire do dh'obair Chriosda.
'S ann mar so a bha cùisean an uair a chaill I
Seumas an Crùn. Thàinig a nis, Màiri nighean
Sheumais, agus a fearpòsda Uilleam as an Ollaint
thun a' Chrùin. Agus ma thàinig, bu mhòr an
diubhail! An deigh Blàr na Buinne ann an Erinn,
gheall Uilleam gu'm biodh e 'n a chùl-taice do'n
chreidheamh Phrostanach, agus anns a' ghealltanas
so, cha d'thug mionnan-eithich. Cha'n 'eil mi 'n ion
innseadh an dioll a rinn e air na h-Eireannaich. •S
leòir leam cunntas a thoirt air a ghiùlan anns 'an
dùthaich so fèin. Chuir Uilleam a mach achd ag
orduchadh gu'n d'thugadh na cinn-feadhna
mionnan-dilseachd d'a reachd, agus gu'n strioch-adh
iad dhasan roimh 'n 'cheud là do mhios deireannach
a' Gheamhraidh anns a' bliadhna 1692. Uidh air
n'uidh, agus fear an deigh fir, striochd na
cinn-feadhna do'n reachd so, ged nach b'ann le 'n
toil. B'e Mac Mhic Iain Ghlinne Comhann am fear
mu dheireadh a gheill. Thog e air do
Ghearrasdan-Dubh-Inbherlochaidh, ach ma thog
bha e air dheireadh. Cha robh ùgdaras aig an
oifigeach a bha 'sa Ghearrasdan a mhionnan a
ghabhail. Cha robh comas air, agus cha robh air
ach falbh air a cheum do bhaile Inbheraora, le
teisteanas sgriobhta gu'n do nochd e e fèin ann an
àm iomchuidh anns a' Ghearrasdan.
B'e sin an latha mòr—cur is cuidhe agus gaoth
'ga reodh. 'Nuair a ràinig e bail'-an-t-siorraimh, cha
mhòr nach robh e air 'mheilachadh leis an fhuachd.
Thug e air an t-siorraimh a mhionnan a ghabhail.
Ach ma thug, bha 'bhinn air a toirt a mach
cheanna. Thill an ceann-feadhna mi-fhor-j tanach
dhachaidh, làn-chinnteach gun d'rinn e a~ shith ris
a' chrùn, cha'n ann a mhàin air a shon-fèin, ach
airson a luchd-cinnidh cuideachd. 'S gann gu'n
deachaidh aona mhios seachad, 'nuair a thàinig
Capt. Caimbeul Ghlinne-Leomhan le freiceadan
shaighdairean do Ghleann Comhann. B'e an
leisgeul a bh'aca gu'n tàinig iad a thogail cis
teachd-a-staigh agus càin eile. 'Nuair a fhoighnich
Mac Mhic Iain dhiubh co dhiù a thàinig iad mar
chàirdean no mar nàimhdean, fhreagair an
Caim-beulach agus thuirt e gu'n d'thàinig iad mar
chàirdean agus mar choimhearsnaich, agus thug e
'fhocal nach èireadh cron sam bith d'a fèin no d'a _
chinneadh. Air tàille a' ghealltanais so, chuir cloinn
Dòmhnuill fàilt' agus furan orre, agus fad
cheithir-là-deug, fhuair iad aoidheachd gun
choimeas o fhir Ghlinne Comhann.
Mu dheireadh thall thàinig oidhche a'
mhi-fhortain, chruaidh ! An deigh do Mhac Mhic
Iain agus do'n Chapt. Chaimbeul an latha 'chaithe
an cuideachd a chèile, dhealaich iad mu sheachd
uairean na h-oidhche le mùirn 's le meas do gach a
chèile.
'Nuair a thug Mac Mhic Iain fanear gu'n
robh am freiceadan a fàsa meudachadh, bhuail
amharas air gu'n robh foill agus cealgaireachd anns
a' chuis. Ach, cha'n èisdeadh athair no a bhrathair
ri droch-amharus 'sam bith an aghaidh onair Fir
Ghlinne-Leomhain. Chuala Iain agus Alasdair, mic
Mhic 'ic Iain na saighdearean a' •deanamh eagar
nach robh an gnothach a' tighinn riu idir, gu'n robh
iad deònach gu leòir seasadh aghaidh-ri-aghaidh ri
fir a' Ghlinne ; ach gur h-e ni nar tamailteach a
bh'ann 'tighinn orre bho chùl an cinn. Tha
beul-aithris an t-shluaigh ag innseadh dhuinn gu'n
robh a' chùis a chuir air fear de na saighdearan cho
trom 's gun d'iarr e air fear-an-taighe 'tighinn ceum
a mach leis, ach a chionn 's gun robh e air
mhionnan nach abaireadh e dig, labhair e mar so ri
clach mhòr a bha mu •choinneamh :—
" A chlach ghlas a tha sa' Ghleann Ge mòr do
chòir a bhi ann 'Nam b'fhios duit an nochd
mar thachras 'S cinnteach nach fanadh thu
ann ".
Thuig an Comhannach as, agus ghabh e direach a
dh'ionnsuidh Mhic 'ic Iain, agus dh'innis e dha mar
a thacair. Dh'iarr Mac Mhic Iain air a chuid
ghillean sùil a thoirt a mach fiach gu dè a chitheadh
iad. Ach mu'n deachaidh iad ach glè ghoirid,
■chunnaic agus chual' iad am pailteas. Mu'n do thill
iad a dh'innseadh do'n Athair, chunnaic iad gu'n
robh an taigh air chuartachadh leis na
saigh-dairean. Chual' iad urchraichean na
gunnachan am measg glaodh, caoidh agus gal agus
bas-bhualadh na mnathan agus na cloinne. Bha iad
gu tur neo-dheas gu stri ris na saighdairean a bha
uile fo airm. Chaidh na saighdairean a staigh do
sheomar Mhic 'ic Iain; loisg iad air, chaidh an
urchair roimh a chlaigeann, agus thuit e marbh
an uchd a mhnatha. Chaidh a nis an ceòl feadh
na fidhle. Thoisich a' chasgairt. Mu'n robh e sia.
uairean's
mhadainn,
chaidh
dà
fhicead
Comhannach
a chuir do'n t-siorruidh. Chaidh na taighean a
chuir ri theanadh. Bha freiceadan làidir anns gachj
bealach; cha b'urrainnear do na diol-dèirce
thruaghag
'teicheadh taobh 's am bith. Bha sneachda trom
air a' bhlàr. Cha robh e 'n an comas dol a mach
ri bealach an Innean, na idir ri Gleann-lic-namuidhe. Chaidh na bh'aca ris an t-shaoghal a,
thogail. Chaidh an cuid cruidh agus chaorach,
agus gach sprèidh a bh'
shaodachadh as a'
Ghleann. 'S e so is ciall do'n phort:—
"A mhnathan a' Ghlinne so, Ghlinne so, Ghlinne
so,
A mhnathan a' Ghlinne so 's minig dhuibh
èiridh,
Tha'n crodh air togail, Tha crodh air an togail,.
Tha crodh air an togail,
'S Fir air an rèabadh ".
Chaidh na saighdairean a staigh do gach taigh far
nach d'fhag iad ach banntraichean agus dilleach^
dain. Ann an taigh a bha sud, theich giullan beag
fo'n leabaidh; agus 'nuair a dh'iarr na saighdairean
air tighinn a mach, fhreagair e agus thuairt e..
" Stad gus a criom mi mo chnàimh." 'S coltach
ris gun robh an giullan a criom cnàimh feòla, 'nuair
a bhuail na saighdairen a staigh. Chunnaic
oifigachj bean bhronach, thruagh, 'n a seasamh am
fasgadh! craige, agus leanaibh air a gairdean. Air
ball, thug-e òrdugh do dh'fhear d'a chuid dhaoine,
falbh agus cuir as do'n phaisde ma 's e
leanaibh-gille bh'ann. 'S e leanaibh gille a bh'ann da
rireamh;
ach
bha'n
saighdairen
bàigheil
blàth-chridheach, agus cha a>!
chridhe aige dochair a dheaneamh air an leanaibh.
[Thill e thun a chomanndair, agus dh'innis e mar a
bha a' chùis. Fhuair e òrdugh e dhol air ais. I agus
an leanaibh a mhurt, agus mar bharantas; [gu'n do
choimhlion e a dhleasnas, bha e ri a chlaidheamh a
nochadh do'n oifìgach smeurda le fuil an leinibh.
Ach mo thuaighe! bha'n t-òrdugh cruaidh, agus bu
chruaidh chridheach am fear a thug e. Ach cha robh
comas air. Dh'fhalbh an saighdear le cridhe trom,
ach, 'nuair a bha e faisg [air bean a' mhi-fhòrtain
agus a' chruaidh-fhortain, thug e an aire gu'n robh
cuilean beag a cuir furan lair, 's e 'n a sheasamh aig
casan na mnàtha. " So [mo chothrom ! " arsa
saighdear ris fèin. Thug e a. chlaidheamh as a
thruail, agus spàrr e troimh 'n ichù e. Agus le glòir,
mar gu'm b'eadh, agus le miad-mhòr, thug e a
chlaidheamh smeurda le fuil a dh'ionnsuidh a'
chapitain, a bha làn-thoilichte gu'n deachaidh
òrdugh a choimhlionadh. Mòran bhliadhnaichean
an deigh so, chunnacas fior-sheann duine a' gabhail
an rathaid ann an Strath na h-[Apuinn. 'S e bial na
h-oidhche bh'ann. Bha [frasan sneachd agus glib a'
spùtadh a nuas thar monaidhean Chinn a'
Ghearrloch. Cha robh an seann duine ach fann. Bha
e 'n a choigreach 'n a (dhùthaich fèin. Thàinig an
oidhche. 'S i oidhche (bhreun, dhorcha, fhuar a
bh'ann. Cha robh an rathad ach leth-oireach ; ach
chunnaic an seann [duine solus fada bhuaidh; ach
ged a bha, cha b' jfhada 'g a ruighinn e. B' e so taigh
Dhail na [Tràighe. Mu dheireadh, ràinig e taigh na
h-aoid-heach, agus fhuair e fàilt' a chuir blas air
cochall a chridhe. Ach mu'n deach e staigh, sheas e
air a' stairsneach, agus bheannaich e an taigh a
rèir an t-seann chleachdadh Ghàidhealach :—
156
Gleann Comhann
" Beannaichear an taigh's na bheil ann, Eadar
fhiodh, is chlach' 'is chrann, Mòran bidh,
pailteas aodaich 'S slàinte dhaoine dha na
bheil ann ".
An deigh dha suidhe sios, agus greim bidh a'
ghabhail, thoisich a' chracaireachd agus an còmhradh. Thug an sean duine cunntas air a
chaithe-beatha. Bha e 's an armdearg; agus ged a
bha, bha e 'diugh gun dachaidh gun charaid ris an
t-shaoghal. Thuig fear-an-taighe gu'm b'e so fear de
mhurtairean Ghlinne Comhann, agus bha e a'
beachd cuir as da. Ach sheòl an sean duine, nach bu
Chaimbeulach e, agus nach do dhòirt boinne fala
anns a' ghleann. Dh'innis e mar a chaomhainn
beatha
'n
leinibh
air
gualann
na
màthar-mhi-fhort-anach thruaighe, ged a fhuair e
òrdugh a chuir gu bàs. Dh'atharraich fear-an-taighe
a bheachd, an àite a chore a chuir ann, 's ann a
leum e suas, chuir .a làmh mu mhuineil an t seann
duine agus phòg e e. Dh'innis e dha gu'm b'esan an
leanaibh, agus gu'm bu tric a dh'innis a mhàthair
dha a' sgeula cheudna. Fhuair an sean duine
dachaidh bhlàth an oidhche sud, agus gach latha's
oidhche fhad's" a bha beò.
Theich fear de ghillean Mhic 'ic Iain a nun thar
Torr a' Chomhann, agus a suas an Gearraileas.
A Millionaire and His Money
157
Thill e air ais ri taobh a' chladaich, agus shnàmh ■e
thar Port Eachain, agus thug e a chasan as, le
sgeula thiamhaidh, a suas a dh'ionnsuidh a
chàirdean agus luchd-dàimh do 'n Cheapach, agus
do Ghleann a' Gharraidh. Dh'fhiach cuid de
luchd-sgriobhaidh Eachdraidh ris a choire a thogail
thar ghuailean an Dudsich; ach cha do bhuannaich
leo; ghèill iad gu builleach. Mur a robh e cionntach,
c' arson nach do smachdaich e an fheadhain a rinn
a leithid de ghniomh thamailteach 'n a ainm ?
Bha na Caimbeulaich mar a bha iad, agus
fhuair iad droch ainm gu leòir; ach an deigh sin, 's
dha dheth, cha robh iad ach umhal do chumhachd a
b'àirde.
GiLLEASPUiG MAC DHÒMHNUILL
MHIC EOGHAIN.
A MILLIONAIRE AND HIS MONEY
THERE is a homely saying to the effect that Satan
always finds work for idle hands to do; and we
presume that it is owing to some recent canvassing
of Mr. Carnegie's leisure, on the part of the Universal Provider, that the millionaire in question
has started his tiresome spelling-reform craze. We
cannot say that we are particularly concerned with
this latest (American) "crusade," or much enamoured of the means whereby Mr. Carnegie proposes
to accomplish his object, whatever precisely that
maybe. To bribe a certain number of "popular
authors " to adopt the form of spelling favoured by
the Pittsburg-Skibo millionaire is, no doubt, one
way of "popularising" ideas which would appear to
possess intrinsically little to recommend them; but
we are bound to acknowledge that the means
employed strike us as crude and vulgar, though, no
doubt, the critics are correct in describing them as "
characteristically American ". Still, Mr. Carnegie,
his dollars and cantrips are really no affair of ours..
It is true that the Yankee millionaire in question
maintains what the newspapers call a "palatial
residence " in the Gàidhealtachd ; and inasmuch as
he has one foot on Scottish soil as it were, perhaps,
in view of his colossal wealth, some small curiosity
as to his actions and utterances is inevitable, if not
15 8
A Millionaire and His Money
excusable. Touching, however, Mr. Carnegie's
"views" (as those of any similar person) on the
subject of spelling reform we are, of course, profoundly indifferent. After all, so far as the English
language is concerned, that is an " auld sang "; and
the phoneticians were in the field long before
millionaire Carnegie began to acquire the rudiments of that system which he is now seeking to
overthrow. In the matter of spelling reform, therefore, the English language may, we think, safely be
left to shift for itself. It has done very fairly well
without Andrew Carnegie from Casdmon downwards ; and as outsiders and spectators we think it
would be a mistake and a pity if, after so long a
period, it were suddenly to become nervous about
spelling. The indiscretion in question would, in our
view, be considerably aggravated if the cause of
that obsession were merely Andrew Carnegie.
It would appear, however, that apart from spelling reform, free libraries and church organs Mr.
Carnegie is a man of ideas. It seems that his
spelling-reform crusade is merely a means to an
end—a cloak for " world-wide " designs. Though an
American citizen, the great man imitates the
Birmingham Solomon in "thinking imperially". In
the matter of the English language he is a
full-blooded Jingo, with a touch of the Monroe
brush. He is a rollicking shiver-my-timbers student
of the bluest linguistic British "blue-water school".
In fine, he is panting to see the English language
made universal.
We have heard it said of old time that there is
no royal road to learning : let us fervently hope
that, in spite of ominous indications to the contrary, there is as yet no plutocratic path to the
realisation of " dreams " such as these.
Mr.
A Millionaire and His Money
159
Carnegie's dismal and dreary aspirations indeed
provide melancholy reading. The Socialist view
that the millionaire is a species of monster, which
■society should not tolerate for an instant, is likely
to become yet more popular, and in quarters hitherto regarded as impervious to Socialistic influences,
in consequence of the postures of the American iron
king. For our own part we are disposed to regard
any millionaire, however humble and retiring, as a
species of blot or stain upon civilisation. But when,
to the possession of almost unlimited wealth, there
is added crude and mischievous ideas of the sort
nourished by this Mr. Carnegie, and a bold and
advertising carriage to boot, it is obvious that the
resulting danger to society becomes enormously
intensified. May the day soon come when the very
name of millionaire will stink in the nostrils of all
right-thinking men!
But, fortunately, there is good ground for
believing that we are inclined to take Carnegie and
his millions somewhat too seriously. "The idea that
this reform, or any other," cries the London
Standard, " will make English a universal language
is a vain imagining." " In language, as in politics,"
says the same organ, " the universal tendency is towards nationalism." It is obvious, therefore, that even
in the opinion of those to whom Mr. Carnegie's
"dreams" must necessarily appear flattering, the
great man has been reckoning without his host—
without the spectre which has stolen, uninvited, to
the feast of peoples and to the flow of souls, and now
sits, silent but watchful and potential, at the head
of the table—Nationalism.
It must be disconcerting to an individual like Mr.
Carnegie, who probably prides himself upon his
modernity, suddenly to discover that, whilst he i 6o
A Millionaire and His Money
has been endowing libraries, bestowing organs, and
generally interesting himself in parochial affairs,
ins pursuance of his own heroic self-imposed
mission; of dying less rich than other people have
made him, to discover that the old enemy of
strenuous] middle-aged righteousness (in the shape
of time] and the progress of events) has been
stealing a. march on him. What cry in point of
agony and bitterness can compare with that of him
who hath, been born out of due season, or whose
ideas are] stored up where moth and rust doth
corrupt and;; where thieves break through and spoil
ì It is true] that Mr. Carnegie's occupation as
millionaire has] not yet gone—the economy of
Nature is so won-; derfully kind, so happily
thoughtful as ever to! find employment for the rich.
But together with, his trade, profession—call it
what you will—of millionaire, it is but too apparent
that his ideas are' falling out of date. With his head
buried deep; in the philological sands that strew
the howling] wildernesses of the English language,
Mr. Carnegie? has neither seen nor heard the rapid
and stealthy approach of the arch-enemy of his
ideas—Time.1 Time says that if a fool and his
money must parta company, he at all events will
have nothing what-i ever to do with the affair.
Time says too (and he] is no flatterer) that as
millionaire and as statesman-or reformer Andrew
Carnegie is grievously out of' date. Whilst Mr.
Carnegie has been laboriouslyj criticising the
spelling of the signs of the times, Time himself has
been
playing
leap-frog
over
the-Yankee's
accommodating back. He has decreed! the flowing
of yet another tide in the changeful affairs of men,
whereby not only are all Mr. Carnegie's pet cargoes
threatened with speedy shipwreck, but the
millionaire himself is in danger ofj
A Millionaire and His Money
161
being swamped, if not of drowning. After all,
'millionaire though he is, is there not something
almost pathetic in the spectacle of this Yankee
Jingo-■receiving a sound ducking ? Such treatment
must be sadly perplexing and disconcerting to one
whose ■mental merchandise—limited though it is
as to 'quality and quantity—has hitherto found
favour 'under that clause in the world's great
intellectual 'tariff which goes by the name of "the
most-favoured-individual clause ".
" In language, as in politics," says the English
'newspaper, "the universal tendency is towards
'nationalism." How we thank thee for that statement, Saxon journal!—the more remarkable, the
[more convincing, the more amazing, inasmuch as it
hails from London—from Tory and " Imperial"
England! Time was, and but comparatively recently,
when we who held that theory were 'laughed at for
our pains. The world, we were told, 'was not panting
to be made free, but slaves. The 'smaller nations
were not fearful of their national [rights and
liberties: they were merely waiting in the pleased
expectancy of being sooner or' later "absorbed" by
some one or other of those disgraceful national
hooligans whose bloated armaments stain our
Christianity, and constitute the danger of the world.
"The 'dying' and 'little' nations," we were smugly
told, "have had their way"—just God ! reveal to us
who sit in darkness and in the shadow of ignorance
when dawned that bright and joyous day!- "
Csesarism, imperialism, is the spirit of the age,"
And now at last the iwriting on the wall has been
interpreted for all to mear and understand. The
horrid nightmare of iCsesarism—the reign of
might-is-right, long over-[past, thank God! so far as
the individual is con16 2
A Millionaire and His Money
cerned—is drawing to its stated and inevitable
close. The erstwhile serf and slave, whose cruel and
degrading shackles the civilised world long since
indignantly struck off in the pious names of
Christianity and civilisation, now communicates
the fervour of his love of liberty and hatred of a
foreign yoke to his fellow-countrymen—to his
nation. The democracy of the world, no longer the
sport of faction or the obedient servile instrument
of selfish kings and courts, is rapidly acquiring a
proper sense of its responsibilities and powers. "
Live and let live!" it cries, with ever-increasing
emphasis and startling articulateness. " Hands off
humanity !" the mighty shout goes up. " Death to
the tyrants—destruction to the peace-breakers!
Society has long known how to deal with the individual murderer and robber : we mean to show
the way how to cut off and root out the thief and
the assassin en masse.' " God grant it may soon be so
!
And we also (the Gael of Scotland) have a
birthright to defend. We have our language to
preserve—that tongue without which our nationality can be but as sounding brass and tinkling
cymbal, or
" Mar sguel a dh'innseadh ". Our
language, fortunately, is a fine one, polished,
refined, of great antiquity, useful, expressive, flexible, musical, copious, adaptable ; and, as the Chief
Secretary for Ireland recently said in the House of
Commons, it is further blessed in possessing a rich
and varied literature. But even if it were none of
these
good
things—supposing
it
were
comparatively modern, had little or no literature,
sounded harsh to the ears of the alien and the
stranger,
and
lacked
polish
refinement—suppose, instead of
Dà Shaobh-Chreidimh
and
163
occupying a high place in the great aristocracy of
tongues, it were a small unimportant speech, and
not particularly regarded—still it would be our
bounden duty to cleave to it, to love and cherish it,
because God gave it to us; because it is ours, and because
it is the badge, the outward and visible sign of our
nationality. These are the sentiments which should
inspire every patriotic Gaelic heart. From this point
of view, and from this point of view alone, should we
approach the discussion of all questions affecting
the welfare of our language and race. Men may
come and men may go, dynasties may rise and fall,
empires may languish and decline, government
officials and pedants may prove openly hostile or
secretly indifferent, may rail and protest against
our tongue or damn it with faint praise, but the
duty of the people of Scotland and Ireland in any
event and at all hazards is to see to it that, humanly
speaking, and so far as they can secure it, the grand
old language of the Gael goes on for ever.
DA SHAOBH-CHREIDIMH
ANNS na Unnibh a dh'aom, chaidh uair eiginn
leabhar araidh, ainmeil, a chur a mach, ris an abrar
anns a' Bheurla Popular Supei^stitions. Anns a'
chruinneachadh so, gheibhear a' mhòr chuid de na
saobh-chreidimh leis am bheil daoine air am
mealladh, 's air an cur am mearachd a ghnàth, agus
sin an tomhas ro mhòr. Gu cinnteach, is iomadh ni
a tha's an t-saoghal air fada, d'am bheil daoine a'
toirt creideis, agus anns am bheil iad a' cur an
earbsa gun amharas, gu h-iomlan; nithean anns
nach 'eil gu firinneach, bun no bàrr.
164 Dà Shaobh-Chreidimk
Is e ceann-aobhair do'n chleachdadh so gu'm
bheil a' chuid a's mò de dhaoine maraon aineolach
is claon le bhi 'leantuinn an ana-miannan fèin.
Agus tha fios is cinnte air so, ma bheir sinn oirnn
fèin ni a chreidsinn, tha sinn a' gabhail ris gu
buileach, 's ga chreidsinn gu tur, a chionn 's gur h-e
ar sochair-ne an ni sin a chreidsinn.
Is ann mar so, ann an aon fhocal, a tha
saobh-chreidimh air an togail, 's air an cumail suas
ann ar measg. Tha saobh-chreidimh ann a thaobh
gach ni ach beag a bhuineas duinn mar
chreutairibh beòthail. Ach is ann a thaobh aoin
diubh a mhàin a tha sinn a' dol a labhairt aig an
àm agus anns an àite so. Agus is e sin
saobh-chreidimh a thaobh ar n-Eachdraidh fèin.
Tha mòran d' ar luchd-eachdraidh ag ràdh gu'n
robh Albainn "air a deanamh" o shean (is e sin an
dòigh labhairt a tha iad a' cleachdadh mu'n chùis
so), leis an fheadhainn a fhuair greim (le ceartas no
ana-ceartas), air gnothuichibh rioghail na h-Alba
anns na linnibh a dh'fhalbh. Ach nach e rud 'tha
tur faoin, neo-ghlic, neo-thuigseach a bhi 'ràdh gu'n
robh Alba " air a deanamh " leis an leithid sin de
dhaoine troimh an robh i air a milleadh 's air a
sgrios 's air a dubhadh as mar dhùthaich air leth ?
Anns na bliadhnaichibh a dh'aom, bha Albainn
'n a dùthaich air leth, le a righribh, 's a laghanna, 's
a cainnt's a cleachdaidhean fèin; ach an diugh tha i
'n a creach aig Sasunn. Cionnus ma tà, a
dh'fhaodar a' radh gu'm bheil sinn 'n ar muinntir
air leth (agus saor) ma tha sinn gun Righ, gun
laghanna, gun chanain, gun chleachdaidhean air
arson fèin ? Ciod is ciall do'n bhaoth-fhocal so ? Ma
tha sinn 'n ar muinntir no 'n ar cinneach air leth,
c'ait' am bheil na samhlaidhean 's na dearDà Shaobh-Chreidimh
165
bhaidhean a tha 'comharrachadh a mach dhuinn sin
mar mhuinntir air leth ? Agus mur 'eil sinn mar sin,
is amadan is cealgair esan a tha ag innseadh
dhuinn gu'm bheil sinn an drasta 'n ar cinneach air
leth.
Saobh chreidimh sluaigh-mheasail eile. Tha cuid
ag ràdh gu'n robh Albainn " air a deanamh " leis na
daoine a thug a steach " an t-Ath-leasach-adh " gu
Albainn. Ach is amadanan is cealgairean iad sin
mar an ceudna. Sgriobh T. F. Mac Ean-raig, a chuir
a mach Eachdraidh-bheatha nuadh Ban-righ Màiri
o chionn ghoirid mu'n so mar a leanas:—
"But it is as idle to denounce the narrow intolerance and unlimited ecclesiastical ambition of
Knox, as it is absurd to belaud them or to affirm
that the Scot was practically not the Scot until Knox
created him. The contribution of any single
individual to the formation of what is called
national character can in the long run be but
infinitesimal, however much he may be able to
contribute to a nation's temporary eccentricities.
There could, for example, be no greater
misrepresentation of the legacy Knox left to
Scotland than to affirm that it owes to him its
intellectual freedom, such as it is. Intellectual
freedom cannot be gained at a bound; and not only
so, but the intellectual freedom which many now
deem an indispensable element of their manhood
was not then supposed to be a proper possession for
any one ; and Knox, an ecclesiastic to the marrow of
his bones, had he met it in any one, would have
been almost petrified with horror" (Mary Queen
0/Scots, vol. i., pp. 34, 35).
Is Prostanach Mr. T. F. Mac Eanraig, agus is
mòr is àrd an tlachd a tha e 'cur oirnn fèin e bhi
'sgriobhadh mar so.
i6 6
The Gaelic Church
THE GAELIC CHURCH1
OF the making of books there is no end, and said the
Ever-Wise, tha mòran leughaidh 'n a sgios do 'n fheoil. If
Solomon had been a modern reviewer, oppressed by
an overpowering sense of the quantity, if not the
quality, of the modern literary output, his implied
rebuke could scarcely have been better or more
seasonably expressed. But Father Columba's book is
not to be so slightingly classified ; nor is his pen to be
so easily gainsaid. The Gadarene swine, in
interminable droves and in the shape of the inglorious army of authors, may daily precipitate '
themselves into the sea of oblivion, impelled thereto
by ten thousand printers' devils, to say nothing of the
maledictions of the omnivorous, if not, in his wilder
moments, exclusively carnivorous reader; but Father
Columba's book admirably fills that most elusive and
imaginary of all vacancies, namely, the " long-felt
want" ; and he would be an ^discriminating
reviewer, and vastly unconscionable as well, who
should contumaciously refuse it that only which it is
in his power to give it—its just meed of praise.
We commend the plan, no less than the execution, of Father Columba's book. The former is
simplicity itself; the latter representing just the kind
of literary treatment which a controversial work of
this kind requires. When you have ignorance to
dispel, preconceived opinions to dislodge, and
prejudice like adamant to dissolve, you must needs
grasp the nettle boldly ; not with a civil grimace, a "
by your leave," and hat in hand. And
1 The Early Scottish Church, by Dom Columba Edmonds.
Sands & Co.
Edinburgh, 1906.
The Gaelic Church
104
when you have an elaborate structure to raise, see to
it that your foundations be well and truly laid, or the
last state of that edifice, however originally pleasing
to the eye, may be infinitely worse than the first.
Father Columba, like the able literary tactician
he evidently is, has clearly recognised that the key to
the enemy's position lies in the " papal claims "; and,
like the experienced literary general he evidently is,
he has brought all his guns to bear upon that doomed
spot, in and about which the Protestant rebels had
entrenched themselves. The effect of his masterly
assault, if just what those who were acquainted with
the superior equipment and morale of the attacking
party had good reason to expect, is none the less
amazing and complete. Not only has he shattered the
enemy's pet defences and earthworks to smithereens,
but he has also blown the luckless defenders
sky-high. Even with the aid of our powerful
field-glasses we are unable to discover so much as a
shred of that army. Not a particle remains of the tub
of Mr. Primmer, or of the ecclesiological toggery of
Dr. Cooper, bag and baggage, lock, stock and
barrel—all, every-« thing have been forcibly removed
from the scene !
Father Edmonds wisely concentrates all his
efforts upon the subject of the papal claims, upon
showing, that is to say, the connection which existed
between the Roman Pontiffs and the scattered
branches of the Church Universal; and upon this
interesting subject he has accumulated a mass of
evidence, favourable to the existence of that
connection, which, we cannot but think, the unprejudiced and impartial reader must allow to be
absolutely conclusive. It is obvious that if the
Catholic Church can show that the Gaelic Churches
i6 6
The Gaelic Church
The Gaelic Church
105
The Gaelic Church
The Gaelic Church
of Scotland and Ireland were in communion with the
Eoman Church and were subject to the Roman
Pontiffs, our case for "historical continuity" is
completely established. The opposing view, which
Father Columba effectually and, let us hope, finally
demolishes, is, of course, that the early Churches of
Scotland and Ireland owned no allegiance to " Rome"
but were independent, self-governing bodies, akin
rather to the Eastern than to the Latin form of
Christianity; and on this latter point we hope it is
not too much to expect that the final word has now
been spoken, and that we shall hear no more of that
preposterous theory, even from Protestants, whose
dexterity in escaping from inconvenient or
untenable positions is passing proverbial. But on
this subject we apprehend that we cannot do better
than quote Father Columba's own words: "To these
testimonies," he says, "to belief in papal authority
from Celtic liturgy there must be added the
important fact that Latin was used by the Celts for
Mass, Office, Sacraments, just as it is to-day by
'Roman' Catholics. Had the ancient Scottish Church
been an independent offshoot from Christianity then
its services would never have been in the tongue of
Rome, but in Gaelic, its vernacular. For be it
remembered that neither Ireland nor the northern
part of Caledonia ever yielded to the dominion of the
Roman Eagle. If the early liturgy of the Celts had
come direct from the East (as some have erroneously
supposed), and not by way of Rome and Gaul then it
would have been in Greek or some other tongue of
the Orient. The stern fact, however, remains that
the liturgy of the Gaels was in Latin. Latin terms
and not Greek have entered largely into the ecclesiastical vocabulary of the ancient (and, one might
•add, unchangeable) Gaelic of Ireland and Scotland.
Even the anti-Roman Warren is forced to acknowledge that there is no trace of a vernacular liturgy
having been in use in any portion of the Celtic
Oiurch"1 (p. 232).
On the subject of the supremacy of the Roman
•See we think we cannot do better than allow this
•admirable book to speak for itself. "Dr. Todd," says
Father Columba, " though not admitting the Roman
mission of St. Patrick, says with all seriousness that
even if such a mission could be proved,2 it would not
by any means follow that the early Church of
Ireland depended on the See of Rome. He illustrated
his contention thus : ' The fact that
1 This regulation, however, by no means excludes the ceremonial use of the Gaelic language in those prayers and services
•of the Church (and they are many) wherein the Latin tongue is
not prescribed. With regard to the use of Latin in the Holy
Sacrifice of the Mass, Father Columba writes as follows: "The
use of Latin in the liturgy is often a source of perplexity to
non-<Catholics, hence some explanation seems necessary, (l)
Latin bears witness to the source whence Western Christendom
derived ihe faith, for the Church adopted it when the Latin
Empire was supreme, and her missionaries carried it with them
in the official service-books. (2) Being a dead language it is not
subject to change: it therefore preserves the perfect exactness of
dogmatio decrees of councils, so necessary in a perennial and
unchangeable Church. (3) It is a link of unity for the faithful in
their worship and for the Bishops with the Eoman See, for a
world-wide Church requires a universal language. (4) It emphasises the Christian idea of sacrifice. The chief act of worship
in the Catholic Church is the Mass, which, being sacrificial, is
concerned more with what is being done than with what is
being said. Christ is therein offered a sacrifice for the living and
the dead. Prayer in this case accompanies the acts of the
The Gaelic Church
The Gaelic Church
celebrating priest, and the faithful who are present are free to
follow the great mystery according to their own devotion.
2 Todd's views are, of course, nowadays untenable. Dr.
Berry, St. Patrick's latest and perhaps most " scientific " biographer, fully admits the Eoman source of the saint's mission.
missionaries were sent out with the sanction o Rome
no more proves the modern papal claims to
universal supremacy than the fact of a bishop
(Anglican) being now sent to the interior of Africa
with the sanction of Canterbury would prove the
universal supremacy of the Primate of England'. Dr.
Stokes, borrowing the idea, asks whether the fact of
the first bishop in the United States having derived
his orders from the Church of Scotland proves the
supremacy of the Scottish bishops over the
American Church. The reply is exceedingly
simple. The parity is denied until Dr. Todd and
Dr. Stokes can produce an Archbishop of Canterbury
or a Scottish Primus claiming and exercising universal
jurisdiction and having that claim recognised by the
Universal Church—in other words, until these
gentlemen can tell us of a Protestant Pope enjoying
the aforementioned privileges." It will not do to
reply, as one of this author's critics has done, that
the question of the supremacy of the Pope is the very
point at issue, and that he cannot use a claim which
is still sub judice as if it was a res judicata, because the
evidence which. Father Columba adduces in support
of that claim is indisputable. Father Columba
devotes a considerable portion of his work to proving
the authenticity of those claims. Space does not
permit of our quoting at all fully from these most
interesting chapters ; but in view of what is written
above one or two examples may be given. Thus,
St. Irenseus, A.D. 178, "a disciple of a disciple of St.
John," speaks as follows of the supremacy of the
Church at Rome : " For with this Church (of Rome)
on account of her more powerful headship (propter
potentiorem principalitatem) it is necessary that every
Church—that is the faithful everywhere dispersed—should agree [or be in communion with] ">
St. Cyprian, A.D. 248, calls the Roman Church " the
chief or ruling Church, whence the unity of the
priesthood has its source". St. Damascus, A.D. 366
(the same who had charge of the "youthful Ninian "
when in Rome for the purpose of studying Catholic
doctrine in preparation for his Scottish mission),
says: " Dearest brethren . . . you cease not, as the
custom ever has been, to refer all those things which
can admit of any doubt to us, as to the head . . .
tha^t supported by the authority of the Apostolic
See you may not deviate in anything from its
regulations. . . . It does with reason concern us,
who ought to hold tho chief government in the
Church, if we by our silence favour error." Pope St.
Siricius, A.D. 384, who ordained St. Ninian bishop
for his work in Scotland refers to himself as the
"heir of his (the Apostle Peter's) government" ; and
he describes his See as " the Apostolic Rock upon
which Christ constructed the Universal Church".
Hear, too, what St. Jerome, A.D. 390, says: " If any
man is united to the chair of St. Peter he is mine";
and St. Augustine, A.D. 400, addressing Pope
Innocent, observes : " We think that those who
entertain such perverse opinions will more readily
yield to the authority of your Holiness, derived as it
is from the authority of the Holy Scriptures". For
further evidence on thi& point the reader is referred
The Gaelic Church
The Gaelic Church
to Father Columba's interesting and instructive
pages.
If the Church of St. Patrick did not acknowledge
the supremacy of Rome, then as Father Columba
observes: "Celtic Christianity was an extraordinary
production. At the time of St. Patrick's mission,
Britain, as we have seen, acknowledged it. Gaul,
Spain, Italy and Africa did the same, and as yet the
Greek schism from the Roman See had not taken
place. As a matter of fact, the early Church of
Ireland was in full communion with the rest of
Christendom, as history] records, and, therefore,
must have accepted papal] supremacy as part of the
common faith. Had it been otherwise, the fact would
have been as widely recorded as is the heresy of
Pelagius."
" Thanks be to God!" said St. Patrick (Book of
Armagh), "you have passed from the Kingdom of,
Satan to the City of God ; the Church of the Irisja is
a Church of the Romans ; as you are children of]
Christ, so be you children of Rome." 1
Columbanus, who had conversed with Patrick's own
disciples, thus wrote to Pope Boniface IV.: " The
Catholic faith is held unshaken by us (Irishì just as
it was delivered to us by you (the Pope's) successors
of the Holy Apostles ".
And coming to our own Colum Cille what do we
find ? " Seldom," says Father Edmonds, " has the
belief of any saint been more seriously misrepresented than St. Columba's." According to the ex-]
ploded Dr. Ledwich, Colum Cille and his followers "
firmly opposed the errors and superstitions of the
Ghurch of Rome"! A less mouldy writer than
Ledwich, Dr. Lightfoot to wit, affirms that " Celtic
Christianity grew up a strictly native growth,"
whilst at one time a belief obtained currency, but
only in exceptionally ignorant, credulous and flyblown quarters, it is true, that St. Columba was a
kind of John Knox ! Father Columba easily rebuts
these offensive and insulting charges by the production of indisputable evidence; but apart from
tradition and the proofs furnished us by St. Adam:Dr. Whitley Stokes is of opinion that these sayings are |
really the saint's own composition.
Inan and other ecclesiastical writers, it is surely
sufficient for any sane being to know that the
Churches of Scotland and Ireland, being identical (as
they were), the religious faith of the two countries
must necessarily have been the same 1 [and what
that faith was every unprejudiced person [must
needs be agreed. "I do not hesitate to Iffirm," says
Father Edmonds, "that St. Columba. (had as little to
do with Presbyterianism or Anglicanism as the
present writer has to do with the 'administration of
the Fiji Islands." This is putting it forcibly, if gently.
Our own opinion is that any [Scots Protestant
reading this book—especially any Protestant
Gael—reading this admirable book and [continuing
to claim " historical continuity " for his [particular
heretical nostrum had better write himself down a
bigot and a blockhead at once, so as to save himself
(and others) all further unnecessary trouble.
The book is well and clearly printed. Its. 1
present price (viz., six shillings) will, no doubt, be
[considerably reduced if a second edition be called
[for, which in view of the educational value of a
[work of this kind we sincerely hope may be the^
fcase. We have noticed no typographical or other 1
The Gaelic Church
The Gaelic Church
errors ; and the only ìaults we have to find are the;
rbrevity of Bishop Chisholm's admirable little Preface, and the constant occurrence of the words. 1"
Celt" and " Celtic " where " Gael" and " Gaelic'"
[should, with more propriety, have been employed.
'The community at Fort Augustus (as well as Father
[Columba) are to be congratulated on the appearance
of his excellent volume. We hope that where Ithey
have begun so well, they will be encouraged to
Iproceed; for though the harvest is ready, yet the.
labourers are few.
^7 4
Recent Industrial Developments
Recent
THE rejection of the scheme for the amalgamation
•of the Highland and Great North of Scotland1
Railways must be a source of satisfaction to every,
well-wisher of the Gàidhealtachd. Into the detail! of
that scheme, so far as it would have affected the]
interests of the rival railways, and the pockets of the
respective shareholders, we do not propose to]
■enter. The subject has been canvassed from thosa
points of view gu leòir; and in view of the eruption] of
figures and statistics which a somewhat acrimonious discussion has been the means of creating in]
.the local press, we see no necessity for further]
piling Pelion upon Ossa. The subject, however!
possesses a wider interest than some of the dis-:
putants would appear to imagine, and now that this
ill-starred project has been finally and effectui ■ally
quashed, we think it high time that public] attention
should be directed to some of the morel important
aspects of this unhappy proposal.
And first let us say that, upon public grounds,
we are glad that this scheme for the " absorption" of
the Highland Railway by the Great North of
Developments
17
5
RECENT INDUSTRIAL DEVELOP- 1
MENTS
Industrial
Scotland has been defeated. We are no believers] in
" absorption," or in the creation of monopolies,
political or otherwise; believing that the best interests of the public are more likely to be consulted
and served where such conditions do not obtain
than where they are allowed to be erected byj
private individuals and corporations for the creation and preservation of commercial preserves. So
long as the State merely tolerates and patronises
the railways and the other public means of
conveyance, without owning them, so long, we hold,
should «hese monopolies, on public grounds, be
resisted. rFor our own parts, we cannot but think
that as the postal and telegraph services are in the
possession of Government, and worked by them, so
the railways of the country should also be in their
hands. This seems to us the most natural and the
only logical arrangement; but pending the acquisition of all the public means of transit on the part of
the State, we hold, and hold strongly, that monopolies of the kind contemplated by the Great North
foi Scotland Railway are opposed to the interests of
the public.
As to the Highland Railway Company qua
Company, we have no particular reason to make I
its grievances our own ; and we are not aware that
the matter has yet struck any one else in a more
philanthropic light. Whatever the shareholders
may have to say about the management of this
company, is not, we suspect, likely to be a whit more
complimentary than what we have every reason 'to
believe they are accustomed to utter concerning its
profits. The attitude of the general public,
however, as regards the company, is decidedly
supercilious, if not absolutely contemptuous. It òs
tolerated rather than approved ; and were it not I
that the contemplated removal of the railway headquarters from Inverness to Aberdeen would have
dealt a sore blow to Inverness trade and prestige, we
imagine that, even in that town, few would have
taken the trouble to put pen to paper to combat the
threatened change. So far as bare merit is
concerned, this company has been repeatedly tried
and found perseveringly wanting; [and as a matter
of sentiment, its absorption would Iprobably have
appealed to but comparatively few.
176
Recent Industrial Developments
The importance, however, of this proposal (now that
it is quashed), and of the discussion to which it gave
rise, consists in the use which the company in
question proposes to make of the same. It is. high
time that the Highland Railway, following the
example of more enlightened and less distracted
concerns, should set its house in order. And more
particularly should it set to work to disprove the
unkind things which have recently been said about
it, by turning its attention to the industrial development of Gaeldom. It seems to us that both the
Highland Railway and Inverness have hitherto done
little to justify their existence, so far as the Gael of
Scotland is concerned. The latter is fond of posing
(in the tourist season) as the " Highland,h capital,
though in what respect it is " Highland," or what
qualifications it possesses as a capital, it would be
difficult to determine. A more thoroughly provincial
and anglicised centre than Inverness, we venture to
think it would be impossible to discover; and
judging by its past achievements and exploits the
railway, of which it is the " feeder," is in just as
parlous and somnolent a condition.
The public interest, then, is not at all concerned
with the pros and cons, the rights and wrongs of
amalgamation as seen through shareholder or
purely Invernessian spectacles, but with the larger
question of the company's status in respect to the
Gàidhealtachd at large, and, incidentally, with the
position of Inverness itself, as a possible capital of "
the Highlands ". Obviously, if this railway is to be
what it professes to be, namely, a " Highland," that
is, we presume, a Gaelic concern, it must take some
trouble to justify the title. It may be said to have
received its final warning in the threatened
amalgamation scheme; and though it may be alRecent Industrial Developments
177
lowed to have escaped therefrom barely by the skin
of its teeth, yet it is obvious that interest alone, and
not affection and sentiment, played the determining
part in effecting that deliverance. No one is
satisfied with the company as it presently stands
—least of all the shareholders, we believe. As a
whole, the Gaelic public thinks little of it. Its policy,
if it may be said to have possessed one, has been
ambitious, unproductive and costly. Its critics
complain, and justly complain we think, that
instead of developing its legitimate territory, it has
been struggling to extend its " system " in undesir-
able, if not impossible, directions, thereby exposing
itself to the charge of frittering away its resources
upon doubtful and ambitious experiments, whilst
neglecting to improve and to develop resources and
opportunities well within its reach. It has also
incurred the charge of entering into useless and
extravagant competition with companies far richer
and more powerful than itself—to the inevitable
neglect, of course, of much more useful, but,
doubtless, far less pretentious work. How far this
latter charge may be justified, it is difficult, of
course, for us to say; but, in any event the facts
remain that the company is presently in a condition
the very reverse of flourishing, and that dissatisfaction with its conduct and general management is practically universal throughout Gaeldom.
To what extent Inverness, with her extravagant
"North-British" notions and fatuous belief in the
"wider field" superstition, so dear to the hearts of
"British" statesmen, has been contributory to this
lamentable result, it would be difficult to say ; but it
also, if it really wishes to be indeed that which it
arrogates to itself by way of name—the " Highland "
capital—will have smartly to wake up.
178
Recent Industrial Developments
For the past two centuries it has been pottering
along in an aimless, feeble kind of way—a sort of
cross between a monster village and a seedy proa
vincial town of barely middling size. Most of the
year it stertorously hibernates; but with the approach of August, some small movement is
observed^ The haberdashers' windows assume a
Walter Scott. mm Flora Macdonald appearance, and
on the strength of this sumptuary display, Inverness
coolly proclaims herself "the Highland capital"! We]
have no desire to question the grounds on wMH this
high-sounding title is based; but what we dol desire
to point out and to insist on is, that if Inverness
wishes to make good her claim to it, she: must show
adequate cause why the honour in quesa tion
should be hers. Hitherto, as we have saidl she has
done absolutely nothing to justify her claim] in the
sight of the world. Inverness is not a hit! more "
Highland " than Aberdeen or Dundee, anoj that
example of light and leading in regard to] affairs
Gaelic which we should naturally expect \ from her,
and which we have a right to insist on,-in view of
her unique position as the alleged capital] of the "
Highlands," she has hitherto carefully re-1 framed
from giving. The time has gone by when a title of
this kind was generally regarded as some-] thing
not to deserve by hard work and practical
endeavour, but as a kind of eleemosynary label-^
something to attract passing tourists and the
senti-3 mental but uninformed generally; but not
otherJ wise practical or of serious account. The
Gaelic] movement is now a living force, whose
power and popularity increase daily, and whose
very definite, social and political aims render the
country increas-j ingly intolerant of anything in the
nature of humbugi and sham. We desire to see
Inverness a real capital
Recent Industrial Developments
179
of the Northern Gàidhealtachd—for capital of the
whole of Celtic Scotland she can never now be, in
view of the growing importance of Oban as a Gaelic
centre and the latter's avowed determination to
constitute herself the Gaelic capital of the West—
and inasmuch as her past experience cannot but
[have convinced her of the futility of the policy
[hitherto pursued by her civic rulers of anglicising
rail her native means and resources, perhaps it is
►not too much to expect that contrary measures
'will henceforth be embraced. It must be patent to
I the meanest intelligence that as a " North-British "
I town with "Imperial" leanings, Inverness has
'proved socially, commercially and artistically a I
dismal and lamentable failure. In that respect,
'the superior attractions of Margate and Blackpool
—to mention but two of her infinitely more popular
'and prosperous English rivals—have proved too
much for her. She has wasted her substance
with-lòut possessing herself of even the ghost of the
[shadow she grasped at. We advise her to
"re-Imount to first principles "—to establish her
claim ìto a half share in the title which she has
unjustifiably usurped and does nothing to
deserve—before I it is too late. She can make a
wholesome beginning fby agitating for the
establishment within her limits [of the Gaelic
Training College for School Teachers, ; which, we
understand, it is the intention of Government
shortly to erect. The reversion of this gift has
already, we believe, been offered to Oban—indeed
[there are not a few who hold that by reason of ipast
indifference and neglect in respect to things Gaelic,
the supposed " capital" of the " Highlands " has
already forfeited her claim to that college— and if
Inverness persists in her refusal to wake up, and to
take her proper share in supporting the
18 0
Recent Industrial Developments
"burden" of Gaeldom, not only will that benefit be
withheld from her, but it will become the bounden
duty of the Gaelic public to do all in their power to
put a stop to the fraudulent use of their name on
the part of the town and people of Inverness.
The proposed widening of the Caledonian Canal
is a measure which all who have the interests of the
Gàidhealtachd at heart should do their utmost to
promote. We are all in favour of the increasing and
bettering the means of communication in Celtic
Scotland, believing, as we do, that the prosperity of
our people is largely dependent on the development
of the natural means and resources of our country.
This is a phase or aspect of the Gaelic movement
which its well-wishers will do well to press upon the
attention of their countrymen. No small part of our
aim consists in restoring to the Gàidhealtachd its
former prosperity through the channel of local
improvements, and by means of the establishment
of local arts, crafts and industries. The movement is
necessarily intensely friendly to all such projects
and enterprises, whether emanating from Government, or the work of private individuals ; and those
persons who think that we proceed upon
sentimental and antiquarian grounds alone, and
that the language has reason to fear the advent of
railways and motor cars, have either signally failed
to appreciate the significance of the forces at work,
or are constitutionally unable to understand them.
The "up-to-date " view, to use a barbarous though a
convenient expression, is essentially the modern
Gaelic view. We have nothing to do with Jacobitism,
antiquari-anism, or with any other " ism " which "
makes for" museums and dry-as-dust collections of
antiquities. We claim to represent, not the dead, but
the living i
Recent Industrial Developments
181
considering how few good things come out of that
quarter, constitutes something to be devoutly
thankful for.
and if modernity is to be considered as the sole test
by which our movement should be tried, we have no
hesitation in saying that, judged by this standard,
our agitation will be found to be uncompromisingly
modern and progressive.
For similar reasons, we hail with satisfaction the
present Government's proposals in regard to the
crofters—a long-suffering and much-enduring class.
The Act of 1886 has admittedly long outgrown its
original usefulness; and the time has now come
when it should be superseded by a larger and a more
generous measure. With some of the reasons
advanced by Scottish members of Parliament for the
passing of that measure, as for the broadening and
deepening of the Caledonian Canal, we are not in
sympathy; but so far as the former will operate to
keep the people of the soil on the soil, and to lighten
the grievances and burdens which they labour
under, that measure has our unqualified approval,
and our heartiest good wishes for a safe and speedy
passage through the manifold shoals and
quicksands of English Parliamentary procedure. It
was not to be expected that the present proposals
should possess that quality of finality and bear that
character of thoroughness which, doubtless, any
such proposals if submitted to a purely Scottish
Chamber would almost necessarily carry with them
; but pending the acquisition of that "larger
measure" to which both Scotland and Ireland, as
national entities, are now looking eagerly forward,
the bill to be passed through the English Houses of
Parliament provides acceptable reading, and,
BEANNACH BUACHAILLEACHD
CUIREAMSA an sprèidh so romham, Mar a
dh'ordaich Righ an domhain. Moire 'gan
gleidheadh, 'gam feitheamh, gan coimhead
Air bheinn, air ghleann air chòmhnard.
Eirich a Bh ride mhin-gheal,
Glacsa do chir agus d'fhalt; 0 rinn
thu doibh eòlas gun òr 'Gan
cumail o chall's o lochd, 'Gan
cumail o chall's o lochd.
0 chreag, o chabhan o allt,
0 chara cam, o mhille sluic
O shaighdibh nam ban seanga sith
O chridhe mhi-rùn, o shùil an uilc
O chridhe mhi-rùn, o shùil an uilc.
A Mhoire Mhàthair, cuallaichs' an t-àl gu lèir ! A
Bhride nam basa-mine, dionsa mo sprèidh! A
Chaluim chaoimh, a Naoimh is feàrr buadh,
Comaraichsa crodh an àil, bàirig am buar
Comaraichsa crodh an àil, bàirig am buar.
PARLIAMENT AND THE GAEL
WHEN the late elections were over it was generally
recognised that something more than a mere transference of party political power had occurred. The
success of the Labour Party undoubtedly meant the
appearance of a new force in contemporary politics;
and viewed as a whole, the elections abundantly
justified the frequently expressed opinion that any
return to the political statu quo was clearly impossible.
Discounting, however, the unexpected success of
the Socialist candidates at the polls, it cannot be
said that the change which parliamentary representation has undergone is altogether matter of
surprise. The natural growth of political thought
and opinion is in itself sufficient to account for no
small part of a change which in some quarters has
been stigmatised as a practical " revolution".
Clearly, the world of politics cannot stand still: it is
as much subject to the laws of natural evolution as
any other department of human enterprise and
activity; and general elections serve but to mark the
successive stages in the growth of public opinion
with respect to political principles and ideals.
Sometimes this expansion of the mental forces
constituting "politics" is gradual and silent: at
others, it is a more demonstrative and noisy growth,
which the objective mind finds easier to diagnose
and to limit. But in any case, expansion is a
necessary consequence of existence; and the ideas of
to-morrow become in an ever-increasing ratio of
rapidity the principles which are found to be
applicable to the solution of the pressing problems
and questions of to-day.
As a mirror of current political thought or as a
means of stereotyping contemporary political
opinion it cannot be said that the English
Parliament is a perfect machine. The growth of "
politics" is so rapid nowadays that by the time the
new Parliament is elected it has almost ceased to be
a scientific evolution of the old. What puts one party
into power and drives another out of it is generally
one of those "waves" of political feehng which, as is
the nature of such purely natural displays, are no
sooner raised but they are spent. So that almost by
the time the new Parliament first meets for the
transaction of public business, it may have lost or
forfeited the full confidence of the country; or at all
events, public opinion may have so grown and
expanded in the interval as to leave the concrete
form of its " mandate" a long way behind its later
developments. Perhaps nothing is more remarkable
in this respect than the failure of Parliament, as a
legislative machine, to keep pace with the growth of
public opinion; and its comparative inability to
adapt itself to the ever-increasing demands of the
public conscience shows us how defective an
instrument it really is. No doubt, no small part of
parliamentary inefficiency is due to the fact that
the English Parliament is still practically a feudal
institution. Ideas and ideals have expanded and
grown out of almost all recognition; but the
"machine" which vainly tries to put them into
effect—to register the ever-expanding will of the
people—has not improved or grown in proportion.
No conscientious critic could speak of the " elasticity
" of the English Houses of Parliament, seeing that
the state of the Legislature, and of the whole body
of our laws, is notoriously backward when
contrasted with the advanced condition of contemporary political thought. It is well known that
what most strikes the average business man who is
elected to Parliament is the slowness of the
parliamentary machine and the cumbersome,
antiquated methods adopted at Westminster for the
despatch of public business. As a matter of fact, the
machinery of Parliament is out of date; and when to
its deficiencies in this respect you add the fact that
many of our legislators are themselves individuals of
antiquated ideas, the consequent "congestion" of
Parliament, and its failure to come up to popular
expectations, will not seem altogether surprising.
Parliament, it has been said, exists for the purpose of registering the will of the people; and no
doubt this is true of it to a certain limited extent;
but public opinion is always greatly in advance of
parliamentary feeling and action. In the first place,
the men who make public opinion, and in that sense
may well claim to be our future legislators, rarely
get elected to Parliament. They are in advance even
of the advanced general sentiment of the country
and the electors. The presence of Whigs like Messrs.
Asquith and Haldanein the existing Liberal
Government—a Government which has repeatedly
been described as the most " Radical" that ever has
been—shows how favourable is the English
Parliament and its procedure to the retention of
exploded political tenets, and to the conservation of
a type of politician whose appropriate setting is
nearer the year 1680 than that of 1906. This
tendency on the part of the English Parliament to
travel on recognised " lines " is doubtless a legacy of
the feudal system, just as our land and .game laws
are an outgrowth of the same political device. And
as the " atmosphere " of Westminster, if not
positively reactionary, is highly charged with the
germs of stagnation, it will be seen that even with
the best intentions in the world, a Government
which means business must find it exceedingly
difficult to carry its pious intentions into effect.
The backwardness of parliamentary as contrasted with public opinion is perhaps best exemplified firstly in the actual personnel of Westminster, and, secondly, in the measures and
principles with which the parliamentarians are
commonly identified. Let us first take the case of
the Irish members of Parliament. With a few
exceptions, they belong to, if not an exploded, at all
events a rapidly decaying type of politician. They
are the heirs, not of the Gaelic League, which
stands for all that is best and modern in the Ireland
of to-day, but of O'Connell and emancipation and
the disastrous "rebellions" arising out of the famine.
In other words, instead of standing; for an Irish
Ireland—that is to say, a truly national
Ireland—they merely aim at Home Rule, an absolutely useless, if not positively noxious measure,
without its corresponding leaven of true nationality.
For Home Rule minus the Gaelic movement, the
average Gaelic Leaguer does not care a fig ; and in
my opinion he is abundantly justified in his standpoint. After all, what is the use of Home Rule to a
country which is either entirely or very greatly
denationalised ? The Gaelic League properly recognises that so long as Ireland is merely the western
province of England—just as Scotland is the
northern—so long would it be injudicious to have
Home Rule. What it desires, and intends to do, is
first to reconstruct the ruined fabric of Irish
nationality through the medium of the Gaelic
language. When the Gaelic language has
thoroughly penetrated and mastered Ireland to the
extent of completely absorbing all its national
means and resources—then, but not till then, will it
trouble itself about Home Rule. It will then have,
not an Anglicised mob, but a nation at its back—a
self-respecting and self-reliant, united, sober,
orderly and God-fearing people, knowing its own
mind, strong and vigorous in its new-found
manhood, and determined to have its own way at all
costs.
A propaganda so based as to principle inevitably
tends to crush out the mere parliamentarian, who,
more often than not, is a verbose, unprincipled and
shallow humbug, knowing little and caring less
about the essential constituents of true nationality.
The movement known as Sinn Fèin actually boy-cots
the Irish parliamentarian; and its principal organ,
the United Irishman, is not a whit less " down on"
men like Messrs. Redmond and Dillon than it is on
solemn and pompous Castellans of the Long and
Carson type. These two movements are not to be
confounded, for whilst that known as Sinn Fèin is
avowedly political, the Gaelic League, on the other
hand, takes no part at all in contemporary politics,
beyond insisting, and rightly insisting, in season
and out of it, on the unswerving pursuit of the one
true and great principle or ideal—namely, that
Ireland shall be a self-respecting country first, and
self-governing, if it has a mind to it, afterwards.
The convergence of these two movements will
inevitably tend, and is now actually doing so, to
drive the mere English Irelander—the parliamentarian of the Redmond type—out of the field as a
superfluous, antiquated and obnoxious quantity.
The idea of Home Rule—of Home Rule alone—is no
longer the dominating idea of political Ireland; for
other things are now seen to be more necessary to
the nation's salvation; and a Parliament sitting in
Dublin the business of which should be carried on in
English is rapidly losing its attractions for the vast
majority of patriotic and intelligent Irishmen.
Turning to Scottish affairs, although we may not
see at home the same sharp divergence between
what is said at Westminster and what is thought
and believed elsewhere, nevertheless similar prin-
18 8
Parliament and the Gael
ciples are at work. Certainly, the restoration of
Home Rule to Scotland, meaning as it would do, •at
present, the setting up of an essentially Lowland
Government at Edinburgh, is not a prospect
calculated to appeal to the average Scottish Gael.
We have had enough of the " Lowland Tradition" in
all conscience; and Edinburgh and Holyrood
positively stink in our nostrils. We are in no
immediate want of Home Rule. We can get along
very well without it. What we do require is time and
opportunity in which to undo the fell work of the
past, to teach ourselves self-respect and
self-reliance, and to develop our natural and
national resources. We must set to work, as our
Irish kinsmen are doing, to re-establish our
language—which is •our nationality—and when we
have become self-respecting, self-reliant and
united—when Celtic Scotland is again Celtic
Scotland—then may we demand, and then, but not
till then, shall we get Home Rule.
Meantime, owing to the progress of the Gaelic
movement even in what is appropriately styled
North Britain—North England would be nearer the
mark—it is interesting to observe the increasing
tendency of public opinion amongst us to shelve a
certain type of politician. We have one or two good
members in the Gàidhealtachd ; but only one or
two—men like Mr. Weir and Mr. Morton, who
appear to take some trouble to ascertain the trend
of Gaelic aspirations, and to jam the clumsy tiller of
the unwieldy and antiquated ship of State at
Westminster accordingly. It would be interesting to
know, however, what possible use a person of the
type of Mr. Harmsworth is to a Gaelic constituency.
No doubt he owes his election simply to the fact that
his candidature was approved by the Liberal
Parliament and the Gael
18 9
caucus, but the selection of individuals whose ideas
of duty are strictly limited to an official programme
drawn up in England for the benefit, primarily, of
England, is not likely to continue popular amongst
us. The tendency, indeed, as in Ireland, is all in the
opposite direction. We require not men whose
excuse for their slender capacity and want of inclination is the habit of thinking imperially, but
members who will set their shoulders to the wheel,
and help us to get back by parliamentary and other
means our lost nationality. The " question " of India,
or the "question" of South Africa, or " questions "
affecting the English Imperial Pump generally, are
not primarily our concern; and the sooner our
members of Parliament wake up to that fact the
better it will be for themselves and the country. Let
the big Englanders imagine vain things, and
"muddle through" their costly and bloody wars as
they are accustomed to do ; the concern of the Gael
is at home, amongst his own people, with his own
kith and kin. When he has succeeded in winning
back his own self-respect and self-reliance, and
joined hands with his friends and kinsfolk across the
Irish Sea, the question of relieving the self-denying
Saxon of some portion of his intolerable burden of
Empire may possibly be discussed upon equal terms.
Meanwhile, we shall do well to leave him to muddle
along as best he can,
" For 'tis their nature to ". There is only one
consideration that makes me regret the general
break-down of the parliamentary machine at
Westminster—otherwise so gratifying to patriotic
sentiment—and that is the sorry condition of our
crofters. The grievances which these poor and highly
deserving people labour under-
IQO
Parliament and the Gael
-admittedly constitute a singularly "hard case," and
that these grievances, intolerable as they are,
should have remained so long unredressed, though
it may speak volumes for their patience, cannot be
considered as flattering to the class amongst whom
"patriotism," of the blood-and-thunder type approved at Birmingham, invariably takes precedence
of Godliness. The crofters make it a point of pleading their past services as soldiers and sailors as a
species of excuse—though they should know that
none is required—for their legitimate demands; but
even assuming that the English Parliament is
sensible of its want of gratitude in this respect, it is
exceedingly doubtful if measures thoroughly
satisfactory to the crofters and their friends will be
taken, or if the press of public business will admit of
a timeous relief from what is undoubtedly an
intolerable, and an increasingly intolerable, situation. In the sense, too, in which, no doubt unwittingly, the crofters and their friends have been
contributors to the existing state of affairs by
blindly trusting to Parliament for the mitigation -of
their grievances; in that sense and to that extent
undoubtedly they have themselves been largely to
blame, and however much the spectacle of their
unmerited hardships may affect the public eye and
agitate the public conscience, they will surely not
have endured in vain if their sufferings convince
Eachdraidh
191
them of the folly of looking to Westminster—to an
English Legislature—for redress, and of the
expediency of joining the movement whose objects
are first the nationalisation, and secondly the
political emancipation of Scotland. Undoubtedly the
case of the crofters is an acute one; and inasmuch as
it tends to grow graver day by day, the necessity of
immediate action is not to be gainsaid.
The
Scottish patriot, therefore, however much he may
feel disposed to rejoice at the growing inability of the
English Parliament to deal adequately with public
business, will surely -co-operate with us in pleading
the exceptional character of the case of these
deserving people. The fact that he is suffering in a
good cause, although it may afford the crofter some
consolation, will not help him to better his condition,
which is admittedly desperate. I hope, therefore,
that the legislative programme of the Government,
so far at least as it affects the crofter community,
will be carried through Parliament with as little
delay as possible. The lesson to be learned from
years of neglect and studied delay on the part of the
English Parliament has probably been well acquired
by this time, even in the poorer, which are naturally
the most subservient parts of the Highlands and the
Isles; and the national cause, however exigent
otherwise it may be, cannot contemplate with
equanimity the sufferings of so large and deserving a
portion of its clientele, although no one is more
sensible than I am that even out of this misery
much good will eventually come to Scotland and to
Scotsmen as a whole.
R. MACDONALD.
EACHDRAIDH
LEIS an fhocal Litreachas, tha sinn a' tuigsinn na
sgriobhaidhean anns am faighear smuaintean is
faireachduinean na cuid de 'n chinne-daoine air an
do bhuilicheadh tomhas de thuigse. Ann am
briathran eile, is e Litreachas anns an t-seadh is
àirde, modh labhairt troimh sgriobhadh eadar fear
19 2 Eachdraidh
agus fear 'nan nàclur agus 'nam faireaehduin mar
dhaoine. Gheibh sinn Litreachas mar so 'ga roinn
fèin a mach ann am meòir de smuain agus de dh'
eòlas aig am bheil am frèamh ann an intinn an
duine. Tha meur na h-Eachdraidh ann; meur na
Feallsanachd; meur na h-Urlabhairt, no na
h-Eal-antachd ; agus meur na Bàrdachd.
Ged is ann an sgriobhadh a gheibhear gach gnè
Litreachais, gidheadh cha 'n 'eil a h-uile sgriobhadh
airidh air a bhi air a ghabhail a steach fo 'n ainm
Litreachas. Tha, mar so, dà sheòrsa Litreachais
ri'm faotainn. Tha seòrsa ann a tha siùbhlach, ag
atharrachadh leis an là, agus leis an linn ; agus tha
seòrsa ann a tha buan a sheasas maireann, cho
fada 's a bhios cridheachan is inntinnean dhaoine
de 'n ghnè de'm bheil iad a nis. Anns an Litreachas
a tha 'siùbhlach, no caochlach, gheibhear na
sgriobhaidhean a tha de ghnè shuaraich, no
shalaich, agus a' chuid a tha tioram, gun susbaint,
nach ruig, no nach drùidh air anam coitcheann a'
chinne-dhaoine. Sgeul rùisgte nach 'eil air a
shuidheachadh ann an corp de chainnt sgeinmeil
shnasmhoir; bunan leatromach nach 'eil ag èiridh a
mach à fior nàdur an duine ; òraidean anns nach 'eil
blas no brigh; agus ranntachd nach 'eil binn no
buadhach—na leabhraichean, no na sgriobhaidhean
anns nach faighear ach a' ghnè dhiombuan so de
Litreachas, cha bhuin de 'n t-seòrsa a tha buan no
maireannach.
Cha chanar Eachdraidh anns an t- seadh cheart
ri leabhraichean ghinealach, anns nach faighear ach
stiall fhada de dh' ainmean. Is e Eachdraidh anns an
t-seadh a 's àirde sgeul fìor mu ghniomh, mu euchd,
agus mu fhàs suas a' chinne-dhaoine, mar tha an
cinne-daoine 'na aon, no ann an cinnich fa leth. Mar
bhuill de 'n chinne-dhaoine, tha sinn a' gabhail
tlachd coitcheann ann an Eachdraidh mar
Eachdraidh
193
chuspair meadhrachaidh. Oir, tha sinn a'
faotainn iomraidh ann an Eachdraidh air modh
oibreachaidh cumhachdan is feartan gineadail nàdur
an duine. Chi sinn an sud reuson a' tionnsgnadh,
agus a' giùlan a mach à chriochan iomchuidh fèin;
agus mar an ceudna an toil, dian lasanta, do-lùbaidh
is rag, no fulangach. A ris, tha e cho tlachdmhor
leinn a bhi 'sealltuinn air fèin-ghlòir is fèin-iarrtais
'nan ròidibh ciontach 's a tha e bhi ag amharc air stri
ionmholta an fhir aig am bheil gràdh agus math a
dhùthcha a' lasadh le chèile 'nan rùn teinnteach 'na
chridhe. Oir ann an sud, tha againn sruthadh a
mach air dà thaobh nàdur an duine; agus tha dèidh
'againn air a ibhi 'faicinn dhaoine nuair is miosa
agus an uair is feàrr a tha iad.
. . . Juvat integros accedere/ontes
Atque haurire.
Cha 'n 'eil a bheag a dh' Eachdraidh a's fiach
againn anns a' Ghàidhlig, an taobh a mach do
ranna ginealach is sgeulachdan nan seanchaidhean.
Cha deachaidh na cnàimh eachdraidheil a chruinnich iadsan ri chèile a chòmhdach fathast le
falluinn feòla ur-dheiseach na h-Eachdraidh. Thug
Aonghas Mac Coinnich ionnsaidhean math air
Eachdraidh na h-Alba anns a' bhliadhna 1867—mir
beag dhi co dhiù, agus sin air a thoirt seachad do
dhall eud an creidimh—a thoirt duinn; agus thug
feadhainn eile cùnntas nach dona air Eachdraidh
choitcheann ar dùthcha 0 àm gu h-àm. Ach cha 'n
'eil an sud ach oidhirpean beaga an coimeas ris na
sgriobh Erodotus is Thusidides anns a' Ghrèig,
Libhidh is Tacitus anns a' Roimh, Fènèlon is Guisot
anns a' Fhraing, agus Gibbon, Lingard, Ume,
Robertson, Gascuet, etc. ann an Sasunn. Tha
Eachdraidh a' Gàidheil 'na thuineachadh is 'na fhàs
agus 'na
Eachdraidh
194
thighinn a mach ann an Alba, agus ann an Eirinn,
fathast gun sgriobhadh. Aut in rebus certius illiquid
allaturos, aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem
superaturos, sgriobh Libhidh; ach c' ait' am bheil ar
n-Eachdraichean fèin chum na foclan so a chuir an
gniomh ? Is ann's a' Bheurla a rinneadh a' chuid a's
mò de na chaidh a dheanamh 's an rathad so; agus,
eadhon anns a' Bheurla, cha 'n 'eil cùnntas
coimhlionta againn mu Eachdraidh ar dùthcha—
tir nam beann, 's nan gleann, 's nan gaisgeach. Ged
nach 'eil àireamh nan ughdar a ghleidh sean-achas
air cuimhne 'nar measg ro lionmhor, agus ged nach
'eil saothair nan ughdar an comhnuidh
buannachdail riu fèin, gidheadh tha sinn a' meas
gur airidh ar n-Eachdraidh air a bhi innseadh 'nan
cainnt fèin. Gun teagamh, cha 'n 'eil an obair air
aon chor soirbh a dheanamh. Ach ma thig aon air
aghaidh a ghabhas os làimh an obair feumail so a
thoirt gu crioch shoirbheachail, bithean aid ro
thaingeil nam faigheadh e anns ar brosnuchadh
cuideachadh 'na shaothair; agus chuireamaid an
cuimhne ar luchd-dùthcha an sean-fhocal fior:—
" Is trian obair, toiseachadh."
IMPERIUM EX IMPERIO
THUBHAIRT sinn o chionn beagan mhiosan anns an
Leabhar-naigheachd so gu'm bheil Eachdraidh
Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba (mar a bha dùthaich nan
Gàidheal anns an Fhraing, a rèir Caesar) air a
roinn gu lèir 'na tri earrannan. Tha a' chiad
earrann o tLsachd Righ Fhearghais gu ruig blàr
Srath Chath-ruaidh (1130). Tha an dara earrann a'
tighinn a nuas o'n bhliadhna sin gu ruig
arbhartachadh Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, anns
a' bhliadhna 1476; agus tha an treas earrann a'
tighinn a nuas o'n àm sin gu ruig Bliadhna
Thearlaich, no blàr Chuil-fhodair (1746). O'n ùine
ud gus a' cheart àm so, is ann mar lusan no
luibhean leth-bheòthach a mhàin a tha sinn a'
cumail ar fàs a suas. Thubhairt sinn, mar an
ceudna, gu'm bheil Eachdraidh na h-Alba a' leigeil
ris duinn gu soilleir ciod e aobhar gach cogaidh
agus falachd a bha eadar Gàidheal na dùthcha
agus na coigrich a bha'n taobh a staigh dhith, an
deigh bàis an dara Righ Calum (1034). Thug esan
oidhirp (mar is aithne gu maith da'r luchd
leughaidh) an leantuinn-rioghail a chur gu taobh,
agus a chinneadh fèin a shocrachadh air cathair
rioghail na h-Alba—ni nach bu chòir dha
A
Guth na Bliadhna
LEABHAR III.]
AN SAMHRADH, 1906.
[AIREAMH 3
'dheanamh air chor air bith; oir a rèir
cleaoh-dainnean is laghanna na dùthcha, b'e Lulaig
Mhic
Ghillecomgain
(Righ
Mhoiridh)
a
b'fhior-oighre a' chrùin aig an àm ud. Thoisich, leis
a sin, gach trioblaid, culaidh-fharmaid, agus
còmhstri a thachair ruinne an deigh sin an lorg a'
ghlacaidh eucoraich ud. Lean Gàidheil na dùthcha
taobh teaghlaich Mhoiridh, agus chog na
Sasunnaich, na Frangaich, agus coigrich eile 'nan
aghaidh. Sheas ar dùthaich fèin anns an staid
chunnartaich aimhreitich ud gu ruig rioghachadh
a' chiad Righ Dhàibhidh, an uair (anns a'
bhliadhna 1130, mar a thubhairt sinn mu thrath)
thug an righ sin buaidh air teaghlaich Mhoiridh air
blàr Srath Chathruaidh, agus aig a' cheart àm,
dh'aonaich e an dùthaich sin ris fèin.
Thoisich a' chomstri sgriosail, mar a thug sinn
fainear a cheana, le connsachadh mu chòir-sheilbh
air cathair-rioghail na h-Alba. Cha robh i air tùs
'na spàirn eadar Gàidheal is Gall idir. Bha
fir-theaghlaich
Athuil,
agus
fir-theaghlaich
Mhoiridh 'nan Gàidheil le cheile; agus o'n a bha e
mar sin b'e falachd a mhàin a bha eadar an dà
theaghlaich Ghàidhealaich so. Ach is ann mar a
chaidh an spàirn so air a h-adhart, is ann mar sin a
tha e 'toirt a mach, ceum air cheum gu soilleir co
dhiù gach ni a bha fillte ann, gu h-àraidh gur h-e
cath eadar Gàidheal is Gall a bh'ann. B'e teaghlach
Athuil a thoisich a' chluich chunnartach, fhuilteach,
sgriosail ud; agus is ann do bhrigh nach urrainn
doibh an cuisean fèin a chuir air adhart gun
chobhair, a ghuidh iad air na Sasunnaich agus
coigrich eile a bha an taobh a staigh de dh'Alba an
cuideachadh. Aig an àm cheudna, thoisich righrean
teaghlaich Athuil gu bhith 'nan riaghladairean
Sasunnach. Sgriobh Walter à Coventry (mu
bhliadhna 1212),
" Moderniores enim Scotorum Reges magis se
Francos fatentur, sicut genere, ita moribus lingua,
cultti". Dh'atharraich iad àrd-bhaile na dùthcha 0
Sgàin gu Dùn Eideann: b'e Righ Dàibhidh a thug a
steach do'n dùthaich so na cleachdainnean
riaghailteach sin ris an abrar am Feudal System
anns a' Bheurla, agus air iomadh dòigh eile thug
iad fainear an t-aomadh a bha annta chum cleachdainnean Sasunnach. " David's attachment to
Anglo-Norman friends was partly a matter of taste;
partly, too, he found them useful against his Celtic
subjects. . . . His policy naturally, and for the first
time, removed the centre of the kingdom from the
country between Spey and Forth to the Lowlands.
In Strath Clyde and Lothian, land was, apparently,
in direct dependence on the crown: here he could
settle his Normans. They proved, as was to be
expected, very shifty patriots in times soon to come,
if indeed patriotism can be spoken of at all in
connexion with such cosmopolitan settlers" (History
of Scotland, le Aindrea Lang, L 1, t 237). Deir an
t-ùghdair ceudna ann an àite eile : " The long
process began (fo Righ Dhàibhidh) by which
English brewers, soap-boilers and upholsterers sit
in the seats of MacDonalds and MacPhersons ".
Thug sin fainear mu thrath na thachair do
dh'Alba an deigh do mhuinntir Mhoiridh a bhith
air an cur fo smachd le àrd-righrean na dùthcha a
bhuineadh do theaglaich Athuil. Gu grad, chaidh
an cumhachd agus an cliù a bha aca mar
threun-laoich nan Gàidheal thairis gu righrean nan
Eilean. Chuir iad umpa fèin fallaing nan
Moiridheach, agus sheas iad a mach gu ruig latha
an adhartachaidh mar churaidhean nan Gàidheal.
A nis, ciod e an t-aobhar a th'ann nach d'thug
Mac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean (no neach air bith eile
a bhuineadh do'n Gàidhealtachd) seachad am
fol-luis na h-agartsan a bha aca, àir do'n
chathair-rioghail a bhith falamh an lorg bàs
nighinn an treas Righ Alasdair ? B'e Morair
Mhàirr, Mac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean no h-aon de
na naithean Gàidhealach eile, a bha 'na
fhior-oighre air a' chrùn a rèir cleachdainnean agus
laghanna aosda, bunaiteach na dùthcha.
Ach
de'n luchd choimh-shreip a bh'ann, cha robh a
h-aon a bha 'na fhear coimh-shreip Gàidhealach!
Iomhair Bruce ("Bruce le viel," mar theirteadh ris
anns an Fhrangaich), Iain Bailliol agus
Comyn—bha iad so uile 'nan Frangaich ! Agus,
ciod a thaobh an fhir eile, d'am b'ainm Hastings ?
B'esan a mhàin an aon Sasunnach ! Car son,
mata, nach do chuir muinntir na Gàidhealtachd
fear coimh-shreip Gàidhealach suas ? Gun
teagamh, bu lion-mhor iad an àireamh, agus b'ann
acasan a mhàin a bha an fhior-chòir air a' chrùn, a
rèir seann laghanna agus chleachdainnean
bunaiteach na dùthcha. Ach is ann mar dhuine
gun ghuth, gun ghàirdeanan a bha muinntir na
Gàidhealtachd aig an àm ud.
Agus air an lorg
sin thàinig a steach laghanna is cleachdainnean
Sasunnach is Frangach gu Albainn.
Bha na
Frangaich agus na Sasunnaich anns gach àite,
agus gu h-àraidh anns na h-àitean sin far an robh
an cumhachd agus am beartas bu mhò ri'm
faotainn. A thuilleadh air sin, bha gach fear
coimh-shreip a bh'ann 'na nàmhaid do dh'Albainn,
agus 'na charaid do Shasunn. Chuir iad an cèill,
agus sin gu soilleir, gu'n robh iad a' beachdachadh
air a' cheud Righ Iomhair mar ard-riaghladair na
dùthcha gu leir. Dh'asluich iad air neach-eiginn a
thaghadh dhoibh, a Ios righ na h-Alba a chur air
bonn; agus air do dh'Iomhair sin a' deanamh gu
toilichte, ghabh Iain Bailliol an chrùn mar ghibht o
Righ nan Sasunnach. Rinn e, an sin, dlighe
iochdarain d'a uachdaran air son Alba, agus leis a
sin, mar a thubhairt iad aig an am " dh'fhàs e 'na
thraill do Righ Iomhair ". Ged nach robh comas aig
muinntir na Gàidhealtachd stad a chur air na
dèanadasan tàmailteach so, gidheadh, ghabh iad
diomb mòr ris. Is ann mar sheòrsa de dh'eas-onoir
bu mhò, a bha iad a' sealtainn air; agus, mar sin,
dhiùlt iad cuid no pairt a bhi aca ris.
Ach ann an ùine ghoirid, thug Iomhair an crùn
0 Bhailliol, agus thoisich gu grad a' chomhstri
fhuilteach ud ris an abrar anns a' Bheurla The War
of Independence. " The Celts, as a whole, were
nothing less than sturdy maintainers of Scottish
independence," deir Mr. Lang. Air do Righ
Iomhair Tir nam beann a thoirt air, a Ios muinntir
na dùthcha a chuir for smachd, gheill mòran de na
Sasunnaich agus de na Frangaich a bha taobh a
staigh dhith ris ; agus ainmeannan na feadhainn a
ghèill dha, nach 'eil iad air an sgriobhadh gu
soilleir anns an leabhar thàmailteach sin ris an
abrar Bagman's Roll? Ach gu dearbh is gann gu'm
bheil ainmeannan Gàidhealach sgriobht', ann air
fada Rinn beagan de mhuinntir Ghallaobh an
taobh deas na h-Alba umhlachd dha ; ach sheas a'
chuid bu mhò de mhuinntir na Gàidhealtachd a
mach an aghaidh Righ Iomhair, agus chuir iad
trioblaid is call nach robh beag air, agus air a chuid
uachdairean, agus an luchd leanmhainn sgriosail
agus fhuilteach. Sheas Gàidheil na h-Alba a
mach air taobh a' ghaisgich sin d'am b'ainm
Uilleam le Waleys; agus air do'n laoch ud a bhi air a
bhrathadh do làmhan a chuid naimhdean agus air
a chur gu bàs, dh'eirich iad air taobh Raibeairt
Bhruce; agus air blàr Allt a' Bhonnaich (1314)
(far an robh Bruce e fèin air an ceann), thug iad
buaidh air na Sasunnaich, agus chuir iad ard-chrùn
na h-Alba air cheann a' bhuadhair.
Gu cinnteach, bu mhòr agus b'àrd an tlachd a
bha an righ sin a' cur air Gàidheil na h-Alba fhad 's
bu bheò e; agus bu mhòr an spèis a bha aig
Raibeart Bruce do Thir nam beann.
Bu tric a
rinn na Gàidheil agus an Righ strith is cogadh
nach robh beag an aghaidh an nàimhdean, agus sin
taobh ri taobh. Agus a' chobhair a fhuair e o na
Gàidheil air iomadh blàr, agus gu h-àraidh air blàr
Allt a' Bhonnaich, cha do dhi-chuimhnich e riamh i.
Aig deireadh a làithean, an uair a bha an
treun-laoch air fàs tinn agus fann, shocraich e' a'
chùirt ann an taobh-siar na h-Alba faisg air
Car-dros; agus is ann an sin a fhuair e bàs anns a'
bhliadhna 1329. Bha Raibeart Bruce 'na dheadh
righ air son nan Gàidheal; agus saor o na
Dubh-ghallaich Lathurna, cha do chuir e dragh no
trioblaid air bith riamh orra. Sheas Mac
Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean a mach mar charaid dha
fad mòran bhliadhnaichean ; agus is ann air son
sin, nach do chuir esan (no neach air bith eile a
bhuineadh do'n Gàidhealtachd, saor o na
Dubhghallaich) trioblaid no buaireadh riamh air
an righ sin. Air an làimh eile, cha robh Bruce
riamh ro chàirdeil ris na Sasunnaich, na Frangaich
(ged bu Fhrangach e fèin air taobh 'athar) no ris na
coigrich eile a bha an taobh a staigh do dh'Alba.
Chog iad ris, agus mar pheanas air son a' ghiùlain
sin, thug e air falbh an cuid tiodailean agus an cuid
inbhean uapa—ni dh'aobharaich mòran trioblaid
agus comhstri do'n dùthaich gu lèir anns na
bliadhnaichean a bha fathast ri tighinn, mar a tha
ar cuid eachdraichean ag innseadh gu soilleir
dhuinn. Ach a thaobh Gàidheal na h-Alba, bha
Righ Raibeart Bruce 'na dheagh righ da rireadh.
Bha a shùil daonnan ris an àird-an-iar—is a sin ri
ràdh, ri dùthaich nan Gàidheal. B'e am miann
aige—mar a bha aig Brian Boroimhe Ard-Righ na
h-Eirinn (agus ris an robh e glè choltach 'na
phearsa agus 'na inntinn)— a bhith gu firinneach
na bha daoine a' buileachadh orra leis an ainm sin
Rex Scotorum, is e sin ri ràdh " Righ nan Gàidheal".
Gu'n deanadh Dia tròcair air 'anam!
Ach an deigh do Raibeart Bruce a bhith air a
thoirt air falbh uainn leis a' bhàs, chaidh an
dheagh chòrdadh a bha eadar Gàidheal is Gall a
bhristeadh. Bha a mhac ach 'na naoidhean beag a
mhàin an uair a fhuair 'athair bàs, agus an lorg
sin, thuit gu grad riaghladh na dùthcha air aimhreit agus air eas-ordùgh nach robh beag. Thill an
fheadhainn a bha air am fuadachadh à dh'Albainn
leis an righ nach maireann, o Shasunn agus o
dhùthchannan eile; agus rinn iad comh-fheall ri
chèile an aghaidh an Righ òig, agus an aghaidh a
chuid riaghladairean. Am measg na h-aimhreite so,
tharraing Gàidheil air falbh iad fèin o ùinich is
comhstri nan daoine ud, agus ann an ùine ghoirid,
thog iad an t-sean-bhratach Ghàidhealach suas a
ris; agus o'n àm sin gu ruig "Bhliadhna
Thearlaich," sheas iad air am buinn fèin, agus chog
iad air son an làimh fèin a Ios sealbhachadh na
dùthcha gu leir fhaotainn, agus tir nam beann a
chumail dhoibh fèin.
A nis, tha cuid ag radh gu'n robh na Gàidheil
mar bhrathadairean agus mar fhir-cheannairc aig
an àm ud, do bhrigh gu'n robh iad am bitheanta ri
beachdachadh air a' chathair-rioghail mar an cuid
fèin, agus do bhrigh gu'n robh an abhaist aca
coimh-bhoinn is còrdadh a dheanamh eadar
iad-fèin agus coigrich chaochlach, an aghaidh Righ
na h-Alba, agus a chum Albainn a cheannsachadh
agus a thoirt fo'n ùghdarras fèin. Ach, cha'n ann
mar sin a tha sinn a' beachdachadh air a' chuis; ach
is ann mar a tha Mr. Lang a' gabhail beachd oirre a
tha sinn a' gabhail rithe. Deir esan anns an
Eachdraidh a sgriobh e : " The Celts lived their own
life apart, being far more widely severed by blood,
speech, and institutions from the Scots (na
Sasunnaich, na Frangaich, agus coigrich eile an
Albainn) than the Scots were from the English.
Just as Scotland (is e sin ri ràdh Albainn nan Gall)
naturally turned towards France and the French
alliance, so the chief Celtic Prince, the Lord of the
Isles, turned towards England and the English
alliance. It would be childish to call this conduct'
unpatriotic'. The Celt recognised no common part in
Lowland patriotism though the Scottish king was
his suzerain. He fought, like Hal of the Wynd, for
his own hand."
Tha so uile air a sgriobhadh gu ro mhaith; agus
tha e 'na aobhar ioghnaidh leinn gu bheil Mr. Lang
a' beachdachadh mu'n chuis so mar a tha e gu
soilleir a' deanamh. Gu dearbh, bhiodh e gu tur
neonach, agus mar bhalachan faoin a bhith a'
gabhail beachd air a' chùis so mar tha mòran a'
smuaineachadh oirre—is e sin ri ràdh, mar
ni-eiginn
anabarrach
iongantach,
neoleifch-sgeulach, agus nach fhaod a bhith air a
mhathadh, no air a mhineachadh, air chor air bith.
Anns a' bhliadhna 1461, chaidh Iain Mac
Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, agus Morair Rois, ann an
coimh-bhoino ris an treas Righ Iomhair a Ios
Albainn nan Gall a cheannsachadh, agus an deigh
d'a chuid tosgairean Lunnainn a ruigsinn, agus
cùirt an Righ Shasunnaich a' thoirt orra, thubhairt
iad, an lathair an Righ agus a chuirtearan—an
uair a bha iad a' cur an cèill cuspairean a'
bhanna—" Is sinne, le'r cead, seana nàimhdean
Alba ".
Agus, ciod bu chiall do na facail so ? An ann
mar dhearbhadh do'n ghràdh a bha eadar Mac
Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean agus Righ Shasuinn, no
mar dhearbhadh do'n chàirdeas a bha eadar
muinntir na Gàidhealtachd agus muinntir
Shasuinn, a bha Righ Iomhair a' gabhail riutha ?
Cha 'n ann idir. Thuig Mac Dhòmhnuill, agus
thuig Righ Iomhair gu'n robh a' chùis mar a bha.
Cha robh gaol, no cairdeas, eatorra idir; ach
thachair gu'n robh iad 'nan dithis a bha coltach a
bhiodh feumail d'a chèile aig an àm ud, agus, mar
sin, chaidh am bann a dheanamh.
B'e miann a'
Ghàidheil a chuid fèin fhaotainn air a h-ais : b'e
miann an t-Sasunnaich, Albainn nan Gall a
cheannsachadh agus a toirt fo chis.
Ghabh Mac
Dhòmhnuill beachd gu'n robh leth-bhuillean air a
meas beagan ni's fheàrr na 'bhith gun bhuillean
idir ! Is dòcha (ma chaidh am bann so a
choimhlionadh agus gu buileach) gur ann aig Mac
Dhòmhnuill a bhiodh a' chuid bu mhò agus bu
fheàrr dheth. Cha robh Mac Dhòmhnuill aig an
àm ud cho làidir agus Albainn air fad a
ceannsachadh; agus, leis a sin, thug e cuireadh do
dhiomhair 'ga chuideachadh gu sin a dheanamh.
B'èiginn da, an toiseach, gabhail thairis air Albainn
nan Gall, agus a tilg-eadh bun os ceann. Tha
Eachdraidh a 'nochdadh dhuinn gu'm bheil e 'na ni
mòran ni's fharasda dùthaich a cheannsachadh na
an dùthaich sin a chumail fo smachd am feasd.
Thug na Sasunnaich buaidh air an Fhraing; agus
fhuair iad làmh an uachdair air Albainn nan Gall
fad mhòran bhliadhnaichean mar an ceudna.
Ach cha bu chomasach dhoibh Albainn no'n
Fhraing a chumail fo smachd gu bràth. Dh'eirich
an dà mhuinntir sin fo arm, agus thilg iad a mach
an cuid buadhaichean. Is dòcha, ma ta, gu'n robh
Mac Dhòmhnuill a' beachdachadh air Iomhair mar
mheadhon chum chriochan, agus mar inneal, a
mhàin. Air do dh'Albainn nan Gall a bhith air a cur
fo smachd le Iomhair, agus a chuid arm, bhitheadh
Mac Dhòmhnuill an duine bu mhò agus bu treasa
an Albainn gu lèir. Sheasadh e a mach, an sin, mar
fhior fhear-treòrachaidh nan Gàidheal, agus mar
fhear-saoraidh a dhùthcha. Chruinneachadh m'a
chuid brataichean, cha b'e na Gàidheil a mhàin,
ach Gàidheil nan machraichean, agus a' chuid bu
fheàrr agus bu lionmhoire de mhuinntir eile na
h-Alba, mar an ceudna. Chogadh iad (le Mac
Dhòmhnuill air an ceann) an aghaidh nan Sasunnach, agus air son an làimh fèin; agus, Gàidheil na
h-Eirinn 'gan cuideachadh, is dòcha gu'n d'thugadh
iad buaidh air na coigrich—araon orrasan a bha'n
taobh a staigh de'n dùthaich, agus orrasan nach
buineadh dhith idir.
Ach, thuit a' chùis mar a bha, agus mar a bha
Dia 'na ghliocas 'ga h-ordùchadh; agus, ann an ùine
ghoirid, chaidh am bann eadar Mac Dhòmhnuill is
Iomhair a bhristeadh, agus a sgaoileadh.
Gidheadh, cha d'fhulaing giùlan folluiseach air
taobh nan Gàidheal atharrachadh no muthadh air
bith. Sheas iad air a' bhonn a b'abhaist doibh—an
seann bhonn air an robh ar sinnsearan a' seasamh
fad mòran bhliadhnaichean. Chuir iad an cùil ri
Albainn nan Gall mar a b'abhaist dhoibh a dheanamh ; agus rinn iad stri is spàirn air son an làimh
fèin mar bu chòir dhoibh a dheanamh. " The Celt
recognised no common part in Lowland patriotism."
Ghabh iad beachd orra fèin mar chinneach air leth.
Chog ar sinnsearan an aghaidh Chrom-bheill (mar
a thubhairt sin mu thrath) agus an aghaidh Righ
Uilleim, an aghaidh na h-Aonachd (1707) agus air
taobh an 8mh Righ Seumas agus a mhic Prionnsa
Tearlach, cha'n ann a chionn gu'n deachaidh am
bribeadh le òr is airgiod a Ios sin a dheanamh, ach
a
chionn
gu'n
d'thug
iad
gràdh
do'n
Ghàidhealtachd; a chionn gu'n do chuimhnich iad
air na daoine o'n d'thàinig iad, agus a chionn
i'n d'thug iad gràdh is onoir do'n Bheul-aithris
hàidhealaich. Agus a nis, an seas Gàidheal na
h-Alba far an do sheas iad roimhe—anns na
bliadhnaichean a dh'aom? Seasaidh gu dearbh. Tha
cuid ag ràdh nach 'eil Albainn mar aon air leth ni's
mò. Their iad, gu bheil iochdaran na
h-Iompaireachd " Breatunnaich "—gun chòirean,
gun dlighean, gun mhiannan sam bith, ach am fear
a mhain a tha 'ga roinn leis gach neach eile, a
bhuineas do'n inbhe cheudna. Deir iad, tha na
fàidhean marbh, tha na laoich marbh, agus is ann
mar so tha'n Gàidheal. Leig leis na h-aimsirean a
chaidh seachad an cuid mairbh fèin a
thiodhlaiceadh! Ma tha àite no suidheachadh air
bith aig a' Ghàidheal air an latha an diugh, is ann
an. taobh a staigh, cha'n ann an taobh am muigh,
de'n Iompaireachd Bhreatunnaich a tha an t-aite
sin.
Ach cha'n ann mar so a tha sinne a' beachdachadh air Gàidheil na h-Alba. agus air an cuid
miannan. D'ar taobh fèin, ar leinn, nach 'eil an
t-sean Bheul-aithnis Ghaidhealach marbh; agus
m*r a chog ar sinnsearan air son an làimh fèin
anns na làithean a dh'fhalbh, is ann mar sin a tha
sinn deas, seadh is dian, gu deanamh fhathast. Gu
dearbh, fhuair mòran nithe agus mòran sluaigh
bàs. Càit' am bheil Goill na h-Alba? Is ann direach
mar Shasunnaich a mhain a dh'fhàs iad. Càit' am
bheil am bann a chaidh a dheanamh eadar Goill na
h-Alba agus na Frangaich ? Tha e marbh. Is e an
Entente Cordiale eadar Sasunn is an Fhraing a tha
'seasamh a nis na àite! Càit' am bheil na
Stiubhartaich ? Ciod a thachair dhoibh, agus ris na
g
fir-comhairle aca, agus do'n stiùireadh-riaghlaidh a
thug iad do chùisean na dùthcha ? Cu dearbh, tha
na Stiubhartaich marbh, agus tha gach ni a
bhuineadh dhoibh gu tur marbh mar an ceudna.
Shluig Sasunn suas Albainn nan Gall, ionnus nach
'eil eadar-dhealachadh air bith eadar muinntir
Shasuinn agus muinntir machraichean na h-Alba.
Ach, a thaobh Gàidheal na h-Alba, tha esan beò
agus beothail fathast. Tha uaislean agus islean a'
co-oibreachadh ri chèile a chum taice a chumail ris
an t-sean Bhrataich Ghàidhealaich. Is iad Gàidheil
na h-Eirinn, gun teagamh, a tha 'seòladh na slighe
do Ghàidheil na h-Alba, anns an ni so, mar ann an
iomadh ni eile. An Alba, mar ann an Eirinn, ma ta,
biodh am focal-faire so air a thogail, Imperium ex
Imperio. Cha'n 'eil feum aig ar muinntir-ne a bhiih
"dileas" no "umhail" do'n ni sin, no do'n te no'm fear
ud. Oir, gu dearbh, is ann roimh bhreith no
iomradh
nan
Sasunnach,
agus
an cuid
Iompaireachd, tha sinne.
AGRARIAN EFFICIENCY1
IT may be an obvious truism, but it is nevertheless
a fact worth calling to mind, that no political question can safely be regarded as settled until it has
ceased to be a source of political agitation. Judged
by the standard of this commonplace maxim, the
Land Question in the Gàidhealtachd is very far
1 Since this paper was in type, the Government has introduced its Crofter Bill into the House of Commons.
indeed from being permanently solved. Indeed, any
one at all conversant with the present state of
affairs in the Scottish Gaeldom knows full well that
at no previous stage of our national existence was
this pressing question so extraordinarily acute. It
would not be passing the bounds of moderation to
describe it as a " burning question," though such
language must seem lamentably tame and
ridiculously inadequate in comparison with the
depth and intensity of the popular feeling in regard
to the matter. The Land Question is, for the Gael of
Scotland, the question of the hour. None other can
compare with it in point of gravity, importance and
insistence. It is no exaggeration to say that the
future of our race depends on its timeous and
successful solution; for without a people to appeal
to, how then shall the patriot prevail? The first
essential to nationality the foundation-stone of
nation-building—is simple flesh and blood. If your
country is a wilderness, or a deer-forest, all the
shouting and gesticulating in the world will not
restore it to its normal condition, or prevent it from
going yet farther to the dogs. House-top eloquence
is all very well in its way, and, doubtless, the
people must be taught; but sermons to rocks and
stones, even though they be couched in the
language of Eden, will, if unaccompanied and
emphasised with action, be powerless not only to
stanch the flowing life-blood of our people, but to
arrest the threatened disappearance of a race.
We utter this solemn warning advisedly, because we wish the exceeding gravity of this question to be thoroughly realised by all who have at
heart the interests of the Gaelic race; and because
we wish to identify the Gaelic Renaissance with the
Land Question more closely and intimately than it
has hitherto been associated with that problem.
Obviously, this is no time of day to he going about
pleading that the Gaelic movement is not a mere
dilettante exultation. Some there are, no doubt,
whose inclination or whose interests dispose them
so to regard it. For ourselves however, and, we
doubt not, for the vast majority of Gaels, the
substance of the gingerbread is of infinitely more
consequence than the gilt thereof. We have come
out to see not a reed shaken by the wind—a
popular titled impresario presiding at a " Celtic "
tea-fight—-but a living, serious propaganda, whose
aim and object are national regeneration and
emancipation. Others may don their gala costumes,
sprinkle their habiliments with the products of
Brazil, and revel in the waters of conviviality ; but
for us, as for those who cultivate the admirable art
of taking themselves seriously, it is a case of coats
off, hard labour, and little refreshment.
For these reasons it is that we desire to draw
attention to the Land Question in the Gàidhealtachd as part of the Gaelic movement. We do not
say that, with the solution of that question, the
Gaelic Renaissance would come to an appropriate
and a necessary end. The Land Question, although,
undoubtedly, the most pressing question of the
hour, is but part of the whole question of Gaelic
emancipation. Its solution would certainly ease our
people in a manner difficult to realise, owing to the
very depth and magnitude of the economic
depression they now labour under; but it would not
dispose of the question which the Renaissance has
raised. On the contrary, its solution would but
accentuate it and magnify it.
It would free our
people, now ground down to the very ground of
poverty and wretchedness, owing to unjust laws
and depressing social conditions; and, by so freeing
and enlarging them, would enable them to turn
their attention—now directed exclusively to the
maintenance of the awful struggle for existence—to
other things. For this reason, if for no other, the
Gaelic movement is bound to take cognisance of the
Land Question—indeed, of all questions that
concern the happiness and prosperity of our race.
We are bound, one and all, to do what we can to
help the depressed cottars and crofters of the
Highlands and Isles. Doubtless, our sympathies are
already abundantly engaged in that pathetic
direction; but if practice does not follow precept,
and action theory, then, assuredly, the movement,
as a whole, will live to repent it. Numbers of our
people are literally perishing: are we to stand idly
by whilst the fell work of destruction and dispersal
goes ruthlessly on? God forbid! We have bowels of
compassion: let us show that we have willing
hearts and capable hands as well.
Looking at the matter entirely from the Gaelic
point of view, there are two serious features characterising the present land crisis in the Gàidhealtachd. One is emigration : the other is starvation.
The former, though a slower process of national
destruction than the latter, is not ultimately the
less fatal. Emigration from the Gàidhealtachd has
lately increased, in consequence of the Land Question, to an extent that is at once appalling and
unprecedented. The life-blood of our people is being
drained, not slowly, but rapidly away in
consequence of bad laws and intolerable social
conditions. We have said in another part of this
periodical that we have no wish to bind any man to
the soil if he has a mind to go away ; but the point
here is that our people are leaving the land of their
birth in large numbers, not because they wish, but
because they are obliged to do so. That is the
serious thing which every humane and patriotic
person must take into solemn account. The
rolling-stone may safely be left to negotiate its
unprofitable adventures. It is no part of
politics—no part of any "movement," however
aspiring and patriotic—to force "Home Sweet
Home" upon the Statute Books; but the distressing
and humiliating feature of this haemorrhage from
the Highlands is that it should be State-inflicted,
not self-imposed. The Gael of Scotland is rightly,
naturally, a home-stayer. The fleshpots of Chicago
or the abattoirs of New York have no attractions for
him. He puts no confidence in trade "kings," and
despises,
as
he
detests,
their
sweating
"combinations". An gleann san robh mi òg, Dùthaich
mo ghaoil, Tir nam beann 's nan gleann 's nan
gaisgeach—these, and a thousand other similar
familiar expressions, sufficiently testify his
home-staying bias. Only under stress of injurious
laws and unequal social conditions does he sell the
little that he has, and put the world into his pack.
" From the lone shieling on the misty island
Mountains divide us and a world of seas; But still
our hearts are true—our hearts are High-land;
And in our dreams we see the Hebrides. Tail are
these mountains, and these woods are grand,
But we are exiles from a father's land."
It may be inquired at this conjuncture what has
brought the cottar and crofter class in the
Gàidhealtachd to so sorry a condition. The answer
to this question is simplicity itself: bad
government, with its attendant neglects, aided and
abetted by the Feudal System. The blame has been
endeavoured to be thrust upon the people
themselves. The Gael of Scotland is idle and
thriftless, indocile and impracticable, yawn our
armchair politicians lounging at ease in their clubs.
These miserable people are incapable of helping
themselves. They are their own enemies. They
obstinately refuse to be prosperous: let them rot
—or emigrate.
The statement is a lie, and deserves to be nailed
to the post together with the ears of the blockheads
who utter it. No more thrifty, sober and
hard-working class exists on the face of the globe
than the one to which we are referring. There may
be exceptions amongst them—doubtless there are.
There are degrees of imbecility and brutality even
amongst their callous self-constituted critics; but
the rule itself is rendered the more secure and
conspicuous by reason of these infrequent
exceptions. It is a familiar device, and one which
reflects the greatest discredit upon human nature,
to contemn those who, being deserving, yet cannot
help themselves. The deserving and the
unfortunate—the two terms are rarely not synonymous—are ever the scorn and the jibe of those
whose beastly qualities "make for" worldly prosperity and success. It is easy to condemn: reform
costs money, and involves unselfishness; so the
herds of this world's swine ruthlessly trample it
underfoot; but the cottars and crofters of Scotland
are not unfortunate because they are worthless,
B
but are distressed because they are unfortunate.
They have fallen upon evil days, not because they
have not worked to stave them off, but in consequence of political circumstances which they were
powerless to defeat or to control. After the rising of
1745, Feudalism, untempered with the Gaelic
System, took complete possession of the
Gàidhealtachd, and under the iron heel of that
monstrous regime the heart of the poor Gael was
ground (as to dust) within him. Previous to that
rising, the barbarity and tyranny of the Feudal
System had been in a measure controlled and
mitigated by the surviving vestiges of the Gaelic
System ; but after that rising the Gael's best friend
was put to the horn, and hell in the Highlands was
let loose. We have no desire to indulge in useless
a,nd injurious recriminations, in view of the fact
that if the Gaelic nation is to embark again, we
must all swim (or drown) in the same boat; but the
fact remains, whatever may be said to the contrary,
that the character of Gaelic landlordism then
underwent a vast change—a change which, to say
the least, was for nobody's good. Previous to 1745,
it had been cruel and unconscionable enough in,
alas! too many cases; but, formerly, it was at least
the interest of the landlord to keep his people in
decency and comfort, even if he had no natural
bowels of compassion and humanity urging him
thereto. And there was always the appeal to
Caesar, in the shape of the fragments of the Gaelic
System, to hold him in check. But after the '45 the
landlords, as a class, seem to have cast discretion,
as humanity and clemency, to the four winds. They
expelled the people, because they had not further
use for them. Those that remained they
victimised—the more shamefully, the more unjustifiably, the more cruelly, and the more unnaturally inasmuch as the late triumph of might
over right enabled them to do it with impunity. By
all that is sacred and just, what a terrible indictment we have here!
And what of the future? Small crumbs of
legislative comfort, to be sure! Far away at
Westminster there is a report that a Liberal
Ministry imagines kind things.
But alas! the
wishes of Liberal Ministries, as those of those of the
other complexion, have a tendency to abide in
promise. No doubt, we all mean well, when the
light of day beats on us, and the policeman happens
to be by. And under stress of a General Election,
some of us manage to mean even better. The
difficulty is, however, to find time and opportunity
for performance—after the electoral ball is over—a
difficulty which is apt to increase in proportion as
the necessity for right doing appears to diminish.
However, a Cabinet Minister has publicly said that
some one intends to do something for the crofter
some time or other; and far be it from us to cry
down Sapphira upon so amiable an exemplar of the
well-meaning sex.
Sometime, perhaps, if the
Ministry endures, and a time can be found, a Bill to
remove some at least of the scandals and hardships
of which we complain will be introduced into
Parliament. Whether it will remain
there—whether, in short, it will ever become
law—remains, of course, to be seen. But whatever it is, whatever remedial legislation this or any
other Government may propose, we urge the
crofters and their friends to make the best of it —to
accept it, that is to say, as a hard fought for and
tardy instalment of justice; and if that legislation is
imperfect, or otherwise not entirely satisfactory, as
it is almost certain to be, like Oliver, in the tale by
Dickens, to go on clamouring for more. Ask, and
though we may not receive much at the hands of
the English Legislature, the mere fact of not
ceasing to ask keeps the breath warm and the blood
up, and provides useful discipline for the
importuned. The unjust judge was obliged to
concede to well-sustained insistence that which his
diseased heart and conscience rendered him averse
from bestowing of his own free will. We confess
to being of the number of those who cultivate the
smallest possible amount of respect for the
so-called Mother of Parliaments. As an organised
hypocrisy, as a warning to nations, and as a solemn
contribution to the gaiety of the same, the thing
may not be without its uses, but as a legislative
machine it is passing incompetent. Still, in the
meantime, and for the present, it is the only
institution of its kind in these isles ; and standing,
as it were, legislatively, in loco parentis to the Gael,
we think it would be injudicious not to squeeze that
unfruitful and attenuated vessel for the little it is
worth. " Imperialism " (of English make) has its
duties as well as its gala performances.
Mafficking may endure for a night; but with cold
dawn cometh responsibility and a depleted
Exchequer; and if unconscious of, or disposed to
overlook these facts, the seat of English rule at
Westminster must needs be sharply reminded of
them. No false shame, therefore, need dog the
footsteps of the Gael in preferring his reasonable
demands—in asking, and in asking again and
again. The " Mother of Parliaments" is the
unhappy possessor of a "past" which renders her
inordinately thick skinned. To stand upon the
order of our going, to feel squeamish in such a
connexion, to express gratitude by way of return to
favours said to be on the road, were clearly
superfluous, and transparently ridiculous. The
beldame must be hustled not curtsied to. There are
some things which require an earthquake shock to
set them agoing; and Parliament is one of them.
There is one thing only on which the Gaels of
Scotland, and more particularly the crofters and
cottars, may safely congratulate themselves, and
that is, that land agitation is in fashion. All over
the civilised world, the question is, not how to dispose of people, but to keep them—to keep them at
home in prosperity and in comfort. In Germany,
in Russia, in France, in Spain, as well as in
England, the Land Question blocks the way. This
should be cause of encouragement and satisfaction
to the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland, who are at
present themselves passing through just such an
agrarian crisis. Mr. Arthur Shadwell, the author
of a re markable book entitled Industrial Efficiency,
which should be in the hands of every one,
concludes his labours with a powerful plea for
ruralisation by peasant proprietorships, or small
holdings; being convinced that the restoration of
the people to life on the land is the only cure for a
declining national vitality. Fortunately, with us
it is not the birthrate that is at fault, but the
existing land laws. The Gaelic is a clean-living
and prolific race; and the sombre facts brought
forward by Mr. Shad-well, though they may rightly
give patriotic Englishmen cause to think, yet for
the Gaelic race are without point and significance.
The "slow national extinction " which Mr. Shadwell
prophesies as being in store for the English people,
unless they mend their ways, and allow nature to
take its course, will not accrue to us, at all events
from the
Dagos
Dagos
causes specified by Mr. Shadwell.1 Given fixity of
tenure, and fair scope for expansion, the Gael will
expand and flourish. The absorbent qualities of the
Gaelic race rest upon an historic foundation, as
Scandinavians, Normans and other Teutons knew,
at first to their cost, but ultimately by their benefit.
The English can conquer, but they cannot absorb. If
the star of the English people continues to decline,
the sun of Gaelic ascendency may yet blaze in the
political firmament. But long before that can take
place, the gaping wounds in our body politic, from
which the life-blood is now flowing, must be stitched
up. The Gael must be established in the land of his
heart.
long bells of the daturas closed up as if they slept
the siesta during the hot hours.
2 i6
DAGOS
CADIZ was stifling, and all the world sat waiting for
the breeze. In the dark streets, which cut like drains
right through the town, not a breath stirred to break
the heat. The cries of water-sellers, with their
guttural " Aguaa," long prolonged and Arab
sounding, broke the still air, just as a corncrake's cry
falls on the ear as a relief, when in the wheat-fields
of the south the sun pours down as he would bake
the earth, and seems to set the air in motion by its
sound. The gardens in the plazas drooped, and the
134
1 Alluding to the declining birthrate in England, Mr. Shadwell says : " This is by far the most important question which
my investigation has revealed. Beside it, all others sink into
insignificance. It is a progressive evil, operating amongst the
flower of the industrial classes, which promises slow national
extinction."
The city lay, a very cup of burnished silver, in
the fierce glare, and in the waters of the bay the
pink and blue and yellow houses were reflected,
looking as if a coral reef had turned into a town.
The waves just crept about the great black shoal
known as "Las Puercas," lazily swashing on the
cruel stones which have so often pierced the sides of
ships, in winter, when the Levantè blows.
Men slept in rows on the lee side of boats. The
horses in the cabs hung their tired heads, and
where a man threw water at a cafe door upon the
street, a steam ascended, as if the stones were
heated underneath.
Only upon the alameda, that of Apodaca, where
the sea-breeze first strikes, the palm trees braved
the sun, seeming to draw new life from out its rays;
and at their tops there ran a murmur, as when a
little air just plays upon the outside leach of a
lateen, making it crinkle up before it fills the belly
of the sail and strains upon the sheet.
Dagos
But in the cafes of the Calle Ancha the people,
sitting drinking their " Horchata " and " Agràz,"
talked just as loud and just as earnestly as if their
conversation ran on some great principle, or as if
something was at stake. Upon the shady side the
ladies, their faces white with powder, which made
their great black eyes look larger and more lustrous,
walked up and down, swaying a little on their hips,
just as a thoroughbred walks in the paddock before
saddling, receiving as they went a shower of
compliments and quodlibets, which would have made
a woman unaccustomed to such fire, fairly turn tail
and run, but which just made the colour heighten a
little underneath the powder on their cheeks,
increased the flame of their black eyes, and made
the swaying of their walk a little more pronounced
as they held on their course, as the feluccas in the
bay stood up to a beam wind.
Just at the corner of the Calle Columela at a
small cafe where sailors congregate, a fan shop on
one side and on the other a " Refino," a group of men
sat talking lazily.
At last, one rising, said, "I hear it coming," and
as he spoke up the deep street there came a sighing,
and the breeze, bearing a little flight of bats before
it, which passed like swallows just above the heads
of all the idlers with a shrill twittering, came
rushing through the funnel made by the houses,
after the fashion of a bore, when it ascends a river
on a low, shoaly coast.
It came, bending the palm trees with its sweep,
making their leaves all rustle on the trunks, and
spreading a red haze over the low and arid hills
above San Lucar and by Rota, and making ships at
2 i6
Dagos
135
anchor at the Trocadero balance a little as the
white lacey net of foam ran seething past their
bows.
Within the town it worked a wondrous change,
for when the dust it brought at first had cleared
away, the horses in the cabs pricked up their ears
and looked as if ten years had been rolled off
then-lives ; the loafers on the quays got up and
shook themselves, throwing their tattered jackets,
which had served for pillows on the stones, across
their shoulders, and, after having looked out
seaward] with a long stare at the horizon to see if
any vessel was in sight, straggled in groups towards
the plaza to pass the evening on the seats.
Fans worked less lazily, and in the cafes men,
after lighting cigarettes, mopped their wet brows
and settled down to talk, which in the little fairy
city, with its long piles of dazzling salt ringing it
round like outworks to landward, and its blue sea
which, dashing up against the walls, showers spray
upon the blood and orange banner on the low
ramparts of the fort, is the chief object of their lives.
The sailors in the little cafe, captains of ships of
every nation upon earth, all felt the speil of the
invigorating breeze, and by degrees their talk after
a few attempts at topics which to most landsmen
have a certain vogue, as horses, women, theatres
and politics, soon by degrees drifted back naturally
to the one subject of real interest, the sea, the
element by which all lived, and which whilst all
abusing so had wound itself about their lives as to
exclude aught else as absolutely as if they had been
born in it, like porpoises or whales. Mostly the men
were northerners, blue-eyed and freckled Swedes,
Dagos
Danes or Norwegians, whose rough serge clothes
and heavy boots contrasted strangely with the stray
Spaniards and Italians who in their pointed-toed,
white canvas shoes and spotless linen scarcely
looked sailors beside their brethren from the North,
whose huge red hands beat on the table when they
emphasised their points, like a door banging in the
wind.
Two things, however, formed a link between
them, the sea, and that they all spoke English, more
or less broken, as a common lingua franca in which
they all could meet.
Captain Karl Harold, who had sailed for
fìve-and-thirty years out of his little native port in
Sweden, bringing down deals to Malaga, to Almeria
and to the other ports in what he called " the Middle
Sea," sat smoking a great meerschaum pipe, on
which a boar hunt was depicted carved in high relief.
His great red throat was cut across by°the thin
narrow linen band of his grey flannel
2 i6
Dagos
136
2 20
137
Dagos
Dagos
shirt, till it looked like one portion of an hfory, eh? You, McMillan, or ^ernandey, ? glass, and you
divined that underneath it musfc Joesay, why you not tell us littel sometnmg,
-A. sm&ll sttf ^ "
thinner and probably quite white.
hat was set upon the back of his enormous
Before Fernandez had time tosjDeak^Captain
and on his forehead stood great beads of persp^cMillan cut|n with
ye ran niggers up to
?ew Hebrides. Ma
wrecked.
f that slaving-I mean the imported
3
Ay, Fernandey, something
tion which he mopped up "continually with afcwt yon time you had ^J^^,^
pocket-handkerchief
quit?
large
enough
to
^f^^^J^^^^^^
upon a raft supposing he had suddenly £d from the New Hebrides. Ma., g
rf
Quiet and unassuming, he sat drinking
disappeared down his capacious throat
Indentured
kbour
ZTirr: which
Saxty
cent. pu. -
asTfishTngr-bo7t"ma7 be suckld^nTnd^disapftking in"
these days o' low ^f^J^ from sight when caught at certain
juncturesi offarance money. ^£inoj a bit cargo, ane o' the
I've heard it was a fair saxty
per cent. !-worth a little
j ^ freights and big inhad a wee bit flutter,
tides in Coirebhreacain whirlpool or in the Moskf
ay back in ^^^^em in a wee port—na,
Strom. His speech was slow, and as he talked' st was run.
countries he had seen, of port dues, of the villi
iranae UU OUI, ^
-—
,
.
of certain Governments which kept no lights
-r>rass
dangerous places of their coasts, his curly gol
ullv von king up at Loandy; we ca ed him Brass "li
fleece, necked here and there with grey, s. by his and a Christian too, except of course when Weel, he ]ust had a friar
emotion, set one a-thinking of what a would look
re the name o' it—doon aboot Rio
like if it could be endued with um standing and
raideloTuf,
the
Brazeels, ye ken A queer
wake up to a sense of all the wroi
><
iere was business on.
»p in
2 20
Dagos
the bit port, before I had got my stuff on
Dagos
138
rd, and had them a'
baptised . . . just throwing
it and its kind endured at the fell hands of maaloly water ou
^ « T'"U"7n the air—fair
"Gadiss," he said, " i s fine littel town ; not tjwbeen Latin and makin^rosses
^
titlOn, 1 ca eu l b ,
V„r.V
NNRL
much cultivated the' -n
heard of Ibsen •
av?
ls ?°?t
water on them in a horn, and mumbling a
1 katin, an(* makin' crosses in the air—fair
1 •
™ lfc * no man hfrperstition, I ca'ed it; and I'm telling ye, when " -e- efJ
but W110* 1 £ot to sea I had out the old book, and
very strong. I bore myself soon in Gadiss, afct undid his job
them ^in the Free q
never can get any repairs done to my ship. I b|91 pit up a bit prayer ow
mine mam-yard littel sprung now, and have to^irk o òcouanu btyie.
toe free churches in thae days
. Jane^ IT. F.'s set
round to Gartagena to get it repaired.
them up. A wheen o they newiy du
too is elementary, and have no psychologic in IU. F s set tnem up. a
_aaBflD.p lut the lave . . .
Their dancing is goot, the Romlns knew flftitted Christians died on the passage,^but the 'Impropa
Gadiss,' they say, but I think perhaf them I got saf e enough to Rio gande^ ^ Liverpool or Gardiff is
more wicked as Gadiss, f; and, man, a gran price 1 got roi. i i * •
nnHi'H
the peoples is not so elementary as here. . . .
ah, it is still hot! Can none of you tell us sop
his iob . . . had them a' resprinkled
SS jaKf
tley^e afl so* oi — ^ Free Kirk, or God
what would ha happened.
11 knows
222
Dagos
They Brazeelians are a superstitious lot. . . . Tell us
yer yarn, Captain Fernandey; oot wi' it, Don
Joesay."
He paused, and opened a bottle of soda-water,
letting the cork fly with a bang and most of the
contents spurt out, and then pouring himself about
a claret glass of whisky, tempered it slightly with
what soda still remained, and drained it to the
dregs, but slowly and with as little effort as if it
had been milk.
Boys selling lottery tickets dangled them
underneath the noses of the customers, beseeching
them to buy and win the biggest prize; beggars
came in and stood behind the tables resisting all
the objurgations of the assembled northern
skippers and disappearing instantly when they
heard Captain Fernandez say "May God assist you"
in a quiet tone of voice. Silent and rather
dapper-looking he sat sipping lemonade, smoking
unnumberable cigarettes, and now and then
assenting gravely with a " Bueno ! Yes, that iss so,"
or merely by a slight clicking of his tongue against
the palate and a faint upward motion of the head.
Short, slight, and burned so dark you might
have thought that he had Indian blood; one thin
and nervous hand, on which a heavy diamond ring
shone like electric light, held his eternal cigarette;
the other now and then stole almost unconsciously
Dagos
139
behind his back and rested for an instant, as if to
reassure himself that it was there, upon a little
hump formed by the handle of his pistol underneath his coat.
As all his fellows looked at him he slightly
flicked the ash off from his cigarette against the
edge of the white marble table around which they
sat, and blowing out an interminable cloud of
smoke from both his nostrils, said: " Why, you
fellows want to hear a tale; it is still time to see the
third piece at the theatre, or we can go and hear
the Mochuelito sing ' Las Chiclaneras'. How he
bewails himself, the little gypsy rogue; not his like
in all the Spains to hang upon a note." No one
adventuring anything except a grunt from Captain
Harold that " De folk music of the zooth, with de
irregular intervals it have, say nothing to me,"
Fernandez slowly began to speak, half automatically : " My friends, I think of something happen to
me long ago; plenty of the psychology in it, Captain
Karl, enough to satisfy your Ibsen, he who have so
much grace". The passing jibe left Captain Harold
quite unmoved save for a puffing out of his great
cheeks and a slight blowing sound as when a whale
has finished spouting and lies upon the water as if
it contemplated whether it should begin again or
sink into the depths. "It was way back—my God! I
think it was thirty-five, perhaps forty year passed.
222
Dagos
I was third mate in a Peruvian barquentine
trading from Paita, up the coast to San Francisco,
Guaymas, San Blas and Mazatlàn, Salina-Cruz,
Tehuantepec and Acapulco, and all those littel
ports in Mexico.
" The barquentine was built in Paita. Beautiful
she was ; they never build no such vessels now
these days."
" Stow the description," cut in McMillan ; " I
never had a guid conceit 0' thae bit Paity
bar-quentines. . . . Yon way of staying forward the
topgallant mast and lashing every sail down to a
spar, looks fair theatrical. . . . "
"All is in the taste, my McMillan. You talk about
your Scotch girls and say nothing like number one
West Highland lassie; she have straight back, short
leg, and head like sunset, I think she look like
German dachshund. . . . All is in the taste. . . .
Where was I now ? Ah, yes, the barquentine. She
was called La Esirella de Paita. She was clipper
number one. . . . I see her now; she sit upon the
water just as she had been blown there like a leaf
off a tree.
" She was all right, it was the people that was
in her that was bad. Most of them Indians—Cholos
from the Bolivian ports and from Peru, one or two
Correntinos from the Argentine Republic, half
gauchos and half sailors, and with another part
half devils, the cook a negro from about Panama or
Savanilla, and two or three quite decent fishermen
from Chiloè. You bet your ole sea-boot you have to
keep your weather well skin with all those infidels.
140
Dagos
" The skipper
was a Mexican, hail
from Arispè. Cristo, what a man! He knew the
coast blind drunk and blindfold, and that was all
he know.
" Ah, yes, Captain Karl Harold say, come heave
round Rodney, and it is time, and it is true I am a
little slow in making plain sail on my yarn.
" Well, let me see. . . . Yes, we were dodging up
the coast of Lower California, inside what we call
Sea of Cortes and you the Californian Gulf. We
have well passed the islands at the mouth; islands
of Revillagigedo they are call, and their names San
Benito, La Nublada, and cetera. We lay a little in
towards the coast between San Blas and Mazatlàn
to catch the lightest air; the Estrelk sail almost if a
lady move a fan. . . . But I say no more of her, eh.
You know that coast, eh, friends ?"
" I know him well," the Swede remarked, "just
like the coast where Pier Gynt's yacht was lost and
he find Providence not economical.
Wonderful
man dat Ibsen, what you call bawky up in
Aberdeen."
"Pawky, you mean," said the indignant Scot,
and once again Fernandez launched into his tale.
"Baffling light winds force us across amongst
the islands opposite Cabo Haro upon the other
coast. What so many islands and none of them
inhabited by man—La Trinidad, Espiritu Santo ;
what you call Holy Spirit and Branciforte, Isla del
Carmen—islands and still more islands, till you
can have no rest. Just about midday we were
running under easy sail under the lee of the large
Isla del Carmen hoping to get a slant of wind
across to Guaymas to take us through the strait.
222
Dagos
"What salt there is in Carmen Island,
eh—green, white and rose colour, almost as much
as Cadiz— and, in my time, no one live on it, and
only schooners from El Puerto de la Paz
occasionally call. What you call jumping-off place, I
think, though where you jump to except into the
sea? But I remember; I was young then,
five-and-thirty years ago—where have the years
gone, tell me ? . . . It was interesting, for as you sail
along the coast you feel like Alvarado or Cortes,
and always think you come to something new, just
as you think in life.
" What a fine day it was; and all that salt it
looked like crystal in the sun, in some places like a
garden, and all the streams run through a reddish
sort of grounds. Scarcely a ripple on the sea, which
have an oily look; just enough wind to keep the
sails just drawing. You recollect that La Estrella sail
if you move a fan, eh; three or four fan make a stiff
gale for her. Well, well, island of Branciforte was
on her weather bow, three or four league away, and
we just weathered Cabo de . . . I forget his name,
but it is just where the salt finishes and tha thick
forests all begin, for island of Carmen is about
twenty mile in length, and broad, broad as] from
here to Rota, say about three league. When] we
pass by that little cape all changed at once, and it
was fairyland—island of Carmen pretty, prettfl
when you pass that cape. Trees coming down] right
to the water edge, and little cove of sand so] white
you want to go ashore and bathe. All tha crew came
on deck to look at him, and the Corl rentinos, they
say,' Ah, . . . like the country up tha Parana, by
the Esquina,' and they fall talking theiq G-uarani,
141
Dagos
a heathen tongue it
is. They say the
devill go twelve years to school to learn him, and
come] away a fool.
"The two Chilòtes stand open-mouth, like
children at the window of a pastry-cook, and when]
the captain came on deck he looked across the bay]
and say: ' Si, Sefior. Yes, a man could build al neat
jacàl there and have good time with a nice] Indian
wife, one of those Zapoteca girls if you could] steal
one from about Salina-Cruz, or if not a good]
Yaqui.' ' I always like an Indian girl,' he say;] '
they cooking well, and have no nonsense like
white] woman, and if you beat them, not go stick a
knifej in you when you are drunk or sleep.' Not too]
much of a Christian was our old man, but he know]
all the coast from Guaymas down to Paita as well
as if he was a shark. His mother I think she was] a
Pima or a Yaqui, and you know no one can make!
good Christian out of an old Moor. Just as wel were
standing by to go about, and the wind looked] like
fresh'ning a little bit, he say, that is the captain]
say—(I think I tell you that his name was
Guadalupe! Perez.—No ! ah. I thought I did)—he
say there isl a man upon the beach, running down
to the shoral
I jump upon the rail, and see him waving his arms
and making signals with a bough. ' Strange,' say
the skipper, ' a man on isle of Carmen, where there
is no Indians, and only schooners touch from Puerto
de la Paz to load up salt, and now and then hunt
the wild goats that swarm about the place.' Well,
the poor devil on the beach go on like semaphore,
waving his arms about, and then he run [down to
the edge and go upon his knees. The old man curse
222
Dagos
a little about losing a fair wind, but give fthe order
to back the fore topgallant sail and send away a
boat.
" I went away with the two Correntinos in our
dingy to find out what was up. As we come close in
the man ran to the boat up to the middle, and
.clamber in as if a tiger running after him, and lie
Mown in the bottom gasping like a fish.
" I give him littel mescal. The Estrella never
carry rum, only mescal, because the skipper get it
cheap up in Arispè, where they grow plenty aloes,
what they call there maguey. ' Ah,' say the [man,
and shake my hand as if he pull it off. He say in
Spanish, for he was Chilian down from
Talcahuano, ' That do me good. Mother of God !
three months and never see a man; I think I going
mad.'
" He was burnt almost black, and ragged, I tell
[you, ragged like a saint down about Casablanca or
at Mazagàn; his hair like bird's nest, no shoes, and
his feet all cracked with walking up and down I
hunting for shell-fish on the rocks. He look back
always towards the island as if he thought the
devil Jwas behind the trees, and so I clap him on
the shoulder and say,' All right, ole man, cheer up
your pecker, there is not nothing to be 'fraid of, and
I shall take you to the ship'. At first he speak a
little slow, but when he once get fairly under weigh
the words come out like water from a barrel when
you have set it run. He tell our skipper he have
sailed from Copiapò and bound to San Francisco,
and that the vessel founder out at sea, and that he
alone have reached the island floating upon some
wreckage, about six months ago. He seem a little
142
Dagos
hazy about things
and have a hangdog look; but we say that the poor man is mad with
solitude, and have him shaved and washed and
give him suit of dungaree and send him down
below. He speak with no one, and when he eat a
little come up upon deck and fix his eyes upon the
island as if he sorry after all to leave it, so that I
tell him, ' Eh, you, do you want go ashore again ? '
and he laugh like a rabbit when you kill him, and
lights a cigarette. I tell you I did not much take to
the fellow, he have a pug-dog look "We ran along
the coast a bit, maybe an hour or two, as the wind
had veered a little round, and doubled another
little cape, and once again stand by to go about and
stretch across the gulf. Just as the ole man going to
give the order, up go his glass again, and he call
out, ' Jesus Maria! I think I see a smoke. Surely,'
he say, ' devils are in the island,' and as he speak a
column of black smoke rise up just by the wall of
forest which stand behind the beach. Looked like
as if some one had thrown green wood upon the
fire to make the smoke more black. We edge her
little nearer in, and once again a man come
running down the sand and wave his arms about.
Same old nonsense-send a boat ashore, and come
back to the ship with one more ragged Chilian very
like the last. When he come up the side and see the
man we first took off he stare a little, and with a
yell he grab an iron pin and spring at him just like
a jaguar.
" One of the Correntinos threw a rope about his
neck. They were, I think I told you, half sailor and
half gaucho, and with another half of devil in their
222
Dagos
blood—that make them ready for any kind of
thing.
" Well, the ole man he look at them and say I
Virgen de Guadalupe ! Put her about; let me get off
from isle of Carmen before some more poor
shipwrecked Chilians come out of the woods and
make my ship a lunatic asylum, for they are all
stark mad.'
" We go about and lay our course for Guaymas,
with a lively little wind, about a five-knot breeze, I
think, and then the skipper have the two Chilians
aft and question them about their devilment.
"It came out then that they were really the only
two men saved out of their vessel which have
founder in a fog. They reach the shore upon some
wreckage, and pretty nearly starve.
" Two months and three pass by, they all the
time hunting for shell-fish and snaring birds to
eat. Then something happen and they fight, then
separate, for island of Carmen get too little for
them if they live close and speak. Each think the
other come and kill him in the night, and they pass
all their time, each with a stick under his hand, to
keep his friend away. Then we come on the scene,
and the first man hope that we never find the
other—leave him there to die."
He ceased, and the sea-breeze swept through
the funnels of the streets in the now silent and
deserted town as it would tear the cobble-stones
out of their bedding, and the light seud raced overhead towards the east like feathers through the
Dagos
143
23 0
Dies Irae
sky. The audience sat silent for a time, and then
McMillan, taking up his parable, observed: "A
curious case, Fernandey. Aye, oo, aye, I'm glad your
fellows both were dawgos. I canna' think that a
white man could ever have descended to such a
meanness. . . . Now I ca' it just incredible in a full
chop white man."
Fernandez, holding a glass of water in his hand,
looked at him gravely and rejoined : " You see this
water. All my life I have loved water, . . . good air,
good water and good bells, the proverb says, and yet,
when I have been in an old sailing ship out in the
eastern seas, and when the water had run short
been put upon two pints a day for drink and cooking,
I have stand round the barrel, and, though it
smelled just like the drainings of a tan-yard,
counted the drops when it was poured into my
pannikin as if they had been gold.
" Si, Senor, . . . that is I mean, . . . how do you
put it, eh?—it is not good to say fountain— out of
your basin I shall never drink. . . . eh, Si, Senor."
R. B. CUNNINGHAME GRAHAM.
DIES IRAE1
Dies Irae
231
(LA NA FEIRG)
'S e 'n latha sin lath' na dunach, Thig am
Bràth 'ni smal de'n chruinne ; Dh'innis
Sibil 'us Dài 'n cunnart.
1 Air a eadar-theangachadh o'n Laidinn le Iain Mac
Dhòmhnaill, Fear na Ceapach, nach maireann.
'S mòr an sin a bhios a' bhalla-chrith 'N àm
do'n Bhreitheamh tigh'nn a làthair 'Sheallas
mean airson gach failinn.
Sèidear trombaid's gabhaidh toirm, Cluinnear
anns gach ait' a ghairm, Thionaileas gu mòd
na mairbh.
Bàs us Nàdar theid à cleachdadh
(Duirp ag èirigh suas gu beatha,
Tigh'nn air bial-thaobh clàr-na-Breithe.
Leabhar sgriobhte thig am follais,
'Bheir do'n t-saoghal ceart mar thoilleas.
Air do'n Bhreitheamh dol's a' chathair Cha
ghabh uaigneas air bith falach
'S air gach giamh theid cìs a ghabhail.
Dè, an sin, mo thruaigh, 'a their mi Dè'm
fear-cònaidh 'ni mo sheasamh ?
Oir's gann a thiarnar na deadh-chreidich.
Tosa 'n iochd—air mo rath-sa 'Dh'fhuihg anshocair
us tàmailt, Na dian mo dhibhirt an là sin.
'Thi 'rinn urad air mo shon-sa, A dhoirt d'fhuil air
fiodh na croise, Cuir dhomh 'n ìre brigh do lotan.
Fuasgladh agus Binn aig d'fhocal, Diomb na fiachan,
saor a mhathadh
Mu'n d'thig orm-sa Latha'n Tagraidh.
'M chiontach dìblidh goirt ag acain,
Buthadh nàire 'thoill mo pheacadh,
Baigh a Dhia rium, 's dian m'agairt.
Thi 'thug mathanas do Mhairi, 'Gheall do'n
mheirleach seilbh am Pàras Chuir thu mis' an
dochas làidir.
M'ùrnaigh lag, 's mo chrabhadh fionnar
Neartaich fèin, bho 'n's tu is urrainn, 'S teasrig
mi bho lasair Iutharn'.
Deònaich ait' dhomh 'measg nan caorach; As na
gobhair cuir gu taobh mi
'S air an deas-làmh gabh gu caomh ruim.
Bho'n mhuintir mhollaichte 'gan claoidh, An teine
dian nach tùchair 'chaoidh, Gairm-sa mi am
measg nan naomh.
Le cridh' umhlaidh, briste, cràiteach, Mo dhian
ùrnaigh ruit a Shlan'air,
Gabh fo' d'dhion an uair a bhàis mi.
An latha dubhach sin us dèurach As an smuir an
duine 'g èiridh ; Peacach truagh am meinn do
mhathais, Baigh a Dhia 'nad iochd ri m'anam.
LORD MARR'S MANIFESTO
OF recent pronouncements concerning the
Gaelic movement in -Scotland, few, if any, can
compare in point of interest and importance
with that recently issued by the Earl of Marr.
Whether we consider the nature of this at once
weighty and lucid statement itself, or the
character of its author, it must be apparent
that it constitutes a remarkable production.
Certainly, so far as the historic House of Marr
is concerned, no more interesting and patriotic
pronouncement has appeared from that
quarter since the days when the organiser of
the rising of 1715 issued his appeal, calling his
countrymen to arms on behalf of the Stuarts.
His
descendant's
manifesto,
therefore,
possesses in a conspicuous degree the highly
prized virtue of "historical continuity ". There
is an appropriateness about it which is at once
seasonable and retrospective ; and its form, no
less than its substance, are thoroughly in
keeping with the best traditions of that historic
House. Iain Cratkach may not have been, as
politician and patriot, all that consistency
required of him; but at all events he
endeavoured to make amends for his earlier
indiscretions. A leading promoter of the Union
of 1707, he lived not only to regret it, but to
vote against it in the English Parliament.
Thus, his intentions were good: it was only his
generalship that was awry. The conflict
between theory and practice—betwixt prin-
ciples and conduct—overwhelmed him. And, after
all, has not many a better man than "Bobbing John"
perished dismally in that unending contest ?
Lord Marr's manifesto—the text of which has
appeared in all the important Anglo-Gaelic newspapers—constitutes a double appeal. In the first
place it is an appeal to the editors of our weekly
newspapers to be more Gaelic in the letter, as in the
spirit, of their journals. Lord Marr pleads for more
Gaelic, and that of better quality. He also, rightly,
takes exception to the subordinate position assigned
to the Gaelic language in the weekly press. His
observations on this point are worth reproducing:—
"The English language," he says, "is too much in
use in quarters and on occasions in which the Gaelic
language could be employed with just as much, if
not more, efficacy, and with a great deal more
propriety, considering those patriotic principles
which most of us, at least outwardly, profess. We
complain, in the first place, of the treatment
accorded to our language in the press. In too many
cases but little use is made of the Gaelic, whilst in
some others the position accorded to our ancient
tongue is neither honourable to ourselves nor
flattering to that language. A custom has sprung up
of late of relegating the Gaelic reading matter to a
single and more or less obscure column of the
newspaper, and of admitting Gaelic articles on
trifling—even childish—and dull subjects. It seems
to be thought in some quarters that not only is
almost anything good enough for the Gaelic reader,
but that the less Gaelic there is introduced into the
newspaper the better ; the consequences being that
not only is the quantity of Gaelic reading matter
ridiculously inadequate, if we consider the fact that
Gaelic is the language of our race and the home
speech of the vast majority of the inhabitants
of the Gàidhealtachd, but the quality of these
Gaelic contributions leaves much to be desired.
The honour and dignity of the Gaelic language
are manifestly seen to suffer seriously when, as
too frequently happens, the Gaelic column is
made the receptacle of childish sgeulachdan,
rustic còmhraidhean, and so forth, to the
exclusion of more interesting, more modern,
more profitable and less trifling matter. The
Gaelic language, a most highly cultivated and
flexible and polished speech, is an admirable
medium for the discussion of all the questions
of the day; and its honour and dignity require
that it should be used in these connections at
least as prominently and as frequently as
English.
" Another cause of complaint, so far as our
otherwise admirable press is concerned, is the
predominating position therein assigned to the
English language. Surely there should be at
least one good Gaelic leading article of
reasonable length in every newspaper
circulating in the Gàidhealtachd ? Our Irish
and Welsh kinsmen set us an admirable
example in this respect, and one which we
would do well to follow. The titles, too, of our
newspapers might with advantage, and no
possible loss of consistency to ourselves, be
printed in Gaelic as well as in English. Any
stranger or foreigner now taking up a
newspaper circulating in the Gàidhealtachd,
and glancing through its contents would be
justified in arguing therefrom a degree of
vogue and prominence for the English
language which, assuredly, if we are to
consider the home life of our people, it does not in
reality possess. We wage no war against English; we
merely plead for the restoration of the Gaelic to its
proper place amongst us. Its honour and dignity, no
less than our own consistency, can be satisfied with
nothing less."
This could scarcely be better put. The language of
the manifesto is simple yet forcible, strong yet
dignified, and as regards its substance any one who
knows anything of the Gàidhealtachd will admit
that it is not only true in part, but stands completely
justified as a whole. We cordially associate ourselves
therefore with Lord Marr in his patriotic appeal; and
as second cousins to that institution which he chides
so pointedly, yet encourages— namely, the weekly
press—we promise to do our best to execute his
reasonable behests. We certainly think that there
should be "at least one good Gaelic leading article "
in
every
newspaper
circulating
in
the
Gàidhealtachd, and professing to be " Highland
"—an odious word of English manufacture against
which we hereby and herewith vigorously protest. It
is not treating the Gaelic language with that honour
and dignity which it] deserves to discuss the leading
political and social events of the day exclusively in
English. If the movement is not to fall short of the
desired result, Gaelic must emerge from the shell to
which a bad system of education and the
accompanying ills, ignorance and false shame, have
impudently con-: signed it; and must assume the
commanding posi-j tion now occupied by English
amongst us. As Lord Marr justly observes : " Gaelic
is the language of our race, and the home speech of
the vast majority of the inhabitants of the
Gàidhealtachd ". But few would think this to be so,
having regard strictly to our newspapers, and
to our "official" and semi-official conduct.
No doubt there is a sad dearth of competent
Gaelic journalists, owing to blundering and unpatriotic educational methods ; but this
difficulty— a very serious and real one, as
those who have had any experience of Gaelic
journalism know full well —tends, fortunately,
to disappear.
The rising generation is being
better educated. Our future] journalists will
know how to write their own language with as
much ease and precision as their forerunners
know how to write that of England and the
effect of this change cannot but be beneficial
upon our race at large. It will inevitably
reverse the position, the absurdity of which
has] struck other people besides Lord Marr,
leading to. the gradual assumption by the
Gaelic language of that commanding position
which the speech of the Saxon now occupies
amongst us, owing to the dearth of competent
Gaelic journalists.
Meantime, much might be done to help to
pave the way for this wholesome and necessary
change in our affairs. We have no reason to
doubt the patriotism of our literary confrèi'es of
the periodical press. One and all, we think, are
only too anxious to do their utmost to forward
the Gaelic movement, since their inclinations,
no less than their interests, are actively
engaged thereby. The threatened deluge of
Saxon periodicals is a serious menace to Gaelic
journalism; and anything that will tend to keep
our periodicals above water is obviously worth
cultivating. And this the Gaelic movement, by
erecting the impassable barrier of language between
the Gàidhealtachd and the Galltachd— between,
roughly
speaking,
Scotland
and
England
—undoubtedly tends to do. Therefore, apart from
motives of patriotism, the Gaelic movement appeals
with a peculiar force to Scottish journalism. It is a
defensive measure of the most transparent expediency. It is a call to arms, an invitation to close
up our ranks against, and in view of, the threatened
" literary " invasion from England. Assuredly, the
coming of England's swarms of cheap and nasty
periodicals is as little to be welcomed by us upon
selfish, as upon moral and political grounds.
Meantime, therefore, much might be done to
make straight the way for the Gaelic journalist and
journalism of the future. Our periodicals might be
more carefully edited, by means of the afforded light
of the Gaelic Renaissance. The national tone might
be raised, and the " outlook," instead of being "
British " and therefore provincial, should be brought
in harmony with the imperial traditions of the
Gaelic race—of that great race which once spread
from Asia Minor in the East to the Isle of Saints and
of Scholars in the West. ' For our forefathers had
acquired the habit of " thinking imperially" many
hundreds of years before the Anglo-Saxon race
emerged from its primitive barbarism to be a thorn
in the side of the Gaels, and a stumbling-block to
progress and evolution upon national lines. The
lessons of the Renaissance should be seized and
utilised. The sort of hat-in-hand, by-your-leave
attitude in face of the "Predominant Partner" should
be discarded as insulting to ourselves and
superfluity towards a parvenu acquaintance. " We
wage no war against English," or the English. "We
merely plead for the restoration" of the Gael to his
proper place amongst the nations of the world.
And, pray, what shall it profit a people if it
wax fat and prosperous and lose, nevertheless,
its own self-respect ?
The second part of Lord Marr's manifesto is
concerned with the faults of the public, and
here, too, we are at one with the critic. Says
Lord Marr : " English is commonly used to the
prejudice and exclusion of Gaelic on many
occasions in which the use of the latter would
be infinitely preferable upon patriotic grounds,
and certainly much more convenient. Such
occasions we allude to are, public speeches
(political and otherwise), presentations and
addresses to private individuals and societies
and corporate bodies (such as town councils),
and the like. Gaelic, too, might advantageously
be more extensively used in transacting public
and private correspondence, in writing letters
and reports of meetings, etc., for publication in
the weekly local press; in meetings of public
bodies such as county councils, parish councils,
school boards, and so forth. Gaelic songs and
sketches should figure prominently in all
enter-.
tainments throughout the Gàidhealtachd; and
the language generally should be treated, not
as if it were a semi-defunct speech (which it
most certainly is not) and something to be
ashamed of, but as a living tongue in which we
take, as most of us assuredly do, a growing and
a legitimate pride."
This, likewise, is excellent, being much to
the point. Undoubtedly the public, as a whole,
is
not sufficiently strong-minded
and
consistent. The sort of courage which breaks
through foolish or injurious conventions, which
dares to do and to say that which is noble and right,
in spite of the shrugs and snubs of the servile and
the ignorant, is, alas! still rare amongst us. But
there is another matter in which we hold the public
is equally blameworthy, and on which we wish Lord
Marr could have touched; and that is, the scant
support afforded by our public to publications in
their own language. "Probably no race has given less
encouragement to publications in its own tongue
than the Celts of Scotland," remarked a writer in the
Dundee Advertiser, whilst
reviewing,
highly
appreciatively, a recent number of this periodical.
And who shall say that this implied censure is not
thoroughly deserved 1 0! the number of Gaelic
periodicals that have set out with confidence and
high hopes, and that have perished miserably by the
way, owing to the coldness of their reception on the
part of the Gael! A list of the defunct would, indeed,
provide melancholy reading! For its sins, in this
respect, the public might well be invited to do
penance by reading it ciad in sackcloth and ashes,
and all the dismal trappings of woe. Journal after
journal, magazine after magazine have gone down,
not because they deserved not to succeed, but
because the Gael refused to support them.
Is there not something infinitely depressing and
melancholy—somewhat even disgraceful to ourselves—in this unprovoked slaughter of the innocents? In turning over some of these dead leaves,
more for our mortification than for our pleasure, we
recently came upon the following, the type, alas! of
many another such spirited announcement, whose
fair promise neglect and indifference were too soon
to nip in the bud. The extract in question is from the
Teachdaire ùr Gàidhealach, a publication that did
yeoman's service in the cause of the Gael in its
day, but which, thanks to the Gael's broad
back, has long joined the teeming majority.
"Tha
sinne
agus
iomadh
caraid
teas-chridheach a'cur romhainn nach sguir
sinn d'ar saothair gus am bi eòlas sgriobhaidh
agus leughaidh na Gàilig cho chumanta air
Gàidhealtachd 'sa tha eòlas na Beurla air
Galldachd 'no gus an tog sinn i cho àrd ri aona
chanain eile 'san Boinn-Europa. Cha 'n 'eil sinn
a'faicinn ni saoghalta's urrainn ar bacadh."
Brave words, indeed, and all honour to the
heroes who gave utterance to them! But how
were they fulfilled ? There are some things
which all the philosophy in the world will not
enable us to support with calmness and
equanimity, and this is one of them. Let us
sorrowfully, and in a chastened spirit, pass on,
for we have much to repent of, and not a little
to learn. I There is, however, one other aspect
of this question, touching which we must here
perforce say a few words. And that is, the
supercilious and hypercritical attitude which
some Gaels take up with regard to their own
publications. With some people, a Gaelic
publication is, apparently, ever " fair game "
for uncharitable criticism plentifully mingled
with abuse. " A Gaelic periodical!
Come, let us vilify it and every one and every
thing connected with it; and the KUSOS will be
ours !" they exclaim. So these malicious and
unprofitable critics, instead of supporting that
which they have, with a view to making the
best of it— for in this world perfection is scarce
and mediocrity sits in high places—conspire
together with the design of rendering the life of
the doomed publication insupportable. This truly
detestable humour has played sad havoc with the
literary efforts of the Gael. "Is iomadh coire a fhuair
cuid do Chlèir na Gàidhealtachd do 'n Teachdaire
fhad agus a bha e 'dol a mach ; ach is fhada mu 'n
dfheuch a h-aon diubh fear a b'fhearr a chur 'na àite
'nuair a sguir e." That is it exactly. Thousands are
ready to abuse and criticise ; but not a mother's son
of them is willing to come forward and himself set
his hand to the plough which, but for their want of
support, would not now be stuck fast in the mire. We
dislike "lecturing" and scolding; but however much
the flippant and the peace-at-any-price makers may
deprecate the statement, it is sometimes necessary
to speak out. Let us conclude these heads by
indulging the reasonable hope that the days of these
absurdities (as of their foolish perpetrators) are
overpast.
Another theme, and it, also, a fair corollary to
Lord Marr's spirited and patriotic manifesto. There
is an amazing scarcity of books in the Gaelic
language. Most Gaelic books seem to be out of print,
and the few that are not so are exceeding hard to
come by. The demand for Gaelic books is brisk—was
never brisker we believe ; but the supply totally fails
to keep pace with the demand. This, surely, is a
curious state of affairs. In England, the difficulty
which the publishers labour under is to dispose of
their works : with us, the obstacle til book-buying is
the scarcity thereof ! Was ever sq whimsical a state
of affairs encountered before-^ outside Alice's
Wonderland ? The Comunn Gàidhl ealach knows,
apparently, but one—an admirable] book in its way,
but still but one—and in this respect bears a curious
resemblance to the Bellman] in Lewis Carroll's
Hunting of the Snark. Tha Bellman, it will be
remembered, though a sldlfuB mariner on
shore, had
" Only one notion
Of crossing the ocean,
And that was by ringing his beil." |
Similarly, the Comunn Gàidhealach would
apl pear to be but a single-minded body in
respect
ta Gaelic
literature;
for
its
prize-winners are, year] after year, reduced to
a single volume, which, in] view of its many
excellencies, it might be invidious! if not
positively indiscreet, here to mention. Peri
haps, however, the Comunn has a private store
of] the book in question, and, like John Gilpin's
wife! is the happy possessor of a frugal mind.
At ahj events, whatever the explanation, the
mystery itself] undoubtedly exists. The people
are clamouring] for literary bread; but there is
not to give them—| even the stone of the
second-hand bookseller. It has been said that
Gaelic books are expensive to] produce; but
why this should be so we are at a] loss to
imagine. We have never heard it said that]
Latin or French is more costly to set up than]
English; and though a knowledge of Gaelic is]
highly desirable in a compositor, yet it is not
inl dispensable to the printing of the language.
Tha conclusion we are forced to, therefore, is
that GaeliJ publishers lack capital and
enterprise. They seen!
determined that the public shall consume the
very dregs of their presses before laying in
material for a fresh vintage. This perpetual
hunt for scarce j(and dirty) second, or rather
legion, hand copies of (G-aehc classics, besides
being
highly
vexatious
(and
(frequently
disappointing), is absurd and discreditable. It is
absurd, because the demand exists; and what is the
use of a tradesman if he does not ■cater for demand
? The millstone of competition should be tied about
his neck, and he should be raucked in the sea of
popular disfavour. It is discreditable, because it
implies a certain want of address and backbone on
the part of the reading public. A State without
letters is like a ship without rudder; and a people
which is so supine and indifferent touching its best
interests that it can-mot summon up sufficient zeal
and energy to send Ithe publishers about their
appropriate business is mot only little to be admired,
and even less envied, put is obviously-decadent, and
intellectually worthless.
Two strokes more and we shall have done for the
present. We have no lack of Gaelic literary talent;
but how many of our best men have published works
in Gaelic? Our best scholars, [instead of writing in
Gaelic—which they could rauite well do—almost
invariably use English; and where they do use
Gaelic, they seem incapable of completingtheir
labours without adding much totally Superfluous
English. Why a Gaelic author should (think it
necessary to write the preface to his work, [or some
other part thereof, in English, whilst the [rest of his
text is in Gaelic, we have never been Sable to
understand, though we have reflected and [cogitated
(in vain) times without number. Obvi-lously, a
Gaelic reader, who is always bilingual, does not
require English in a Gaelic book; and a merely
English reader does not require a book the greater
part of which is written in Gaelic. Why, then, this
most odd, most unaccountable mixture ? We are at a
loss for an explanation. It may be that the]
subconscious workings of the mind which is at
once neither whole hog nor complete porker—
neither quite Gaelic, nor yet entirely mere
"British" —alone can supply it. With regard to
publishers who impose English titles and
title-pages on works] which have not a word of
English within theuj entire compass, their
ignorance and stupidity must, no doubt, be
taken into charitable account in framing a
suitable censure. Such practices, however,
whatever their cause, cannot be too severely
condemned. They are monuments of weakness,
and! sign-posts of folly. They are ridiculous ;
and though by no means inclined to exaggerate
the penetrating power of projectiles where the
hardened epidermis of the book-dealing
fraternity is concerned, yet, in this case, as in
some others, we are disposed to trust to the
ridicule that kills.
NA H-ALB ANN AICH AN CANADA
ANN an dlùthachadh air cùis an sgriobhaidh so
a tha cho spèiseil do chridheachan nan
Albannach! a tha an diugh beò, tionndaidh an
inntinn gu furasda gu beathannan agus
deanadais oidhirpeach Albannaich buadhach
na tìre ris an canar an diugh Canada agus na
Staidean Aonaichte. Anns an sgriobhadh so,
cha dèanar agartas air priomh-achd no
breug-dhealbhachd, a chionn cha'n 'eil na
fìrinnean a thatar a' cur sios, agus na tachartais, a th'air an aithris, ach gu meamhair àl
na linn so ath-nuadhachadh le treuntas agus
dìlseachd do dhleasnas a tha cho bitheanta a
comharrachadh nan Albannach anns gach staid
shaoghalta anns am beil iad ri'm faighinn; agus
anns an dòigh so an eisimpleir luachmhor a chumail
suas dhaibhsan a thig as ar deigh gu feum nan
linntean ri teachd.
Cha'n aibheiseachadh a ràdh, mur biodh na
h-Albannaich agus an sliochd ann air son dùthcha
fhiadhaich Chanada thoirt gu riaghailt, cha bhiodh i
an diugh cho iomraideach agus a tha i. Faodar a
ràdh le cinnt, gu'm biodh e ro dhuilich do Chomunn
Bàgh Hudson am feart agus am buanas fhaighinn a
bha feumail dhaibh gus an oidhirpean misneachail a
chur air bonn gu seasmhach, mur b'e's gu'n
d'fhuaireadh o
Albainn
am
pailteas
iad.
Maireannachd Albannach, fulangas Albannach,
leanaltas Albannach, comasachd Albannach, agus
treibhdhireachd Albannach; is iad so na buadhan a
chomh-chuidich gus a' mhalairteach shoirbheasach
as na ghabh an Comunn sin tlachd; agus, faodar a
ràdh, mòr-chùis. Bha na h-ionadan falamh an
oifigean nam marsantan-tachd air an lionadh leis na
fir-oibre-seirbhisich a' Chomuinnrè ceithir bliadhna - deug ; agus is ann troimh dhiachainn, air
fhulang ann am fuachd tìr a' chruinn-a-tuath, a
dhearbh iadsan a thèid ainmeachadh ann so cho
toillteanach agus a bha iad air onair agus fìor-chliù.
Foghnaidh facal no dhà mu bheagan de'n
fheadhainn a b'àirde inbhe inntinn a sheòl a'
mhalairteachd-bhian phrobhaideach so. Anns a'
bhuidheann so, tha an Gàidheal ainmeal sin Sime
Mac Thabhais, a rugadh 's a bhliadhna 1750, agus a
bha
'na
dhuine
glè
neartmhor,
agus
comh-dhùnadach an inntinn. Dhasan, thatar a toirt
cliù air son Comunn-Bian-Mhalairt na h-Iar-Thuath
a chruth-shuidheachadh ; air son comh-dheuchainnJ
each agus comhstri eadar na buidheannan a bha
'strì air son malairteachd nam bian a chur an
dara] taobh. O so, chi sinn, eadhon anns an
aimsir chian] ud, agus am measg choilltean
neo-bhriste America] mu thuath, gu'n d'fhuair
màthair-aobhair
a'
mhoir]
Chomuinn,
tèarmuinn nach bu bheag dhiubh. Is] tric a
dh'aobhraich a neart-inntinn agus a chomas!
achd an obair comhstri gnothaich eadar e fèin
agus] feadhainn eile; agus anns an dòigh so,
bha, air] uairean, nàimhdeas air a chur air
bonn. Cho! chruinnich e fortan nach bu bheag,
agus chuir e] suas taigh-comhnuidh mòr
dha-fein faisg air Monl treal, far am bheil a
dhuslach tiodhlaicte. .
An t-Al bannach iomraideach sin Alasdair
Mac Coinnich, a bha 'na rannsachair cho
urramach, chal leigear a leas ach 'ainm, agus a
chliù ainmeachadh! gus iad a bhi air an
gradhachadh agus air an urram! achadh. Tha
esan do dh'America mu thuath mar] bha Mac
an Lèigh agus feadhainn eile do dh'Africa.1
Anns a' Chiùine, 1789, dh'fhalbh e air a
thuras! rannsachadh shoirbheasach thun an
t-sruth air am bheil 'ainm, Abhainn Mhic
Coinnich, agus lean ej i gus far am bheil i a
tràghadh an Cuan na h-Arctic. Gus an
rannsachadh so a thoirt gu crìch! shealbhaich,
cha robh aige ach tri curraicheanl Innseanach,
agus àireamh bheag de dhaoine. Chal robh
nàimhdeas muinntir na tìre no an èiginn anns]
an robh e a chum lòn fhaighinn d'a fheara
'nanl cùis eagail do spiorad neo-ghealtach an
rannsachail! so. Shoirbhich là thuras, agus
dh'osnaich e air son] saoghail eile fhaighinn a
mach, gus an cur fo chìs]
'Na àm-san, cha robh dearbh fhios aig na
fir-rannsachaidh air a' cheart àite anns an robh an]
Cuan Siar air a shuidheachadh; agus cha d'rinn] an
deagh ionnsaidh a thug e sios Abhainn Mhic
Coinnich ach a' mhiann air urram a chur air
chorra-biod gus tuilleadh àiteachan a dhèanamh
aithnichte. Ach, bha fios aige gun robh e ro fhad' air
ais ann an speuradaireachd air son rannsachaidh
ealadhanach a stiùireadh; agus gus uachdranachd
fhaighinn air an an-fhios so, thug e, 'sa bhliadhna
1791, a thuras troimh Chanada, 'nuair nach robh
carbadan no bàtaichean-dheatach luchairteach ann,
gus imeachd a dheanamh socrach, gu Lunainn, far
an deachaidh e a dh'fhaighinn faoghluim an
àrd-chùnntais a bhiodh feumail dha a' rannsachadh
an fhuinn eadar Abhainn Mhic Coinnich agus an
Cuan Siar. Rinn e so ann an deacaireachd mhòr.
Troimh mheud na h-airc a bha aige ri fhulang, chaill
an t-eadar-theangair a mhisneach, agus dh'fhàg se
e. Cha do chum so air ais an rannsachair gaisgeil.
Chaidh e sios Abhainn an Fhriosailich, agus fhuair e
a mach an Cuan Siar, agus dh'fhàg e againn mòr
eòlas mu cheart shuidheachadh an àite so, na
creutairean talmhaidh a bha tàmh ann, na lusan a
[bha fàs ann, agus mu urrainneachd gus
bian-mhalairt a mheudachadh air feadh na tìre.
Bha e air a ghràdhachadh leosan a b'fheàrr a
b'aithne e. Bha spèis aig a chàirdean dha, [bha eagal
air a nàimhdean roimhe, dh'àrdaich a dhùthaich e le
tiodal Iarla Shelkirk; agus tha an cruinne-cè gu lèir
a' faighinn tairbhe bho 'chai-the-beatha.
Anns a' bhliadhna 1815, rugadh an Albainn an
Gàidheal eug-samhail sin Sir Iain A. Dòmh-nullach,
a thàinig do Chanada anns a' bhliadhna 1820, agus
a dh'fhàg dealbh a dheagh bheusan air Canada
Aonaichte. Dhasan thatar a toirt urram air son
na Roinnean sin a chur ri chèile ris an canar
Uachdranachd Chanada. Aig àm ruathar nam
" Finnineach," chunnacas feumalachd aonachd
air choir-eigin eadar nan Roinnean; ach, air
tàille a' chosdas, chaidh a' chùis a chur an dara
taobh gu àm na bu fhreagarraiche. Aig an àm
so, bha e am beachd muinntir nan Roinnean
Fairgeach (no Iochdrach) aonachd a dheanamh
'nam measg fèin, agus air an aobhar sin,
chaidh ughdarras a thoirt dhaibh le'n taighean
Pàrlamaid coinneachadh ann am Baile
Shearlot, an Eilean a' Phrionnsa; agus do'n
choinneamh so, thàinig Sir Iain agus
feadhainn d'a cho-obraichean; agus dhealbh
iad air inntinnean luchd-na-coinneamh gu'm
bu mhath an rud an aonachd bheag a chur an
dara taobh air son aonachd na bu mhutha
anns am biodh an dà Chanada cuide-riutha;
agus is e sin a chaidh a dheanamh. Anns an
Iuchar, 1867, chaidh a dheanamh 'na Phriomh
Mhinisteir air a' chiad Phàrlamaid Chanada
air son chumhnantan Achd America mu
Thuath a chur an gniomh. O'n bhuaidh a
shealbhaich Canada an a' seòltachd riaghlaidh,
agus am beartas, faodar Sir Iain Dòmhnullach
a chur sios mar chomhairleach-rioghachd gun
choimeas an America gus an latha an diugh.
Bha e 'nochdadh 'na chaith-beatha fior ghlan
na firinn, agus cha'n urrainn neach air bith a
ràdh gu'n do rinn e gniomh suarach rè na
h-uine 'bha e fuaighte ri innleachdan
riaghlaidh.
Thug an troimhe-chèile bha an Albainn
anns
a'
bhliadhna
1745,
agus
na
cruaidh-chàsan a bha iad a' fulang o'n luchd
riaghlaidh air mòran de na Gàidheil dol air imrich a
dh'ionnsaidh America. Mu'n àm so, chaidh mu 800
dhiubh do dh'Eilean a'Phrionnsa; mòran eile do
Staidean Charolina; feadhainn gu tìr na h-Iar
Tuath, troimh Bhàgh Hudson agus grunnan math
do Ghleann a' Ghar-aidh, an Ontario. Thàinig,
cuideachd, àireamh mhòr do Albainn Nuadh agus do
Cheap Breatuinn, far am bheil an sliochd air an
latha an diugh a' toirt cunntais orra fèin nach 'eil
idir a' cur neo-urram air an sinnsir. Tha a'
Ghàidhlig fhathast 'ga bruidhinn, agus na h-oilean
'ga chumail suas le iomadh neach. Tha
leabhraichean is paipeirean air an cur a mach a tha
freagrach do dh'fheumalachd an t-sluaigh. Mu leith
chiad bliadhna air ais, bha paipeir Gàidhlig ris an
canar A'Cfiisteag air a chur a mach an Antigonish, a
tha fhathast a' cumail suas gu foghainnteach nan
teagasgan agus nan fìrin-nean suidhichte a tha gu
math agus feum a' chinne-dhaonna Bho chionn
beagan
bhliadhnaichean,
bha
paipeir
seachduineach, am Mac-Talla, air a chur a mach ann
an Sidni, a bha gu leasachadh rosg agus bàrdachd
seann Albainn agus Albainn nuaidh.
Ann an Eilean a' Phrionnsa, tha ministeir, A.
Mac I. Mac a' Chèird, a tha 'na shloinntear ainmeil.
Is ogha e do'n bhàrd Mac Uleathainn a bha, aon
uair:—
"A' meadhain fasaich air Abhainn Bharni Gun
dad a b'fheàrr na bun-tàta lom."
Tha e air mòran de na seann òrain Ghàidhlig
fhoillseachadh. Chuir an t-Urramach foghlumta, an
t-Easbuig Camashron, an Antigonish, a mach
leabhar-aidmheil Gàidhlig a tha cho luachmhor leis
a chomh-chreidmhich. Tha na h-oidhirpean so le
Albannaich America-an-Ear air an cuideachadh gu
math le Gàidheil Oirthir a' chuain Shìtheil, a
tha cumail an cuimhne na glinn anns an
d'rugadh iad, aig a' bheil gaol air cànain an
sinnsear, agus a tha gu fialaidh toirt seachad
an airgid gus Gàidhlig chaomh, ceòl binn, agus
cluichean dhuineil nan Gàidheal a chumail
suas. Am measg gach soirbheachadh 's a'
mhèineadaireachd a thàinig air Alasdair Mòr
Dòmhnullach, ris an canar "Righ Klondyke,"
cha d'rinn e dearmad air suim mhòr airgid a
chur an dara taobh leis na thogadh eaglais
bhriagha d'a chomh-chreidmhich, na Caitlicich,
am baile mòr Dhawson. O so, chì sinn am feum
math a rinn e de'n teagasg dhiadhaidh a fhuair
e an tìr 'oige, Albainn Nuadh. An t-àrd urram a
thug e do nithean agus buaine na nithean
neo-mhaireannach an t-saoghail so, tha e 'ga
chur air leith uapasan a leigeas air
di-chuimhne Dia agus 'aoradh an uair, a
gheibh iad mòran de mhaoin an t-saoghail so.
Cha'n ann ris na Caitlicich a mhàin a tha an
seòrsa diadhachd so fuaighte. Rinn Albannaich
eile iomadh cuideachadh le'n eaglaisean fèin
air feadh America.
Is e Alasdair Graham Beil, a rugadh 'an
Glaschu (1847) a thàinig do Chanada 1870,
agus a rinneadh 'na àrd-fhear-foghluim an
Ard-Oil-Thaigh Bhoston (1872) a thionnsgainn
an ùr-innleachd fhiachail sin an telephone.
Fhuair e sgriobhadh còrach air an
fhoillseachadh so anns a' bhliadhna 1876, agus
tha e gun tàmh ag oibreachadh gach là is
bliadhna gus an innleachd so a dheanamh na's
fheàrr agus na's fheàrr, gus am bheil i an
diugh cho math agus gu'm faodar a ràdh nach
d'fhuaradh 'mach ealain na's fèumaile na i.
Am Beinn Bhrigh, faisg air Baddeck, C.B., chuir e
suas togaileach mhòr far am bheil e comhnuidh gach
samhradh, agus far am bi e gu dian a' saorachadh
air an obair sin nach tèid aig duine 'tha beò air a
deanamh cho math ris. Gun dàil, thug comuìnn
fhoghlumta na Roinn Eorpa iomadh onair is tiodal
do'n Albannach ealaineach so.
Chaidh a
dheanamh 'na thàinistear anns an Smithsonian
Institute. Thug Ard-Oil-Thaigh Hei-delburgh dha
an inbhe a b'àirde 'bha aige, agus thug
uachdranachd na Frainge dha a' Volta Pìix. Thug
Ard-Oil-Thaighean Ghlaschu is Shasuinn, far na
chriochnaich e 'obair-sgoile, dha gach urram a h'
àbhaist dhaibh a thoirt do na sgoilearan-tiodal, Leis
an deagh ionnsachadh a bh'aige, ghabh e roimhe air
a dheagh èideadh gus reachdan nàduir a chur fo
smachd, agus feum math a' dèanamh do gach
dìomhaireachd air am faigheadh e eòlas.
Am measg nan uaislean a tha 'cuideachadh le'n
ùine agus le'm maoin air son cleachdannan
cliù-thoillteannach nan Gàidheal agus an cànain
bhrigh-mhor a chumail suas, tha a h-aon a tha
comhraichte 'nam measg gu lèir. Is e sin Iain D. Mac
Ghillebh-raigh à Palo Alto, California. Rugadh an
t-uasal so an Albainn, agus tha e 'san dùthaich so
bho chionn iomadh bliadhna, far am beil e 'deanamh
gu math anns an obair a roghnaich e. Is e Dòmhnull
Mac Chlearaidh d'am b'fheàrr a b'aithne a'
Ghàidhlig na 'Bheurla, a chuir air bonn Comunn
Naoimh Aindrea ann an Tìr a' Phuirt (Portland),
Oregon, agus shoirbhich leis gu math fo stiùireadh
an duine ghasda so. Bha e ro dhìcheallach ann an
cumail suas bheachdan Gàidhealach am measg a
luchd-dùthcha.
Cha'n urrainn mi, bho ghiorrad an sgrìobhaidh
so, iomradh a thoirt air gach aon a rinn mòr-mhath
do'n càirdean Albannach agus do'n tìr anns an
d'rinn iad an dachaidh. Ann an San Francisco
tha talla mòr aig na comuinn, far am bheil
leabharlann math, anns am faigh gach neach
dhiubh gach rosg is bàrdachd is àill leis.
Tha e cho gnàthach do spiorad nan
Gàidheal a bhi 'strì an oidhirpean misneachail,
agus nach fan iad uile anns na h-àiteachan
anns an cuir an imrich iad. Cha robh deòin aig
an òigridh a rugadh anns na Roinnean
Breatunnach air fuireach an tìr am breith.
Thàinig iad 'nam mìltean do na bailtean anns
na Staidean Aonaichte anns an robh mòran do
bhùithean cèirde, gu sònruichte do Bhoston
agus York Nuadh. Am measg nan uile anns na
cearnaibh so, cha'n 'eil na bheir bàrr air na
h-oganaich agus na maighdeanan so an
dìlseachd, an comas, agus an ealain
ghluasadachd nuadh. Air ceann mòran de na
mòr-chomuinn san duthaich so, gu sònraichte
far am bheil dilseachd agus earbsachd ro
fheumail, an sin gheabhar na h-Albannaich,
far am beil iad a' nochdadh an ionracas a
fhuair iad aig glùn am mathar an tìr an òige.
Ann am baile-mor Bhoston, far am bheil mu
dheich-mìle-fichead dhiubh, tha an comuinn
fèin aca, agus am paipeirean, far am bheil
aoibhneas is deagh-bheusan na tìr o'n d'thàinig
iad air an luaidh.
Tha an gnàth caidreamhach dìblidh, air an
d'thug ard-riaghladair na dùthcha so an t-ainm
freagrach sin, fèin-mhort-gineal, ro chumanta
ann an earrannan de'n tir so ach, taing do
Dhia, cha'n iad mic is nigheanan nan
Albannach na ciontaich. Cha'n ann 'nam
measg, no anns na h-àiteachan anns am bheil
iad a'comhnuidh a chithear an sgaradh-posaidh,
agus neo-ghaol fhear d'am mnathan agus
mnathan-do na fir. Gun mhòran tuilleadh airàdh
mu'n chùis-neo-thaitnich so, tha sgriobhadair nam
facal so gu làidir de'n bharail gur i fuil nan
Albannach, fuil a tha ro luachmhor do shluagh
America. An Canada, far am bheil na Gàidheil
(gun ghuth a thoirt air creideamh) a' stiùradh
gnothaichean na dùthcha, chithear cho ainneamh
agus a tha an sgaradh-pòsaidh, ged tha e cho
bitheanta far nach 'eil iad cho lionmhor.
Cha'n fhaodar a leigeil air di-chuimhne gur
Albannach an Caiptean Barr, d'am bheil na h-uile
'toirt mòr-urraim air son mar a làimhsich e na birlinnean Americanach. Tha deagh fhios, mur biodh e
'na mharaiche cho math, nach faigheadh e air
Lipton na buaidhean a fhuair e. Gun an làimhseachadh sgileil a rinn esan air a' bhirlinn Americanach, cha'n fhanadh an comharradh-buaidhe sin
air an robh maraichean an t-saoghail gu lèir cho
dèidheil, cho fada anns an dùthaich so. Faodaidh,
mata, Albannaich a ràdh, gu'm bheil cuimhneachain
aca as am faod iad uaill a ghabhail. O'n eachdraidh
san tìm a dh'aom, cha'n 'eil teagamh sam bith nach
bi sliochd nan Albannach anns na bliadhnaichean ri
teachd cho urramach agus a bha an sinnsear anns
na linntean a chaidh seachad.
Anns a' bhliadhna 1714, rugadh Iain Pòl Jones
an Albainn, agus dh'èug e am Paris, 1792, agus, as a
sin, thugadh a dhuslach le mòr-urram do na
Staidean Aonaichte o chionn ghoirid. Is ann an
seirbhis nan Geangach a choisinn e a chiad
chomharrachadh ainmeil cabhlachail. B'e a' chiad
duine a chuir ri crann, a' bhratach a chaidh a
dhealbh leis a' bhan-Albannaich, Ealasaid Ros, à
Philadelphia. Nuair a bha e an seirbhis nan
Aiteachais, rinn e mòran air son math nan
luingeas-chogaidh. Is e, ma dh'fhaoidte,
glacadh na Serapìs euchd a b' iomraidiche a
chuir e an gniomh. Thug e seirbhis
chomharraichte do chabhlaich na Frainge,
agus Rusia. Bha e 'na fhior mharaiche agus
mòr
mhisneachail.
Thug
Americanach
bliadhnaichean
a'
cladhach
agus
a'
rannsachadh mu'n d'fhuair e a dhuslach ann
am Paris. Chuir muinntir America luach cho
mor air a sheirbhis d'an dùthaich 's gun do
chum iad suas an rannsachadh gus na
shoirbhich leo. Tha a dhuslach an diugh aig
fois fo bhrataich na dùthcha do'n d'thug e a
sheirbhis luachmhor an uair a bha i 'na
h-èiginn. Mar a tha an sean-fhacal Laideann
ag ràdh : Ab uno disce omnes.
B.
A.
254
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
GAELIC ARTS AND CRAFTS
INTERIOR DECORATION
THE formative principles inspiring Gaelic art, and
which give to it its peculiar character and charm,
must be looked for outside Europe. The Celtic race
belongs to the great Aryan brotherhood of nations,
whose original home or habitat, as the scientific
phrase goes, was in Northern India. The Gaelic
language possesses remarkable affinities to certain
Eastern dialects, and no view of our artistic
achievements which does not take into consideration our early geographical situation would nowadays be considered scientifically acceptable.
The direction assumed by the Aryan migration,
or rather migrations, for, doubtless, there were
several of them, was, of course, from east to west.
But in these few observations touching the subject
of " Gaelic Interior Decoration" it is not intended to
do more than merely to glance at them in passing.
The important points to bear in mind, however, are
that Eastern art-forms are by no means uncommon
in Europe, especially in Italy and Northern Spain,
where by some they have, mistakenly of course,
been supposed to be indigenous ; and that the
striking resemblance which some of the best
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
surviving specimens of Gaelic art bear to these
interesting Continental survivals are to be
regarded, not as evidences of Continental culture
in Scotland and Ireland, but as results of Gaelic
artistic influence in countries formerly in the
possession of the Celtic branch of the great Aryan
family. The Celtic art-forms survived long after the
people who had brought them from their Eastern
home "about the sources of the Ganges" had passed
away. The Gaelic race was imitative in a very high
degree no doubt; but the discovery of Celtic
remains—bearing the hall-mark of their peculiar
genius—in Scotland and Ireland, which date from
a period long antecedent to the correspondence
which existed between these two countries and the
Continent of Europe, within historic times,
effectually disposes of the theory that the Gaelic
population of the British Isles borrowed their now
familiar art-forms from the Latin or other races
inhabiting Europe.
In Scotland, the Gaelic period may be said to
have extended from the earliest times that history
takes cognisance of down to the reign of David I.,
1124-1153; but in Ireland the same epoch endured
somewhat longer; and owing, no doubt, to the
latter country's more isolated geographical situation, and to the partial character of the early
English conquests and settlements, when the
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
change came which was to transform Ireland or
Scotia Major into a nominal province of the English
monarchy, the decay of the native Gaelic system
was somewhat less rapid and far-reaching than it
was in Scotland—the Scotia Minor of early history.
In the latter country, the feudal system, introduced
by David, who had been educated in the Norman
Court of England, and who virtually owed his
crown to Norman and English arms, soon brought
about the destruction, or rather dissolution, of the
pre-existing social and political fabric. The country
was thoroughly Normanised in all its institutions
and customs; and, with the introduction of these
powerful foreign elements and agencies, Gaelic art
necessarily sustained a blow from which it was
powerless to recover. Gaelic influences might
survive, as indeed we know they did endure, long
after the Anglo-Gaelic line of sovereigns, founded
by Malcolm III. and his Saxon consort, Saint
Margaret, had passed away, and the throne of
Scotland had descended to a line of princes yet
more alien in blood and foreign in education than
were the Scottish sovereigns of the dynasty of
Ceann Mòr; but these influences were comparatively
slight, were manifested in a capricious and
uncertain manner, possessed no political or social
motif, and, like tombstones, merely served to mark
the place where the Gaelic system, and all that
appertained to it, lay buried.
In both Ireland and Scotland the period extending from the sixth to the eighth centuries is
commonly considered as that in which the Gaelic
system was at its purest and its best. With the
254
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
arrival of the Scandinavians both countries fell
upon evil days. In consequence of the inroads of
these ferocious barbarians the political system was
seriously dislocated. Ireland and Scotland were
obliged to stand upon the defensive, their growing
correspondence was checked and otherwise
injuriously affected, and with the burnings of
countless monasteries, the cruel slaughter of their
pious and industrious inmates, and the wanton
destruction of many beautiful shrines and many
valuable libraries, art and literature, of course,
grievously suffered. Before the arrival of the
Scandinavians, however, both Scotland and Ireland had made considerable progress in the
common direction of civilisation and art. The
governmental system, possessing all the weak elements of Gaelic rule, might be seriously defective
from the modern point of view; but the two leading
Celtic States of Europe were relatively prosperous
in no inconsiderable degree. Their learning and
piety were celebrated on the Continent, and there
is evidence to prove that their artistic qualities
were no less favourably regarded by the European
peoples. It is of this period—the " palmy days " (in
spite of much internal unrest) of the Gaelic
race—and with special reference to the title of this
paper that I propose to deal in the following pages.
The houses of the Gaelic upper classes were
round or rectangular in shape—the square house
was practically unknown—and even long after the
art of building in stone was introduced into Ireland
and Scotland, they continued to be made of wood.
It may well be inquired how came it to pass that so
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
ingenious a people, and one so quick to apply
and to improve foreign inventions, preferred wood
to stone as building material. The solution of this
problem is, perhaps, less difficult than it seems at
first sight. The Gael was, and is, intensely conservative in his likes and dislikes. We know from
many ecclesiastical authors how obstinately he
clung to the More Scottorum, as Venerable Bede
describes the Gaelic manner of building, long after
the Latin or Continental method of using stone for
wood had become familiar to him. His attachment
to his own customs was, in this respect, something
remarkable, for we have it on good authority that
the Scottish (i.e. Gaelic) missionaries who emigrated
to Europe in great numbers during the seventh,
eighth and ninth centuries, generally preferred to
build their churches and monasteries in their
native manner, than to adopt the Latin method of
building in stone. Apart from inborn prejudice,
however, something must be allowed on the ground
of dislike to a change which was not without its
political aspects and consequences. There is
evidence to show that the Latin civilisation was not
everywhere acceptable in the countries of the Gael;
and certainly, in the case of Scotland, the tendency
of our early kings to "consolidate" their dominions
by pressing southwards would be apt to foster and
exaggerate this conservative tendency. But there is
another and more important consideration which
requires to be kept in mind when canvassing this
problem with a view to a solution. The Gael's love of
bright colours and florid, though artistic, decoration
is well known, and need not here be insisted on.
254
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
Now, the castle of stone, however superior to the
wooden Ràth or Dùn as a place of defence, scarcely
lent itself to the peculiar style of decoration with
which our Gaelic ancestors were familiar, and with
which as we have already seen our race was identified in a very particular manner.
In spite, therefore, of its greater durability, the
fact that the house of stone did not readily adapt
itself to the More Scotto?'um is one, and by no means
the least, of the many reasons why the Gaels of
Scotland and Ireland used wood as building
material long after stone had almost everywhere
else expelled the more perishable but by no means
necessarily less artistic material. "What might
have happened had Scotland and Ireland been left
free to develop the system under which our Gaelic
ancestors lived, it is of course impossible to say,
and perhaps idle to speculate. The group of
"houses"—it must be borne in mind that each "
room " in the Ràth or Dùn of a Gaelic nobleman
constituted a separate "house"-—would, no doubt,
in course of time, and in obedience to the inexorable law of evolution, have assumed a composite
form, and we should have had, in all probability, a
distinctively Gaelic style of architecture, just as we
had and have a Gothic, a Greek and a Byzantine.
Under favourable political circumstances, the
Gaelic prejudice against stone would, no doubt, in
course of time have disappeared, and a school of
architects would have arisen which would have
frankly recognised the general superiority of stone,
from an artistic as well as from a purely utilitarian
point of view. Nor is there any valid reason why
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
the More Scottorum should have died the death of
the exploded arts. The rich and beautiful effects
that can be produced by wood in building must be
familiar to every lover of art, and however
unsuitable that substance may be, owing to its
lesser durability and greater liability to destruction
by fire, etc., for edifices, ecclesiastical as well as lay,
which are designed to last for all time, and to serve
the greatest ends which the mind of man can
conceive, the artistic effect produced by wood is not
much, if at all, inferior to that produced by stone, if
the wood is employed on a sufficiently large scale,
and due regard is had to the radical differences
existing between the rival substances. I venture to
think that if we could dissociate our minds from all
ideas springing from a consciousness of the
perishable nature of wood, it would be found that the
rival merits of the two materials correspond more
than, owing to this prejudice, they are usually
considered to do.
The principal " apartments" of the Gaelic
residence consisted (in the case of the upper
classes) of the dining or banqueting-hall, the sleeping rooms (all under separate roofs), and the
Grianan or summer-house.1 With their exterior
254
1 The baloony was also an important adjunct to the Gaelic
mansion. For a description of the balcony of Borrach Breo, Me
O'Grady's Sika Gadelica, p. 156.
form and appearance we are not here concerned!
The banqueting-hall was usually a large
apartment! rectangular in shape. In the case of
"Tara of! the Kings" (in Ireland) this was an
immensa building, 759 feet long and 46 feet wide.
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
Origin! ally, however, it had been both longer and
broader! In height it was 46 feet, " ornamented,
carved and] painted in colours" (of. Social History of
Andenk Ireland, by P. W. Joyce, vol. ii., p. 85).
This greafl building is described in ancient
documents as having had twelve (or fourteen)
doors, and a great numben of windows fitted with
glass. Internally, it was] divided off into a
number of compartments on rather cubicles, in
which the various guests of thi high kings were
entertained, according to their] rank and dignity.
The interior of the hall, which] though built upon
so gigantic a scale yet was the] prevailing model
for similar edifices a good deal] inferior to it in
point of size throughout Ireland] and Scotland, was
yet more richly embellished] than the exterior.
The walls were of yew, elabor-1 ately carved and
finely coloured. In many cases! they were partly
hung with a kind of tapestry, in] which gold and
silver thread were lavishly employed] to heighten
the artistic effect produced by bright! colours (such
as red, green, yellow, etc.) and del signs of native
invention. In the case of a dining] hall, the seats
or couches—for the ancient Gaels] had the Eoman
fashion of partly reclining at their] meals-—ran
round the entire circumference of the] room, each
guest's back being to the wall—his] " arms " or
other personal insignia being suspended! from a
hook immediately above him—whilst the] centre of
the compartment was left free for the] servers,
cup-bearers, heralds, minstrels and others. I Only
one side of the table or tables (for in some]
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
noblemen's houses the " separate-table ' system
was in vogue) was occupied, namely the side
nearest to the wall, it not being considered polite to
sit directly facing another guest especially if he was
a stranger. The couches and tables, like the walls,
were also generally made of yew, and were likewise
richly carved and otherwise ornamented. Our
ancient poets have left us many descriptions of
these sumptuous buildings, some, of course, bearing
evident traces of "poetic licence" in respect of the
exaggerated language employed to describe their
manifold beauties ; but when the whole is collated
with what we certainly do know touching Gaelic
interior decoration, it will appear ihat these
descriptions, though generous, yet are by no means
untrustworthy as regards their salient particulars.
The following description of the house of Credè, a
young princess of Kerry, is found in one of our early
poems, and is typical of many such scattered
throughout early Gaelic literature :—
254
"Delightful the house in which she is.
It would be happy for me to be in her Dùn Among
her soft and downy couches.
Cups she has and beautiful goblets,
The colour (of her Dùn) is like the colour of lime.1
[Within it are couches and green rushes,2
[Within it are silks and blue mantles,
■Within it are red-gold and crystal cups.
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
1A
departure, apparently, from the usual plan of painting
the outside of the Dim in gorgeous colours, r s For the floor.
Oedè's chair is on your right hand, The pleasantest
of the pleasant it is; All over a blaze of Alpine gold;
At the foot of the beautiful couch, A gorgeous couch
in full array, Stands directly above (by the side of)
the chair. It was made by (or at) Tuile in the East
Of yellow gold1 and precious stones (inlaid therewith).
There is another couch on your right hand, Of gold
and silver without defect; With curtains, with soft
(pillows); And with graceful rods of golden bronze.
One hundred feet are in Credè's house.
Its portico with its thatch Of the wings of birds,
blue and yellow,2 Its lawn in front, and its well
(Formed) of crystal and of carmogal (possibly carbuncles)."
Besides tables, chairs and couches, the Gaelic
mansion contained little furniture. The rich, striking, and doubtless beautiful effect produced by the
Gaelic interior was the result of a combination of
artistic "values," of which gorgeous colours,
precious metals, rich and varied hangings, and
elaborate carving were the principal components.
1 That is of wood overlaid with gold. We frequently meet
descriptions of golden chairs, golden shields, golden chariots,
and even golden and silver houses in early Gaelic literature,
which does not mean of course that such articles were made of
solid gold or silver but that (being of wood) they were overlaid
with such.
2 A
not unusual method of thatching noblewomen's
grianans and the porticoes of the houses of great nobles.
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
In the case of bed " rooms," or rather bed
houses, the same artistic mediums would doubtless
be employed, though generally upon a less costly
and magnificent scale. The bed houses were usually
split up into cubicles or compartments, each having
its bed or beds. The men and women's sleeping
quarters were, however, kept separate—that is
they formed separate houses. In the charming poem
already quoted from, Credè's bed house (doubtless a
house or compartment with a single bed in it, in the
case of a lady of so great rank and fortune) is thus
glanced at by the poet:—
" Four posts to every bed, Of gold and of silver
gracefully carved; A crystal gem between every
two posts ; They are no cause of
unpleasantness."1
The grianan1 or summer house was usually
situated on the walls of the Dùn or Ràth, and
corresponded to the modern drawing or withdrawing room. It was always built, as its name implies,
in a sunny spot, and its windows were placed so as
to obtain as extensive and pleasing a view of the
surrounding country as possible. The grianan was
considered as an indispensable adjunct to a
Scottish nobleman's house down to a comparatively
late period. The wall surrounding the palace of the
bishops of Aberdeen had on it a grianan or summer
house three storeys high, and doubtless this
interesting building would still be standing were it
not that the mistaken zeal of a mob of fanatics
caused it to be pulled down not long after the
change of religion in Scotland in the reign of
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
254
255
Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, O'Curry's
translation.
sGaelio, Grian, the sun.
1
Queen Mary. Noblemen had their grianans as well
as ladies of rank. A celebrated Ulster poet and
satirist of the name of Bricrind Nemh-thenga, le.,
Bricrind of the Poisoned Tongue, built himself a
sumptuous summer house which is thus alluded to
in a narrative of the time: "That grianan was built
with carvings and ornaments of admirable variety;
and windows of glass were set in it on all sides ".
But the summer houses or drawing-rooms of ladies
of rank and fortune far exceeded in splendour and
magnificence those constructed for the use of men,
as was but natural. The grianan of Cede, the Irish
princess already alluded to, is thus described:—
" Of its grianan the corner stones Are all of
silver and yellow gold ; Its thatch in stripes of
faultless order Of (birds') wings of brown and
crimson-red. Two door posts of green (wood) I
see Nor is its door devoid of beauty; Of carved
silver, long has it been renowned, Is the lintel
that is over its door."1
As has already been said, the wood of the yew
tree—perhaps the most beautiful of all woods—
was largely employed in Gaelic interior decoration.
" The working in this material," says O'Curry, "
must have embraced a wide range of objects, as it
formed, with some exceptions, the material of all
the most
1 These constant references to gold and silver may seem,
to the uninformed, somewhat extravagant; but they rest on
historical evidence too good to be disputed. The rich remains
254
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
of Gaelic metal work (at Dublin and elsewhere) are mostly
of pure gold, and beautifully wrought. The Scottish King Calum
a' Chinn Mhòir (Malcolm III.) had an immense treasure consisting of articles of vertu in gold and silver, inlaid with
precious stones.
elegant articles of furniture in pillars, seats,
couches, beds, bed-posts, etc. . . . The yew was also
largely used in cornices, wainscotting, or some such
ornamentation of houses, from very early times." In
many cases these carvings of yew were coloured in
the tints proper to the objects which they were
intended to represent, which must have produced a
singularly striking, harmonious and beautiful
effect. The exterior and interior of the cathedral
church of Armagh is thus described by a celebrated
Gaelic poet. It will be noticed that this church was
built of stone, with oaken shingles in the place of
slates.
" The church of Armagh of the polished walls
Is not smaller than three churches ;
The foundation of this conspicuous church
Is one solid indestructible rock.
A capacious shrine of chiselled stone
With ample oaken shingles covered;
Well hath its polished sides been warmed
With lime as white as plume of swans.
Upon the arches (inside) of this white walled
church
Are festooned clusters of rosy grapes, From ancient
yew profusely carved; This place where books are
freely read."
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
With these few observations—all too few considering the importance of the subject, and what
might be written concerning it—I must reluctantly
bring these few remarks to a close. Sufficient has
been said, however, I hope, to show that our
ancestors were by no means the savages it has
suited the purpose of certain foreign historians to
represent them as. They were in many ways people
of remarkable taste, artistic insight and
refinement^ who achieved no mean things in the
direction of] civilisation and art. Their artistic
out-put is manij festly something to be reckoned
with, as is clearljJ proved by the various Celtic
remains now honour! ably lodged, as precious
relics, in public museums] and private collections
throughout the British Isles and the Continent of
Europe. The knowledge ancj consideration of these
and other facts should dol much to strengthen and
encourage those who are] now labouring in Ireland
and Scotland for tha revival of the Gael as a social
and political forced and as a factor and element in
the world of arts] and crafts.
G. L.
BROSNACHADH DO NA GAIDHEIL
AN uair a tha sinn a' gabhail beachd air an aobhar]
mu'n do tharruing sinn ar claidheamh, mar gu'nj
b'ann, agus am feum a tha againn mar chinneachj
air leith air buille tearbhaich a bhualadh, mu'n
cuir] sinn a ris anns an truaill e; tha sinn a'
mothach-Jadh dòchais aoibhnich ag èiridh suas 'nar
n-inntinn] gu'm bi aig a' cheart àm so slighe air a
fosgladh! chum saorsa na h-Alba air fad a toirt air
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
a h-ais, agus a chum cuing sgreitidh
tràillealachd Shasuinn a crathadh dhinn. Tha a'
Ghàidhealtachd fathastì beò, taing do Dhia. Cha
b'urrainn uile-chumachdj ghramail Shasuinn ar
saorsa a ghlacadh gu buileach! Ach is ann a mhàin
le treubhantas a choimhdear] i. Cha' n ion duinn
fiughair a bhi againn gu'nj tèid sinn as o
luchd-creachaidh
a'
chinne-dhaonnaJ
trid
bàighealachd.
A rèir gach coltais, bithidh mòr shoirbheachadh]
air a' Chomunn a chaidh a chur air bonn o cheann
254
I
mhios no dhà aig Aiseag na Connail ann an
Earraghaidheal. Bha làn àm ceum do'n t-seòrsa so
a ghabhail. Tha'n sluagh ullamh gu dol an
comh-bhoinn, agus cha'n 'eil iad ach a' feitheamh
gus an tig cuid-èiginn a chuireas ann an uidheam
agus an rian iad. Bha Comunn an Fhearainn glè
làidir anns a' Ghàidhealtachd o cheann fichead
bliadhna, agus anns an àm sin cha tigeadh
uachdaran no neach eile tuilleadh is dàna air an
t-sluagh. An uair a thàinig Achd nan Croitearan a
mach, chaidh an Comunn m'a sgaoil—ni a bha na
chall nach bu bheag. Uaithe sin, dh'fhàs na
h-uachdarain
agus
a'
Phàrlamaid
glè
neo-ar-thaingeil air na croitearan —a chionn far
nach 'eil aontachd, cha'n 'eil neart. Cha'n 'eil
teagamh nach toir Comunn nan Croitearan agus
nan Coitearan ùr-atharrachadh feumail is buannachdail air suidheachadh nan Gàidheal, agus nach
[toir e cothrom dhoibh an cùisean agus an
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
còraichean fèin a thagradh air mhodh iomchuidh is
eufachdaich. Buaidh is piseach mata le Comunn
nan Croitearan !
Dh' òrduich nàdur fèin do na h-uile dhaoine
gu'm biodh an cuid fearainn ro-ionmhuinn leo. Ach
tha dearbh-chinnt againn fèin, gu'm bheil na fleasgaich air an d'thugadh buaidh anns na làithean a
[dh'aom air an fuadachadh a mach thar a' chuain,
a chum àiteachan-seilg a dheanamh do na
Sasunnaich. Tha na Sasunnaich, a' sealbhachadh
na cuid a's mò d'ar gleann is d'ar beann, mar is
aithne gu ro .mhaith do na h-uile fear. Ach cha 'n
'eil sinn dol a chur ar seula ris na h-uile ni a rinn
na croitearan anns na bliadhnaichean a chaidh
seachad, no leis na bha air a dheanamh 'nan ainm.
Ni mò tha sinn dol a shuidhe ann am breitheanas
agus a dhiteadh nan uachdaran gu h-iomlan. Mar
tha'n sean-fhocal ag ràdh, " cha'n 'eil gur gun
ghoirean, 's cha'n 'eil icoille gun chrianaich," agus
cuiridh beagan de dhroch uachdarain droch ainm
do 'n chorr. Achr tha sinn ag ràdh so, nam biodh na
h-uachdarain Ghàidhealach cha'n e an fheadhainn
a th'ann an diugh, oir is gann agus is tearc iadsan,
ach an fheadhainn a bha rompa—air fuireach ni bu
mhò am measg an cuid tuatha; nam biodh iad air
an cànain ionnsachadh, agus dol a mach agus a
steach mam measg air là fèille agus Di-dòmhnaich,
an àite 'bhi cosg an storas le strùidhealachd agus
stràic ann an Lunainn; agus nan robh iad an
deagh-greim a chumail air an oighreachdan, cha
bhiodh an fhicheadamh cuid de na h-uilc fo'n robh
iad ag osnaich air teachd air luchd-àiteachaidh na
Gàidhealtachd. Bha'n t-uachdaran, mar bu trice,
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
anabarrach coltach ris a' chuthaig. Dh'fhaodadh
e tighinn do'n dùthaich beagan làithean anns an
t-samhradh, ach cha b'fhada gus am falbhadh e. B'e
sin aon rud air an robh duine bochd aon uair a'
gearan, an uair a thubhairt e :—
254
" Uachdaran nach faic sinn, Bailidh nach
dean ceartas Ministeir nach dean
baisteadh, Dotair nach dean feairt
oirnn."
Cha'n 'eil duine air thalamh aig am bheil ni's mò
ghraidh thir a bhreith na an Gàidheal. Co dhiù tha
e bochd no beartach, tha e 'na fhior fhaoileig an
droch cladaich, ged a dh'fhaodas an gleann 'san
robh e òg a bhi lom, creagach, agus neo-thiorail; ged
nach tigeadh as deigh na curachd ach a' bhuinneag
agus an t-sealbhag, cha'n 'eil ceàrn de'n chruinne-cè
cho aluinn 'na shùilean-san. Tha e coltach ris an
fhaoileig ann an òran " Dhòmhnuill nan Oran " :—
" 'S ann air slinnein an àigich A rinn mo
mhàthair an t-eun diom, 'S a dh'aindeoin
uidil is anraidh, Cha tig an là theid air
di-chuimhn' Mo ghaol do'n bhad."
Ach, cha'n 'eil sinn ag ràdh, air a shon sin, gu'm bu
chòir do dhaoine òga, làidir, fallain, fuireach an
diamhanas aig an taigh, far am bheil ni's leòir aig a'
chirc le sgrioban gu'n lion i sgroban. B' fheàrr
dhoibh gu mòr a bhi bogadh nan gad; agus ged nach
biodh aca ach an t-ubh beag le 'bheannachd (mar a
bha aig mac na bantraich anns a' sgeulachd), dol a
shiubhal an t-saoghail, agus a dh'iarraidh an
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
fhòrtain. Ach ma dh'fhalbhas iad, falbhadh iad le'n toil
fèin—cha'n ann a chionn gu'm bheil e mar èiginn
orra sin a dheanamh, an lorg droch uachdarain
agus droch laghanna. Cha'n urrainn duine air bith
a thoirt a chreidsinn oirnn gu'n do rinn na
tighearnan Gàidhealach ceartas an uair a
dh'-fhàsaich iad bailtean is sgireachdan; an uair a
bha iomadh aitreabh is coisir mhùirneach air a
sgapadh, agus gun air fhàgail far an robh iad ach
làrach lom, gun chloich gun chrann ; an uair a bha
luchd-shoithichean de'n tuath air am fògradh a
dheòin no a dh'aindeoin gu dùthchana cèin a chum
àite rèidh a dheanamh do chaoirich is do fhèidh.
Agus ged a tha sinn cinnteach gu'm bu chòir cothrom a thabhairt do chuid de na croitearan dol far
am feàrr an dean iad beò-shlaint, gidheadh bhiodh
e chum maith na rioghachd, gu'm biodh àite tàimh
air fhaotainn dhoibh ann an Albainn chaoimh nan
stùc agus nan càrn. Is e na croitearan
cnàimh-droma agus fèithean na Gàidhealtachd;
agus b'olc a dheanadh an dùthaich as an aonais.
Is e na croitearan an dà chuid cnàimh-droma is
claidheamh do'n gluasad Ghàidhealach
" Ged a gheibheadh tu caogad Mhuilt is
rèithichean maola, 'S beag a thogadh a
h-aon diubh Claidheamh faobharrach
stàilinn."
Cha'n 'eil e furasda do na Gàidheil an cruaidhchas
troimh
an
deach
an
luchd-dùthcha
a
dhi-chuimh-neachadh. Ach cha'n urrainn do Achd
Phàrlamaid peanas a dheanamh air na mairbh, no
furtachd a thabhairt do mhuinntir a tha na
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
ficheadan bliadhna fo'n fhòd. Ach tha sinn an
dochas gu'n leasaichear cor na muinntir a tha beò.
Tha sinn an dochas gu'm faigh na croitearan
tuilleadh fearainn, co dhiù a gheibh iad e le Achd
Pàrlamaid no air dhòigh air bith eile, agus gu'm bi
an suidheachadh anns gach àite am bheil iad air a
dheanamh ni's feàrr na bha e 0 chionn fhada. Cha
do thogadh an Roimh an aon latha ; agus cha'n
fhaigh na Gàidheil an còraichean agus an saorsa gu
h-iomlan ann an latha. Ach is cinnteach, ma
bhitheas sinn Jior a thaobh sinn fèin, agus seasmhach a
thaobh ar dùthcha-ne, gu'n tig àm ar soirbheachaidh
luath no mail. Rachadh sinn, mata, air ar
n-aghaidh mar fhior Ghàidheil, gu duineil,
misneachdail, treibh-dhireach. Cumadh sinn suas
ar
cànain,
bàrdachd,
beul-aithris,
agus
cleachdaidhean tir nam beann agus nan gaisgeach.
Tagradh sinn cuis ar luchd-dùthcha a tha diblidh is
bochd, agus na cuireadh a h-aon againn smal no
tàmailt air ainm is cliù a' Ghàidheil. Tha Dia leinn
fèin—leis na Gàidheil. Nach b'e Colum Cille e fèin a
labhair mar sin ? Agus ma tha Dia leinn fèin, gu
dearbh is coma co 'bhios 'nar n-aghaidh.
254
THE WHIG ENDOWMENT BILL
WE have more than once had occasion to remark
that English party politics do not interest us, and
save in so far as they trespass upon the State
affairs of the Gael, are no concern of ours. Liberal
and Conservative—Whig and Tory—we equally
regard from a wholly detached point of view. The
bosh about "Britain," also, will discover no echo in
these pages. Twaddle and cant about the "loyalty"
Gaelic Arts and Crafts
255
of the Gael to this or that "Imperial" tenet we
abominate and deride. The idea of " Anglo-Saxon
Unity" is wholly foreign and repugnant to our
propaganda; and the " country-before-politics"
agitation of the little, or expurgated, Jingoes of the
type of Lord Meath we repudiate in name of the
nationality of the Gael.
The English Education Bill, however, now before Parliament, inasmuch and in so far as it concerns our race, justifies the brief departure we here
design to make. If the Bill applied to English
Catholics alone, English Catholics might safely be
trusted to do their best to safeguard their religious
interests; but the affairs of that country are not,
and cannot be, our principal concern. Our
sympathies, indeed, would necessarily be with our
English co-religionists in any crisis or misfortune
which might befall them. In a measure and in a
sense which the Catholic, whatever his nationality,
will discern, their concern must be our concern: our
easiness must be their easiness. But it is a totally
different state of affairs when, as happens in this
case, the children of the Gael and their
descendants likewise fall to be concerned. " Blood
is thicker than water," as the old saying goes, and
ought to be minded.
The children of the Gael
constitute by
272
The Whig Endowment Bill
far the largest number of the Catholics in England;
and this being so, their intended hurt necessarily
becomes a casus belli with their co-religionists and
fellow-countrymen elsewhere.
In the first place, there seems to be something
singularly unjust and ungenerous in the harsh
treatment which the so-called Liberal Party has in
store for the Catholics in England, by means of
their preposterous Bill. It is an axiom that stands
in no need of proof, that Ireland has been drained
of her population in order that that of England
might be swelled. Having constituted their desert,
and blessed it in the names of " Law and Order," in
the approved Saxon manner, no option was left to
large numbers of the Gaels of Ireland but to
emigrate where law is less harsh, and where social
and economic conditions are less strained. Having,
as it were, thus robbed Peter to discharge a debt to
an imaginary Paul, one would be disposed to think
that the most elementary notions of equity and
justice would dictate fair and generous treatment
towards the defrauded party. If you govern a
country against its manifest will; if your rule,
intentionally or otherwise, has the effect of driving
large numbers of that people out of their own
country into your own, the very least you can do is
to refrain from wounding and persecuting such
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167
unwilling settlers in their most sacred and most
susceptible feelings—that is to say in their religion.
And, surely, the obligation becomes morally even
more binding when the predominant creed of the
dispossessed happens to be (as it is in the case
before us) as widely different in character and
complexion from that of the benefited country—for
all population is benefit in the long run—as the
poles are asunder ?
We commend this view,
which, throughout the long and animated debates
characterising the passage of Mr. Birrell's
Education Bill through the English House of
Commons we do not remember to have
encountered, to the attention and indulgent
consideration, not only of those who agree with us
in this matter, and who are of our own flesh and
blood, but to that considerable body of political
opinion in England, and amongst Englishmen,
which, whatever its failings and shortcomings, at
least professes a desire to see fairplay. The English
people, as a whole, are far too prone to overlook, or
to make light of, the obligations which they have
contracted towards two nations (less numerous
indeed, though not a whit less deserving than
themselves) through the channel of a couple of
mischievous unions. As to some extent conquerors
of Scotland and Ireland, they have contracted, as
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they owe, very definite obligations. The disposition
to pose as friends to liberty and freedom in every
country save their own is far too common amongst
them, and has earned for them abroad a not
undeserved reputation for colossal hyprocrisy. We
have no desire to pass as mendicants or as " sick
men," whose pitiable petitions it were but charity
to grant; but this we do say that in proportion to
the consideration now shown us, and to the tact
that is now used in the conduct of our affairs, will
consist the mildness (or the severity) of the
inevitable reckoning.
As for the Bill itself, plainly it is bad beyond
compare. For Catholics, it would have been a bad
bill, even had Clauses 4 and 6 passed in some one
or other of the suggested amended forms ; but with
the Bill as it stands unamended, unshaven and
unshorn, and with its withers conspicuously
unwrung, we fail completely to see how any
self-respecting Catholic can have anything to do
with it. To touch it with the end of the proverbial
barge-pole would be a form of compliment richly
undeserved by it. Nor do we think that any good
could come of discussing its flagitious details at
this time of day. The measure has been vociferously
damned times without number, and in more
quarters than we care to enumerate; and all that
now remains is for the House of Lords to mend or
end it. We are sorry that the Gaels of these islands
should be in any way beholden to that mouldy
institution—the seat of crusted privilege, and the
feudal system's penultimate ditch in England; but
evidently Nonconformity brings us strange political
272
The Whig Endowment Bill
168
bed-fellows. The automatic character of the Lords'
opposition will, however, deprive them of any credit
or KVSOS which their contemplated action might
otherwise have earned for them, so far as the
Gaelic population is concerned. If the Bill were
merely a Catholic Bill, we may safely assume that
the Lords, as a body, would not lift a finger to ease
us; but inasmuch as they conceive that the Church
of England, as by law established, is like to be
injured thereby, their hostility to the measure
assumes the aspect of a foregone conclusion. It is, of
course, a regrettable bore that Catholic interests
should even appear to be identical with those of
Protestants in even a single point, in even a
solitary instance; but the facts being as we have
briefly stated them, we apprehend that no one who
does not deliberately wish to be under a bond of
obligation to the Lords need entertain for them the
smallest sentiment of gratitude in the matter.
If one thing, however, more than another is
made manifest by this blundering Bill, it is that the
Whig element in the Liberal Party has successfully
captured the official machine; and inasmuch as this
is an event which bodes no good for the Gael, we
think it not unworth our while to draw particular
attention to it. If the Gael of Scotland and Ireland
can be said to possess an hereditary enemy, it is
certainly these pestiferous Whigs. The Whig Party
is the Nonconformist Party in English politics, and,
time out of mind, has always been so. Cromwell
was a Whig, as tyrannical and truculent a limb of
Beelzebub as ever organised a pogrom, and styled it
pacification. Dutch William, the hero of Glencoe,
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was another; and so was that mass of cruelty,
bigotry and incompetence called Cumberland. The
Whig Party, with few honourable exceptions, has
been consistently opposed to Catholic claims; and
has more than once thwarted the legitimate desire
of the Gaels for self-government. It is true that it
was principally owing to the Whigs of the day that
Catholic emancipation was placed upon the Statute
Books; but it has to be remembered that the men
who engineered that measure of relief through the
English Legislature were persons of very different
birth, breeding and mental qualities from the
grocers and cheesemongers—the scourings of little
Bethels, and the manipulators of village pump
handles—who now constitute the rank and file of
the Whig Party, and who have rushed Birrell and
his Bill through the House of Commons. A bigot
and a bore of the type of Dr. Clifford would have
been ostracised by them; and a Cabinet Minister
capable of mounting the hustings for the purpose of
eulogising that dull and lugubrious heretic as the
man who stood between the children and the priest
would have been promptly taken by the crop and
ignominiously cast into the streets. All through
history, indeed, we see these Psalm-singing Whigs
playing the parti of marplots to Gaelic national
politics. The Tory] a mere Feudalist—the
obsequient slave to kingly] prerogative and
power—scarcely knew what he] was fighting for, or
about; but the Nonconformist had ever definite
aims, namely, the ascendency of] the Whig
Party—of his own particular branch and] type of it
that is to say—at the expense of the] State. How
272
The Whig Endowment Bill
169
intolerant were these Whigs them-] selves, and how
hypocritical their attachment tri] real liberty and
freedom, we can easily perceive] from the
treatment they meted out to the seventh] King
James. Whatever that king's motives—and! we see
no reason to doubt their essential purity and]
righteousness—he at least endeavoured universal
toleration. He tried to carry into effect notions ;and
principles which real Liberals of all times and]
countries have always acclaimed and professed!
But because he was a Catholic, and therefore susJ
pect, they—the pretended friends to liberty and]
progress—would have none of him. Instead, they]
cast him out, and called to their aid a narrow and]
gloomy bigot like unto themselves—Dutch
William.] Their conduct was on all fours with this
sickening] piece of hypocrisy at the time of the
passing of the] Union and the events which
followed that unhappy] undertaking. Truly, their
deeds show that it was not liberty and freedom that
they loved, but] "Popery" which they hated. It was
sufficient for them for a man to be a Catholic and a
patriot! when, straightway, he was denounced as a
poten-i tial tyrant and made the butt of their rude
and] clumsy jests about "Popery and wooden
shoes".] And it was the same thing here in
Scotland. The] men who screamed the loudest
about freedom,] who professed to stand out for "
Conscience " and!
"Pure Religion," who took the name of Liberty most
frequently in vain, and who gathered rebellion to
themselves in name of their rustic covenants, were
themselves the most unconscionable tyrants and
The Whig Endowment Bill
bigots imaginable—fit forerunners of the text-wise,
Bible-foolish Nonconformists of to-day. So long as
his odious oligarchy in Church and State was
fomented and encouraged by the Legislature, the
Whig cared not what became of the rest of the
country. To him, the name of freedom signified
nothing if it could not be exploited to afford him
scope for the display of his narrow sectarian prejudices, and his mean political rancours. The idea
of a Catholic possessing a mind of his own, of his
[being genuinely and inseparably attached to those
[notions and principles of liberty and progress
which Whigs pretended to acclaim, but openly
violated, [they affected to laugh to scorn. With
them, it [was a case of " the Catholic must die the
political death," shall labour under the most horrid
and vexatious political and civil disabilities, for no
[other reason than that he was a Catholic. " Away
with him!" they screamed, " release unto us rather
Ithe Infidel or the Agnostic than the Idolater!"
[Now, the "Idolater" was a Catholic.
And so all through history we find these
[miserable Whigs straining at ethical gnats, and
[filling their bellies with fatted political camels.
Under the last Gladstonian Administration they
sustained some sort of check. The genius of that
[great and good man, although it was not sufficient
[to eradicate the poison from the body politic, kept
lits noxious influences within circumscribed limits.
But with the death of Mr. Gladstone, Whig ascendency again raised its baleful head. He was
succeeded in the leadership of his party by a man,
clever and plausible indeed, but as arrant a Whig
272
The Whig Endowment Bill
170
as ever cried " Abba !" to Lucifer—Lord Rosebery.
And the car which that astounding political pedlar
gave to his party's concerns has endured to this
day. To his influence, and to the influence of his
like in English politics—the Haldanes, Asquiths,
Greys and so forth—we may safely ascribe the
revival of Whiggism in the Liberal Party, and the
luxuriant crop of political ills to which that detestable ascendency has given birth. To the hostile
influence of these men, not only must be ascribed
such minor nuisances as the appearance of the
ineffable Perks, and that of his gang of noisy and
ill-mannered pinch-beck followers; but the shelving
of Home Eule, and the pigeon-holing of the more
pressing and important question of Catholic
University Education. The harrow of Whiggism
and Nonconformity, instead of being allowed to rust
and to rot in its lonely political furrow, has been
seized and driven with a vengeance through the
toad of Liberalism, crushing and squelching it in its
irresistible passage.
Indeed, the Bill of Birrell,
and the manner in which that unspeakable
measure has been forced through the House of
Commons, renders it evident that the Cabinet and
the Liberal Party as a whole are fast in the clutches
of the Whig managers. Of a truth, the zeal of the
conventicles and the little Bethels hath eaten it up.
The Whig Party has captured the official machine.
It has done more: it has succeeded, at long last, in
imposing its " religion "—its bit texts, and all the
sorry rest of it—upon the English people; and, what
is more, it has alternately browbeaten and bubbled
the country into providing the money!
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The Whig Endowment Bill
CAILLEACH IS MAC
AM bitheantas, "tha aisling caillich mar a dùrachd".
Gun teagamh is e dùrachd Mhr. Bain gu'n creidear
na tha e 'cur an cèill anns an leabhar so—is e sin ri
ràdh gu'm bheil Eaglais na Roimhe a dol a
dholaidh. Le leth-shùil air a' Phàp, agus sùil eile
air a sporan, sgriobh e Ios a dhurachd a bhi air a
steidheachadh—air paipeir.
Ach chan 'eil Mr. Bain 'na aonar anns an
t-seadh so. Tha e gu dearbh 'na shamhladh air
mòran dhaoine air aghaidh an t-saoghail. Is iomadh fear a th'ann a tha deanamh ceart direach mar
a tha Mr. Bain a' deanamh 'na chuid sgeulachdan,
da'n ainm (le'r cead), An t-Ath-Leas-ackadh Nuadh.
Na is miann leosan gu'n creidear, tha iad 'ga
sgriobhadh anns an cuid leabhraichean, a nasgaidh
agus gun chunntas sam bith. Gu dearbh, mar a
their iad anns a' Bheurla "is e am miann a tha 'na
athair do'n bheachd," no, mar a theid sinn fèin,
"Tha aisling caillich mar a durachd". Agus an ni a's
fheàrr is urrainn a ràdh mu thimchioll a' gnothaich
uile, is e sin gu'm bheil an cairdeas a tha eatorra
gu tur soilleir.
Their Mr. Bain, agus esan a' cur an cèill a chuid
aisling: " Protestantism has never been able to regain any of the ground it lost during the
counter-Reformation. . . . Nations under the sway
of the Papacy have more than once become infidel
(c'àif is cuin a thachair so ?), and in the recoil from
infidelity have returned to their loyalty to the old
faith; but they have shown no inclination or desire
The Whig Endowment Bill
171
to turn for light to the faith of the Reformers.
Nothing seemed more certain than that a Roman
Catholic, if he lost his faith in Rome, would beclever and plausible indeed, but as arrant a Whig
as ever cried " Abba !" to Lucifer—Lord Rosebery.
And the car which that astounding political pedlar
gave to his party's concerns has endured to this
day. To his influence, and to the influence of his
like in English politics—the Haldanes, Asquiths,
Greys and so forth—we may safely ascribe the
revival of Whiggism in the Liberal Party, and the
luxuriant crop of political ills to which that detestable ascendency has given birth. To the hostile
influence of these men, not only must be ascribed
such minor nuisances as the appearance of the
ineffable Perks, and that of his gang of noisy and
ill-mannered pinch-beck followers; but the shelving
of Home Rule, and the pigeon-holing of the more
pressing and important question of Catholic
University Education. The harrow of Whiggism and
Nonconformity, instead of being allowed to rust and
to rot in its lonely political furrow, has been seized
and driven with a vengeance through the toad of
Liberalism, crushing and squelching it in its
irresistible passage. Indeed, the Bill of Birrell, and
the manner in which that unspeakable measure
has been forced through the House of Commons,
renders it evident that the Cabinet and the Liberal
Party as a whole are fast in the clutches of the
Whig managers. Of a truth, the zeal of the conventicles and the little Bethels hath eaten it up.
The Whig Party has captured the official machine.
It has done more: it has succeeded, at long last, in
The Whig Endowment Bill
imposing its " religion "—its bit texts, and all the
sorry rest of it—upon the English people; and, what
is more, it has alternately browbeaten and bubbled
the country into providing the money!
272
CAILLEACH IS MAC
AM bitheantas, "tha aisling caillich mar a dùrachd".
Gun teagamh is e dùrachd Mhr. Bain gu'n creidear
na tha e 'cur an cèill anns an leabhar so—is e sin ri
ràdh gu'm bheil Eaglais na Roimhe a dol a
dholaidh. Le leth-shùil air a' Phàp, agus sùil eile
air a sporan, sgriobh e Ios a dhurachd a bhi air a
steidheachadh—air paipeir.
Ach chan 'eil Mr. Bain 'na aonar anns an
t-seadh so. Tha e gu dearbh 'na shamhladh air
mòran dhaoine air aghaidh an t-saoghail. Is iomadh fear a th'ann a tha deanamh ceart direach mar
a tha Mr. Bain a' deanamh 'na chuid sgeulachdan,
da'n ainm (le'r cead), An t-Ath-Leas-achadh Nuadh.
Na is miann leosan gu'n creidear, tha iad 'ga
sgriobhadh anns an cuid leabhraichean, a nasgaidh
agus gun chunntas sam bith. Gu dearbh, mar a
their iad anns a' Bheurla " is e am miann a tha 'na
athair do'n bheachd," no, mar a theid sinn fèin,
"Tha aisling caillich mar a durachd". Agus an ni a's
fheàrr is urrainn a ràdh mu thimchioll a' gnothaich
uile, is e sin gu'm bheil an cairdeas a tha eatorra
gu tur soilleir.
Their Mr. Bain, agus esan a' cur an cèill a chuid
aisling: " Protestantism has never been able to regain any of the ground it lost during the
counter-Reformation. . . . Nations under the sway
The Whig Endowment Bill
172
of the Papacy have more than once become infidel
(c'àif is cuin a thachair so ?), and in the recoil from
infidelity have returned to their loyalty to the old
faith; but they have shown no inclination or desire
to turn for light to the faith of the Reformers.
Nothing seemed more certain than that a Roman
Catholic, if he lost his faith in Rome, would be-
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Cailleach is Mac
come an infidel; and that if his faith revived he
would go back to Rome and all her gorgeous
ceremonial, her degrading superstitions, her
galling tyranny. The result was that no missions
were carried on as a rule more languidly than
those to Roman Catholics, and none seemed so
hopeless of success."
Ach, a nis, agus a rèir na caillich Bain, nous
avons changez tout cela. Cha'n 'eil a' chùis mar sin ni
's fhaide. Tha saorsa a thaobh creidimh air a
steideachadh gu daingean anns gach cearn is baile
de mhòr-thir na Roinn Eurpa. Tha na teachdairean
Prostanach, maille ri 'n cuid bribeadairean, an dà
chuid calma is cathach. Tha na doili a' faotainn am
fradhairc, na bacaich ag imeachd, na lobhair air an
glanadh, na bodhair a' cluinntinn, agus an soisgeul
(a rèir na caillich Bain agus John Knox) air a
shermonachadh do na Caitliceaich bhochda. A
dh'aon
fhocal,
tha luchd-àiteachaidh nan
dùthcannan Caitliceach air an tionndadh gu grad a
dh'ionnsaidh creidimh nam Prostanach. Coma co
dhiù, tha Mr. Bain ag innseadh dhuinn anns a
chuid sgeulachd gu'm bheil e mar so; agus mur bi
eòlas air, is cinnteach gu'm bheil am miann leis ri
creidsinn na tha e 'sgriobhadh mu dhèighinn ar
creidimh.
Cailleach is Mac
281
A nis, nan d'rachadh leinn fèin a dhol air ar
n-aghaidh chum Mhr. Bain agus a chuid chàirdean
a thilgeadh bun os cionn—ni nach bu dhuilich a
dheanamh—is dòcha gu'm biodh sinn air ar cur fo
sgeig, gun dol fad' air ar n-aghaidh. Theirteadh
rinn air ball, gu'm bheil sinn claon is aomachdail
'nar
beachd;
gu'm
bheil
ar
teisteas-ne
leth-bhreitheach, gun fhiù, 'chionn gu'm bheil sinn
'nar Caitlicaich. Is aithne dhuinn sin gu ro mhaith.
Agus, o'n is e mar sin, tha sinn a' cur romhainn
beachdan
Prostanach a mhàin a thoirt air aghaidh mu'n
leabhar so.
Deù aon de na tiolpadairean Prostanach, agus e
'sgriobhadh anns an Times a tha air a chur a mach
ann an Lunainn: " We have compared his
(briathran Mhr. Bain) statements with other
information that we possess from various of the
countries to which he refers, and although there is
nothing more risky than making prognostications
as to the religious future of any country, it appears
to us that all the signs of the times are against any
such growth of Protestantism".
Deir an tiolpadair ceudna ann an ait' eile:
"Except in one case where there is a special
political cause, the accessions to Protestantism (air
tir mhòr na Roinn Europa) are quite insignificant.
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Cailleach is Mac
Mr. Bain himself confesses that this is so in some
countries. . . . The one country in relation to which
Mr. Bain's contention seems well founded is
Austria; but in spite of all that he says we are not
convinced that the Los von Rom movement is
fundamentally religious. We believe that it is
largely racial and political. . . . Every one who is
acquainted with the Continent knows that there is
in the Roman Catholic Church an immense store of
real spiritual life; and there are within it
intellectual movements far wider and more fertile
than the somewhat unintelligent Protestantism of
Mr. Bain. Even the statistics given by Mr. Bam
himself of the growth of monasticism are hardly
the signs of a decaying cause ; and people do not
become monks or nuns nowadays from any but a
religious motive. It is one of the weaknesses of Mr.
Bain that he seems to be incapable of realising
either the strength or the merit of the Roman
Catholic Church."
Na so h-uiread a thaobh. Mhr. Bain. An
ioghnadh leinn nach d'èisd an tiolpadair
Prostanach gu toileach ris ì Gu fior, tha Mr. Bain
'na
sgriobhadair
mi-cheart,
mi-thuigseach.
Feudaidh gu'm bi an leabhar so na sgeulachd
shunndach riusan a tha 'gabhail tlachd anns an
Eachdraidh Mharia Mora agus a cuid sil; ach riusan
leis am bheil miann ni beagan ni's fhèarr na sud
fhaotaim, is cinnteach gu'm biodh e ach mar
sgeulachd fhaoin is amad-anach a mhàin.
Cailleach is Mac
281
WHY THE CURACOA DID NOT GO TO
ARD NA MARA
DÒMHNULL BEAG, which, being interpreted, is
Little Donald, was a person of considerable parts,
whose astuteness and cunning would have done
credit to that heathen Chinee, whose ways were
passing peculiar. Donald lived in a small
heather-thatched cottage by the shores of a certain
wild loch in western Ard na Mara; and his manner
of earning a living was somewhat ambiguous.
Had you consulted Donald himself on that
point, he would have told you that he was farmer
and fisherman by turns—one of that amphibious
genus, in fine, in which the Western Highlands
and the Islands abound—and that in spite of
Crofters Act and Congested District Board he had
a sore struggle of it to make the two ends meet.
But as he was but rarely to be seen prosecuting
either of those employments, whilst, judging by his
appearance, his circumstances were easy enough,
you would probably (unless you were more than
usually credulous) have received his information
with some hidden scepticism, if, indeed, you did
not altogether disbelieve it.
Donald was by nature secretive, and like many
men who join cunning to that quality, he preferred
to live alone. Not that he was without friends, or
shunned the society of his neighbours, with whom,
on account of his sagacity and a certain quaintness
of character, he was somewhat a favourite. But
Little Donald was a disciple of Zimmer to the
extent of at all events of constituting himself sole
master of his own affairs, and of living in glorious
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Cailleach is Mac
isolation. He had a lively horror of women, mainly
on account of their supposed loquacity, and many
and bitter were the flouts and gibes he indulged in
at their expense, especially when he was in his
cups, which was rather more often, I daresay, than
was good for him.
But, ordinarily, Donald was sober enough. His
circumstances did not allow of his imbibing too frequently—at least, so he said; and good whisky is
hard to come by, even in honest Ard na Mara of the
Lochs; which was another reason, perhaps, why
Little Donald did not much frequent the inn at the
head of the village, which lay about six long
Highland miles from his house.
So Donald lived alone, and strictly minded his
own affairs; and if he did not fish much, nor labour
over-much on his own croft, why whose business
was that but his very own ? He kept the law, to all
ostensible intents and appearances, and returned a
civil answer to a civil question whenever one was
addressed to him; and as his sense of individual
responsibility did not ascend much higher, it is
obvious that Donald, if no better, was at all events
quite as good as many of his neighbours. He went
to Mass regularly, summer and winter, and observed the appointed feasts and fasts. What more
could a decent self-respecting Christian do, or what
more could society reasonably expect of him ?
So, at least, argued Donald, who could not but
be aware that his seeming want of means, joined to
his easy manner of living, had not entirely escaped
unfavourable comment. It was surely no business
of the world's how he made the two ends meet, so
Cailleach is Mac
281
long as he arrived at that desirable consummation
? For his part, he deprecated scandal and gossip of
every kind, and certainly he did nothing to
encourage them, so far as he was concerned. Little
Donald, for all his low stature and amiable airs,
was not the man to be trifled with; and no one in
Ard na Mara of the Lochs knew better than he did
how to snub an impertinent inquirer, or to turn
the laugh against such as would be witty at his
own expense.
Still, tongues would wag, and gossips would
have their say, in spite of all that Donald could do
to prevent them; but what precisely the gossips did
say regarding Dòmhnull Beag it would perhaps be
indiscreet to divulge at this particular conjuncture.
Suffice it to say, that the Ard na Mara gossips
were probably not greatly inferior to their
neighbours in the homely arts of adding two and
two together, and of embroidering the resulting
combination; and that in this particular locality, as
in most others, the fact of a man's appearing in
easy circumstances whilst, seemingly, he does
nothing to acquire them, is apt to provoke curious
and invidious remark.
News is wont to travel slowly, even nowadays,
in Ard na Mara of the Lochs, and it was not until
four days after the date of their arrival in that
country that Little Donald was informed that some
fine gentlemen had come all the way from France
to see if they could secure a site on which to raise a
monastery in Ard na Mara.
The news took
Donald by disagreeable surprise; but what
particularly interested him was the rumour that
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Cailleach is Mac
the monks in question were concerned in the
manufacture of a particular liquor, which, in the
local conflict of opinion touching its precise character, Little Donald had no hesitation in deciding
to be whisky. Now, if there was one thing more
than another which honest Donald reprobated, it
was whisky—not, indeed, whisky in its finished
state (to which, as I have said, he was, whiles,
extremely partial), but whisky in its crude and immature form; for whisky in such a state almost
necessarily involves the establishment of a
building and appliances for the manufacture of the
same, in other words a fully equipped and
State-sanctioned distillery, which last, paradoxical
as in may seem, was Little Donald's pet aversion,
so far, at all events, as Ard na Mara was
concerned.
So when Donald heard it said that it was a
place for making whisky in that the gentlemen
from France were after, he was grievously distressed. His indignation was of that spontaneous,
combustible and comprehensive character, whose
name is " virtuous ". He was very much opposed to
whisky on high moral ground- (he said); and
though not actually a member of any temperance
society, as he was careful to explain, he argued
long and hotly against the projected distillery at
many a little meeting of the gossips, convened at
the inn in honour of the occasion.
Of course, Dòmhnull Beag was full of compliments for the gentlemen from France. It was not
he himself who would be saying anything against
them, more especially as they were good
Cailleach is Mac
281
Christians, and like as not, as good Catholics as
themselves. And France, too, was it not a fine rich
country, co dhiù, for all the bad treatment they
were getting there along with them? And if the
gentlemen were of opinion that Ard na Mara was
the finer place, why, small blame to them on that
account; for a wilder and more beautiful it would
be impossible to find on all the broad bosom of the
world.
But whilst Little Donald was careful to
eulogise the strangers in general terms, he was no
less concerned to advertise his scruples touching
their rumoured undertaking. What could they be
coming there for at all, he asked, if it was not to
put up a great big building for making whisky in?
And were they the men whatever who would be
wanting that sort of thing ? Was there not already
a distillery at Cill Moire, not more than sixteen
decent Highland miles away, where the water of
life could be had, pure and strong, for such as
wished, and had money to buy it ? They and their
ancestors from the head of many years past had
got on very well without a distillery amongst them:
why, therefore, should they be wishing to have one
now ? They had a fine country of it, and enjoyed it,
too, pretty well to themselves barring the deer (his
curse on them) and a few tourists in autumn. Did
they think for a moment that that state of affairs
would continue once a distillery was put up? A
Mhoire! they would be clamouring for railways,
canals, motor-cars, roads, policemen and a host of
other dangerous and disturbing innovations before
long. Let them follow close ,to the ways of their
28o
Cailleach is Mac
ancestors and rest contented with what they had.
It would be the ruin of the country once the whisky
(he said nothing as to the monks, buaidh is piseach
leo) got a foothold in Ard na Mara of the Lochs.
Besides, argued Donald, were they the sort of men
who would be wanting to have a pack of gaugers
spying on them, whenever they were out and about
to do an honest day's work? They knew as well as
he did himself that no distillery could be put up
without its little army of excisemen to watch and
take care of it, to taste the whisky, maybe, and to
play their cunning knavish tricks with the good
stuff that was made in it. Was not the one gauger
they had already coming amongst them from time
to time enough, that they should be wanting to
bring in a buidheann of others, along with their cuid
families and their spying underhand ways, and
meddlesome, interfering habits? As for that lanky
Saxon heretic yonder, Donald acknowledged that
he was nuisance enough; but to give the man his
due, however fussy, officious and impudent he
might be, there was no doubt (said Donald) that
like most of his countrymen he was a thundering
simpleton; and for all such mercies (added Donald,
with a pious ejaculation) may the Saints in Heaven
make them always truly thankful. Should they be
wanting, therefore, to bring in his like, and
perhaps ten times worse, to be for ever a-hunting
and a-harrying and a-spying, from day to day and
from hill to hill ? He thought he knew them far too
well to believe that they could be wishing the
foolish thing like that; but for his part, if they were
unable or disinclined to do anything to help
Cailleach is Mac
281
themselves, why he himself would set about that
very thing; and he did not doubt that though they
should fail, he himself would succeed. " And may
the curse of Walter in Gaick," added Little Donald
emphatically, as he brought his oration to a close,
"be on each and every one who shall set hand to
stone to put up a distillery in Ard na Mara."
Donald went home from the meeting in high
dudgeon, revolving always in his mind plans by
means of which, without unnecessarily exposing
himself, he might put a nail in the coffin of that
odious project of a distillery.
Fertile was his
imagination, and many and varied were the twists
which he mentally took, in his endeavours to
arrive at some practical solution of the difficulty
confronting him. But cogitate as he might, plan
as he might, somehow or other the thing he was
wanting would not come out. He thought of
kelpies and ghosts, of warlocks and so forth—he
even thought of disguising himself, catheran
fashion, and of kidnapping the ringleader or the
head pioneer of the prospective army of
gaugers—but no workable scheme could he find.
To fail in his object would be worse than not to
attempt it at all. He must hit on some plan
which would be easy to execute single-handed.
Now, if only that dolt of a Saxon gauger—and here
Donald struck his thigh, and burst into a loud
laugh as a solution of the difficulty suddenly
flashed through his mind. He would make
friends with the gauger—for a time— and having
carefully matured his plans, would trust the
execution of his scheme to Providence.
28o
Cailleach is Mac
A week or so afterwards, Little Donald might
have been seen in company with a party of gentlemen, who were prospecting Ard na Mara in search
of a site whereon to set up a monastery. The
services of Donald had not been formally requisitioned ; but as he had chosen to offer himself as
one to whom every inch of that country was more
than familiar, he was suffered to attach himself (in
capacity of guide) to the party, which consisted of
the four strangers from France, the local priest, the
bishop of the diocese, a Glasgow architect, and one
other, a lawyer's clerk from a west country town.
Little Donald busied himself vastly that day,
running about from place to place and passing
from point to point, in a manner which was both
wonderful to behold and painful to experience. He
discussed possible sites here, and discovered
unexpected objections and disadvantages there, so
that in the space of four or five hours or so he had
pretty well covered the whole of the ground under
consideration (as well as exhausted most of the
party), with the exception of a wild and exceeding
mountainous tract of country near his own home
and into which, with many flowery encomiums on
its natural beauties and advantages, in his very
best English, he at last proceeded to conduct the
party, which by this time had become so impressed
by Ms knowledge and zeal (as well as not a little
drawn towards him on account of his amiability,
shrewdness and many whimsicalities of manner),
that they readily suffered themselves to be led
whithersoever was pleasing to their loquacious and
indefatigable guide.
Cailleach is Mac
281
By devious ways and rugged paths Donald
conducted the party, which was by now pretty well
fatigued, into a very high country, through which a
mountain torrent, whose precipitous braes were
thickly fringed with birch trees, rushed and
roared. At the head of this country was an elevated
plateau formed by a strip of meadow land of
surprising beauty and attractiveness; and it was
on this picturesque site that Little Donald
suggested that the monks should build their
monastery.
"See!" he exclaimed to the breathless party
around him, and pointing to the plateau which
stretched invitingly above them, "yonder there is
the best site in all Ard na Mara! If the gentlemen
will follow me we will soon be there."
Little Donald sprang towards some bushes
near him, which on being parted, discovered a
rude track strewn with rocks, and half concealed
by undergrowth. Motioning the party to follow
him, he himself quickly disappeared from sight,
and remaining for some time out of view, his companions, who were following as best they could,
began to be apprehensive lest something untoward
had happened to him ; when a loud shout not fifty
yards from them immediately convinced them that
their fears were groundless.
" Haste you ! Haste you here, gentlemen!" cried
Little Donald from amongst the trees. " See here
what I have found." And English evidently proving
insufficient, Donald vented his excitement in
copious Gaelic.
28o
Cailleach is Mac
Thus exhorted, the whole party scrambled as
fast as they were able in the direction of the place
from which the voice of Donald had proceeded. And
there he was, to be sure; his head, with its shock of
unkempt lank black hair, appearing not twenty
feet below the level of the rude track which the
party were traversing, whilst the rest of his body
was engulfed in the brushwood which surrounded
him.
"What have you got down there, Donald?"
shouted the priest, as soon as he could find breath
to articulate.
" Come here and see for yourself, your
Reverence, and those gentlemen too," replied
Donald, turning a beaming and somewhat heated
countenance upwards. " It is myself who would like
you to see what is here. A Mhoire! it is a strange
thing whatever."
Impelled by a common curiosity, the priest and
his companions scrambled down the brae, to the no
small risk of their limbs, and a moment or two
afterwards were standing by Donald's side upon a
rocky ledge in the precipice. The ledge or shelf
itself was so effectually screened from observation
by trees that its existence could not have been even
so much as suspected by any one standing on the
path or track above, and looking down in the
direction of the burn below.
The priest drew a sharp quick breath when he
saw what Donald was gazing at. " Good gracious!"
he exclaimed, " an illicit still! "
Cailleach is Mac
281
" It is the very thing you name and nothing else
is in it!" cried Donald delightedly. " And I am
thinking she's in very good working order," he
added approvingly.
The party, headed by Donald, now made a more
thorough investigation of the smugglers'bothy,
which was constructed of turfs and branches, and
seemed to be a somewhat superior affair. The
smugglers had evidently been disturbed at their
work, for the " pot" was full of malt and water,
whilst the fire below it was laid for kindling.
Donald was extremely interested in all that he
saw, and took upon himself to explain the working
of the still with a. degree of knowledge and
minuteness of detail which,, at another time and
under different circumstances,, might have
exposed to him to considerable suspicion..
" See!" cried the priest excitedly, who by this;
time was almost as much interested in Donald's
discovery as was that worthy himself. " Everything
is ready for another brew. We have evidently just
disturbed the rascals. Here are the fire and malt,
and there are the peats as dry as coals. We should
only have to light the fire to set the still agoing!"
" It is your Reverence who is speaking the very
G
180
Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara
*
truth," cried Donald. " And bad luck to myself if I
have not got a match to put a bit fire on those very
peats there !" And before any one could prevent
him, or, indeed, was fully conscious of what he was
about, Donald had struck a light, and the fire was
ablaze.
The party gazed for some time in silence at the
burning peats, whilst Donald ran about the bothy,
attending to this and to that with a skill and an
appearance of perfect familiarity with the resources
•of the place which struck one at least of his observers as somewhat peculiar.
" You should not have done that, Donald," said
the priest gravely. "If the smoke were seen, it might
get us into trouble, innocent as we are."
"And who is there, whatever, that would be
seeing us, Father," inquired Donald, "and we miles
and miles away from that fool of a gauger ?"
But at that very moment, as ill-luck would have
it, the door of the bothy was suddenly darkened,
and a voice at the threshold was raised.
"So I have caught you at last, have I, Little
Donald!" cried the gauger, as he entered the bothy
(for it was none other than he), " and you, too, not
so very far away from your own home either," he
added, with a sarcastic affectation of Donald's
idiom. "And pray, what are you doing here, your
Reverence, and these gentlemen too? This is a
serious business for all of you."
To say that the party were surprised at this
unexpected and inopportune intrusion would be to
describe their amazement and confusion in the very
mildest of terms. Donald was almost beside himself
Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara
293
with mingled astonishment and rage, and would
probably have offered some violence to the gauger
if he had not been restrained from laying hands
upon the majesty of the law by the presence of the
priest and his companions. Prevented from
wreaking his vengeance on the exciseman, he
vented his wrath in scowling at him in the most
threatening manner imaginable, and in cursing
him and his kind in Gaelic, pointed indeed, but too
vigorous for repetition. The gentlemen from
France, too, as soon as the situation had been
explained to them, and they realised its more
serious aspect, manifested their uneasiness in
unmistakable fashion. The bishop and the Glasgow
architect were likewise very much perturbed. They
did not at all relish the prospect of being involved
in an affair of that kind, even as innocent
parties—a sentiment which the priest and the
lawyer's clerk shared to the full. And the alarm and
uneasiness of all were by no means allayed when,
to their unfeigned consternation and dismay, the
gauger absolutely refused to credit their story, or to
accept their proffered explanations.
"But pray be reasonable, man!" cried the priest,
addressing the gauger in some heat. " Is it likely
that either these gentlemen here, who have come
all the way from France on a perfectly legitimate
business, his lordship, or, indeed, any of us would
be concerned in a contemptible affair of this kind? I
tell you the idea is preposterous— absurd."
"I cannot help that," replied the gauger doggedly. " You have been caught working an illicit
still, in the company of a suspected smuggler,
181 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara
which makes the matter ten times worse. I have
long had my eye on Little Donald there. If,
gentlemen, you are innocent as you say, you will
doubtless have a chance of clearing yourselves in a
court of law. I know my duty, thank you, which is
to report the case at once in all its circumstances tal
the proper authorities. And this I shall do with! out
delay."
It was in vain that the priest and his companions expostulated and explained and argued!
The gauger was obdurate ; and to all their appeals!
and reasonings returned the unfailing answer, thatj
if they were innocent their innocence couldl
doubtless be made good in a court of law. Mean-J
while, however unpleasant, his duty was clear.
The case now began to wear a truly serious
aspect, and the priest, who felt himself in some]
measure responsible for the whole party (with the]
exception of Little Donald, whose imprudence did
not entitle him to much consideration), commenced
to feel considerable alarm for the issue of this!
unfortunate occurrence, more especially as he]
thought he detected some deeper meaning andj
method in the gauger's uncommon obstinacy andj
folly than was apparent upon the surface of the]
affair. Moreover, he knew him to be à furious \
bigot, as well as a bad type of the Jack-in-office a
and he reflected that even although they shoulcfl
succeed in clearing themselves of the charge laid] at
their door—an event touching which he had nod the
smallest doubt—it would, nevertheless, be extremely unpleasant to be publicly involved in al
highly undignified occurrence of that kind. What-]
ever the issue, the consequent gossip and notoriety]
would necessarily be considerable, and, if possible,!
were distinctly to be avoided. Altogether, taking]
one thing with another into consideration, to nipj
an unhappy affair of that kind in the bud was]
obviously the best, easiest and most agreeable way]
Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 293
out of the dilemma. So, casting about in his mind]
for some means to pacify the gauger, and to release
themselves from a highly disagreeable situation, he
suddenly bethought him of Donald.
"Donald!" cried the priest, sternly and
au-thoritatively, addressing his parishioner in
Gaelic, " whether or not you know more about this
most unfortunate concern than you appear to do, I
shall not now stop to inquire. But since it is 1
through your curiosity that we have got into
trouble, I appeal to you to do your utmost to get us
out of
"I will do that, Father, and gladly!" cried
Donald. "Bad luck to the match that I brought with
me! Come along here with me, gauger; you and I
will speak about this business to ourselves ,
outside." And seizing the obdurate exciseman by
[the arm, he dragged rather than led him out of the
bothy.
The two remained absent for about a quarter of
an hour, when both returned in company to the
hut, where they found the little party standing
gazing (dejectedly at the still, and at the scattered
embers of the smugglers' fire.
Dòmhnull Beag was the first to speak. " Gentlemen, your Reverence !" he cried, doffing his bonnet,
and addressing the group in oratorical fashion, "it
is myself that has settled this little difficulty with
our friend the gauger here. He will say no [more
about it whatever if you will agree to one I thing
that he is asking of you." I " And what is that ?"
said the priest.
" That you do not put up a monastery in Ard na
Mara at all," replied Little Donald solemnly.
The party looked at one another in, silence.
[The Frenchmen, who had evidently grasped the
[purport of the question and the reply, made as
ithough to speak; but the bishop anticipated them.
296
Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara
" We can have nothing to do with any stipulation of that kind," he said decisively. "That is for
our friends here from France to decide. If they
choose to accept the officer's terms, it is for them to
say so. For my part, I can only enter my protest
against such senseless bigotry, for our innocence
being clear, it can only be from bigotry or some
such motive that so otherwise inexplicable a
proposition could proceed."
All eyes were now turned to the little group of
Frenchmen, one of whom, with a gesture which
might have signified either amusement or
disgust— perhaps both—now stepped forward to
act as spokesman for his compatriots.
"Under the circumstances, we will do as this
gentleman (indicating the gauger) suggests," he
said, in excellent English. " We could not think of
being the innocent cause of getting our good friends
here into trouble, though they, as ourselves, are
perfectly innocent. And after what has occurred
to-day, we could not well think of building our
monastery in Ard na Mara. After all," he added,
smiling and shrugging his shoulders, " the world is
wide, and land is plentiful where money is not
scarce. As for bigotry, alas! we are well used to it in
France."
The bishop was manifestly greatly annoyed at
the inauspicious turn which, thanks to the gauger
and Donald, events had taken, but in view of the
obstinacy of the former he recognised his
powerless-ness to undo the mischief that had been
done. Certainly almost any compromise was better
than being publicly involved in a case of the kind
evidently contemplated by the gauger. And if the
Curacoa was not destined to come to Ard na Mara,
why, doubtless, just as good a place for it could be
found elsewhere in Scotland.
297
Fontenoy and After
"Take you heed, another time, where your
curiosity leads you," he said, looking severely at
Donald, " and profit by the experience which this
day's work has brought you. But come, gentlemen,
it is getting late and it is time for us to be going. We
have surely wasted enough over this ridiculous
business." And so saying he abruptly led the way
out of the hut, followed by the priest and the rest of
the company.
Little Donald remained behind, not caring
doubtless
to
encounter
the
searching
cross-examination to which, he felt sure, the priest,
at least, would subject him in consequence of his
somewhat ambiguous share in the events of the
day.
"She is an old pot, a very old pot. Cha'n 'eil feum
agam oirre nis fhaide — I have no further use for
her," said Donald to himself as, about half an hour
after the party had quitted the bothy, he drew the
still to the door of the hut, and, with a vigorous
push, sent it flying down the brae into the burn
below. " But this is the best day's work that ever
she did in Ard na Mara of the Lochs."
SEANA CHAIDH.
FONTENOY AND AFTER1
CAELYLE pronounced Fontenoy " a mystery and a
riddle," and Mr. Skrine, in the work before us,
obligingly comes forward to solve it—evidently for
the first time, as he fondly imagines. For our parts,
we have never quite understood where the
1 Fontenoy, and the War of the Austrian Succession, by Francis
Henry Skrine. Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons, 1906.
mystery lay. Certainly, Fontenoy was an English
defeat, and amongst that modest people it may well
be that a disaster of that kind is of itself sufficient
to constitute a riddle and a mystery. But the whole
period embracing the War of the Austrian
Succession has been adequately and competently
studied. The " general reader "—to quote Mr.
Skrine's preface—may know "comparatively little of
Sir Robert Walpole's long administration," and the
important Continental events which coincided with
it. But is the "general reader" in a better position
regarding any other subject to which scepticism
might tempt us to put a name ? Specialists may
specialise, and collators may collate till all the
world—not excepting history—is of the approved
and proverbial blue; but does the " general reader "
take much account of their manifold labours and
performances? We doubt it. At all events, any
respectable English, French or German history
contains an adequate account of the War of the
Austrian Succession. The springs thereof, and the
events leading up thereto, are public property, with
which every schoolboy at all events (we say nothing
of the " general reader," who is, presumably, here
understood to be a person of mature age, and whose
learning, as whose intelligence, we do not rate
particularly high) has long been more or less
familiar. For our own parts, though not disposed to
question Mr. Skrine's bond fides as historian, yet we
certainly do suspect the genuineness of his opening
assumption-— of his credentials as historical nutcracker. The whole book, indeed, reads like a kind
of military tract, to which the War Office, standing
for the nonce in loco parentis to Exeter Hall, has
kindly furnished an imprimatur. Literary persons
are fond of speaking of " pegs " on which to hang
their morals and arguments. This battle of
Fontenoy seems to have been one of them, and Lord
Roberts' bellicose introduction not very skilfully
heightens the blushing impression.
The battle of Fontenoy was fought in 1745, the
very year in which Prince Charles Edward began
his unfortunate adventure in Scotland. The sympathies of the Gaels of the day were, of course, if
they were anywhere, rather on the side of the
French than with the English. Still, the Black
Watch fought on the side of the Saxons (in this book
styled " British "), and however much one may
marvel at their muddled politics, there is no question as to their valour and bravery. Probably few
men of that famous regiment realised what they
were fighting for. They had been raised by
Government nominally to put clown smuggling and
other illicit practices in the Gàidhealtachd. Their
real function, however, was to have an eye and a
watch for certain "rebellious" clans. Am Freiceadan
dubh derived its name, not from the colour of its
tartan, as our author imagines, but from the highly
unpopular character of its functions. Dubh in
Gaelic, besides signifying " black," means " dark "
or " sad " in a moral sense. It is not to be supposed
that any numerous body of Gaels relished the attention of these Hanoverian Fenians, or that their
hostility and suspicion were like to be diminished
merely because their watchers wore kilts. It was an
unpopular service (as such services usually are),
and the men composing it, however individually
respectable and blameless, naturally shared in the
popular odium.
The Black Watch seems to have been the only
Gaelic force employed on the English side at Fontenoy. A large number of Gaels, however, both of
Ireland and Scotland, fought against the Saxons and
with the French, which, on the whole (though we are
no great admirers of the " Auld Alliance "), seems a
more natural and sensible arrangement Indeed, the
charge of the Irish Brigade at Fontenoy is famous in
history. It certainly upset the equilibrium of the
Butcher, who seems to have acted on this occasion
like the blockhead, though not like the bloody
monster, he was. Mr. Skrine has little to say in
defence of Cumberland's conduct, which evidently
goes sore against the grain with him, for our author
is nothing if not a " pro-Briton," or rather
Pan-Teuton. Mr. Skrine admits, in fact, that the
Butcher's blundering generalship lost the English
the day, though the usual sycophantic flatteries
were showered on the ungainly idiot from court
circles in London. In passing, we may mention that
Mr. Skrine thinks the Irish memorial recently
erected on the field of Fontenoy " vulgar ". Why so ?
The Irish charge was a very creditable feature of the
battle, and to celebrate it by a memorial seems a
very natural proceeding. It is amazing how
sensitive these Saxons are— when it comes to a
push.
As proving our contention that Fontenoy is here
merely a tale by which to point a moral—a mere peg
on which to hang a somewhat wearisome military
tract, we may mention that the account of the battle
comprises but a single chapter. After Fontenoy the
scene soon changes, and we are introduced to Prince
Charles's campaign in Scotland, which, in Mr.
Skrine's hands, serves but as another peg on which to
hang a suit of English regimentals. And here, also,
we are on well-trodden and almost too familiar
ground, in spite of
Mr. Skrine's rather bombastic preface.
Certainly,
he has little that is new to tell us about the Stuart
Prince's unhappy adventure; and the change of air
would not appear to have at all improved the
Butcher's generalship.
Poor Prince Charlie, a bit of
a blunderer himself, easily outmanoeuvred and
hoodwinked the pudding-faced numbskull from
Hanover. He left him grievously in the lurch several
times, and would assuredly have visited Fontenoy
(and worse) on him at Culloden, or before it, had not
his depositions, as his intelligence department
(so-called) been wretchedly defective. Mr. Skrine
properly blames the Prince's absurd siege of Stirling
Castle, and his quite as ridiculous (because
miscalculated) night march— to say nothing of the
surprise that failed in the dismal dawn of the 16th of
April. Certainly the generalship of Lord George
Murray, or rather the advice which he gave to be
declined without superabundant thanks, when
contrasted with the military measures pursued by
Cumberland, and with those which led Prince
Charlie, at the dictation of his bit Frenchmen, to
destruction, shines out as electric light to tallow
dips. No doubt, it is easy to be wise after the event,
as the superficial are fond of reminding us, but in
this case the common sense which would have
avoided Culloden dates at least as early as the Flood.
Mr. Skrine thinks that " no good purpose would be
served by reviving the memory of reprisals which
tarnished the victor's laurels and branded him with
the nickname ' Butcher'." And really, looking at the
matter entirely from a recruiting point of view, we are
inclined to agree with him. Certainly the "Butcher" is
not a name to conjure with—even in messrooms and
barrack-yards in Scotland.
It would certainly
have a somewhat sinister look upon a recruiting
poster; and we sympathise with Mr. Skrine in his
obvious anxiety to bury a somewhat unpopular
hatchet. But desirous and ready as we are to oblige
a gentleman of so "patriotic" a disposition as Mr.
Skrine, we must really deprecate any undue haste
in the matter. The Cumberland atrocities are a
favourite subject and study of ours, and if baulked
of a reasonable opportunity of "rubbing them in,"
we might turn more than usually nasty. We have
no particular desire to reduce Lord Roberts and Mr.
Skrine to the mire, whatever hostile intentions we
may cherish against their military apple-cart.
Where inclination and duty are so obviously at
fisticuffs, our stern sense of the latter will by no
means be denied. We are really very sorry to seem
cantankerous or unduly insistent; but inasmuch as
Mr. Skrine's appeal militant is addressed to
"Britons" (by which unscientific appellation he
thinks to include the inhabitants of Scotland,
Ireland and England in general), we feel that this is
a matter which intimately concerns us.
Iain Mac Coinnich, in his well-known Eachdraidh a'Phrionnsa, gives us some grisly particulars
touching the Butcher's behaviour after Culloden.
Mackenzie was a reputable historian, and his
account of the massacre of defenceless men by
Cumberland's lambs, and by the Butcher's orders,
was, doubtless, compiled with the assistance of the
testimony of eye-witnesses. He makes the gravest
possible charge against Cumberland. "An dèidh do
na chath a bhi thairis," he says, "dh' òrduich an Diùc
d'a chuid saighdearan a dhol a chasradh nan daoine
'bha 'nan laighe leòinte air an raon." It is all very well
for Mr. Skrine to plead "the idiosyncrasies and
temper of the time" (!) in mitigation of his "British"
hero's abominable conduct; but to stigmatise the
deliberate and cold-blooded murder of wounded and
defenceless men in these feeble knock-kneed terms
must be little short of insulting—even to the "
general reader". Mr. Skrine tries to make out that
Cumberland's abominations were nothing extraordinary, or any ways remarkable. " Let us be
thankful," he piously exclaims, " that we live in a
gentler age, and fall not into the common error of
judging characters that belong to history by canons of
which they had not the remotest conception" I That
Cumberland's "canons" were not those of any of his
civilised contemporaries, and that the wretch's "
methods of barbarism " were hateful to every
right-thinking man of his day, is notorious. It would
be intolerable to think otherwise. Funnily enough,
Mr. Skrine himself prints an anecdote showing
what manner of man was Cumberland— even in
the opinion of contemporary Englishmen. It was
proposed in the city of London to present this
monster in the shape of a devil with the freedom of
some company. "One of the aldermen said aloud, '
Then let it be of the Butchers'." We cannot resist
the temptation to quote yet further from Mr.
Skrine's interesting apologia. " Cumberland was, as
we have seen, a strict disciplinarian, and his choler
was raised to white heat by insubordination in any
form." " A strict disciplinarian" is distinctly good. We
thank thee for that description, honest Screen !
Nero and Caligula, no doubt, were "strict
disciplinarians," whose cholers were apt to fly up at
less than a moment's notice, and without the
smallest provocation! " Filial love," too, we are
told—what a spate of the milk of human kindness
we have here, to be sure!—" and his own dynastic
interests forbade him to extend mercy to rebels " ! The
italics, which are ours, are comment enough upon
this singularly heartless and fatuous style of
"reasoning," which would be shocking even in a
Hottentot, but which, in a member of a civilised
community, is positively sickening.
To conclude, we cannot conscientiously congratulate England on her two latest military heroes
in Scotland, though both, no doubt, were "strict
disciplinarians," with "dynastic interests," "filial
love," cholers liable to fly up and down, and all the
rest of it. Cumberland and Dutch William—these
are, emphatically, not names to conjure with in
Scotland. And even if relieved of their bloodstained
labels, and styled "British," to facilitate their
passage across the Border in the wake of the
recruiting sergeant, we know our countrymen too
well to believe that they could be for a moment
deceived thereby. Like the delectable products of
the Beef Trust in America, this injurious merchandise has fallen upon everlasting suspicion ; and,
with the detestation of our countrymen before our
eyes, we confidently prophesy a " slump " in "
British " military exports.
To this book Lord Roberts contributes a preface
which reads like a recruiting sergeant's handbill
gone daft. He calls Mr. Skrine's Fontenoy " a
trumpet-call to Englishmen". Mr. Skrine dubs his
Saxons " Britons" throughout! The latter alludes to
the French as " our " hereditary enemies, which
shows that he, at least, left some Scottish history
behind him when he crossed the Border. Lord
Roberts, we say, calls this book a trumpet-call to
Englishmen—what a quagmire of inconsistencies
and absurdities have our Bore-stone patriots
brought us to!—but to the ears of the average Gael
of understanding it is more likely to sound like
some particularly painful and inharmonious
undertaking on the part of "our" military Boanerges
and his fellow windbag.
FOCAL NUADH
AM bitheantas, cha'n 'eil na Gàidheil cho ealamh
agus bu chòir dhoibh a bhith ann a bhith 'toirt a
steach focail nuadha d'an cànain aosda, blasda,
min. Gu dearbh, is neonach so, a chionn gu'm bheil
iad beothacail, tuigsinneach, ni's leòir 'nan inntinn,
agus air chaochladh dhòighean eile nach fhaod a
bhith air an cur suas anns an àite so.
Ghabh mi beachd sios o chionn latha no dhà air
Fodair Gàidhlig a tha agam ; agus, ar leam, gu'n
robh an fhàilinn so glè fhaicsinneach innte. Ach (ni
a chuir ioghnadh agus diomb nach robh beag orm),
thug mi fainear gu'n robh àireamh mhor de
dh'fhocail Bheurla innte. An uair a tha focail
nuadha a dhith air Gàidheil, an sgriobhadh no an
seanachais, car son nach do chuir iad an taic ris an
Laidinn, no ris a' Ghreugais, no ri h-aon sam bith
eile de chànainean na Roinn Europa, an àite a
bhith daonnan a' ruith a dh'ionnsaidh na Beurla,
gus focail nuadha faotainn? Tha e air a ràdh le
luchd-sgoil, agus sin gu tur fior, gu'm bheil an
dàimh a tha eadar a' Ghaidhlig agus na cànainean
Laidinn mòran ni's mò, ni's dluithe, agus ni's
soilleire na tha e eadar a' Ghaidhlig agus a'
Bheurla; agus ma's ann mar sin a tha, car son nach
d'iarr sinn ar n-iasad 0 chànainean mhòr-thir na
Roinn Europa—
Focal Nuadh
306
gu h-àraidh o na cànainean Laidinn—an àite a
bhith daonnan ag iarraidh dhèircean o na
Sasunnaich ?
A nis, tha focal ùr maith agam—focal
Rusianachl —a fhuair mi o chionn latha no dhà
anns na paipearan Sasunnach a leugh mi, cha'n ann
gus mo thoil ach air son mo pheacannan—focal d'am
bheil mi 'toirt spèis mhòr mar bhriathar làn seadh
agus rèidh; agus, leis a sin, gu fior airidh gu bhith
air I a thoirt a steach, agus air a suidheachadh,
anns a' chànain againn fèin. Is e am focal so
PogromX Tha pogrom a' ciallachadh seòrsa de
chasgradhj mar tha e air a cur an òrdugh le Righ
nan Rusian-1 ach (an Tsar), agus a chuid
shaighdearan. Air. do'n Tsar agus a chuid
cuirtearan a bhith air an? gonach air son leith-sgeul
maith a Ios na Iudhaich1] Rusianach a chreach agus
a chlaoidh, o chionn] mios no dhà, rinn iad Pogrom
'nan aghaidh—is ej sin ri ràdh, chòrd iad eadar fèin
na Iudhaich a chreach agus a chasgadh, an dèidh
do'n shluagh bhochd, mhi-fhortanach, sin a bhith
air an farran-J achadh le dimeas agus le
an-iochdmhorachd ro oillteil.
Pògrum, casgradh Rusianach
(ainm-fhocal bhoirionn).
Sing.
Gairm.
Pogrom, casgradh Rusianach.
Iomadh.
Guth.
Gineamh.
Tabhairt.
Gairm.
Guth.
A Phògruim.
Pògruim.
Pògrum.
Pògruman.
A Phògruma, etc., etc.
R. MAC UILLEIM.
Guth na Bliadhna
LEABHAR III.]
AM FOGHAB, 1906.
[AIREAMH
4
CUID NAM FINEACHAN
JFADA
fa-dhèireadh, agus an deigh mòran bhliadhnaichean tha againn a nis Bille ùr Fearainn—Bille,
mar an ceudna, anns an urrainnear t-lachd mhòr a
ghabhail, agus as am bheil sinn a' tarraing earbsa
mhòr air taobh Fineachan na h-Alba.
Cha 'n 'eil teagamh sam bith againn nach 'eil
Bille Mhr. Sinclair 'na Bille anabarrach maith airson nithean na beatha-sa, agus buileach feumail
mar an ceudna ; agus, mar tha cuid ag ràdh aig a'
cheart àm so, is maith an comharradh oirre gu'm
bheil an Scotsman, agus a luchd-leanmhuinn am
measg uachdarain an fhearainn, 'na h-aghaidh am
muigh agus am mach. Ach, is èiginn duinn, roimh
ar beannachadh a thoirt dhi, a cuid ponganan fhaighinn a mach, agus an cur mu choinneamh ar
luchd-1 leughaidh; beachd curramach, smioral, a
ghabhail lair na stèidhean sin a tha aig bonn na
Bille so. Agus gu sin a dheanamh air dhòigh agus
nach leig sinn e fo amharus sam bith a thaobh nam
bunail-itean sin, as am bheil e 'toirt làn earbsa
ruinn fhèin, is èiginn duinn doras Eachdraidh na
h-Alba fhosgladh car tamuill, agus sùil a thoirt rè
ùine bhig iair sean nithean na Gàidhealtachd.
An toiseach, niata, cia mar a chaidh am fearann
a' riaghladh am measg nan seana Crhàidheal, agus
ciod iad na còirichean a bha aca air talamh na
dùthcha anns na làithean a dh' aom ? An uair a
gheibh sinn thairis air so, gabhaidh sinn beachd air
a' Bhille fèin, a Ios, theagamh, gu'm faigh sinn
leasachadh no choir-eigin a chuireadh sinn a steach
innte.
Tha a' chiad sealladh a ghabhas sinn air ar
sinnsearan a' nochdadh dhuinn gu'n robh iad mar
phriomh-fhir, no mar dhuine borba a mhàin. Is e sin
ri ràdh, chum iad an cuid treud is buar; agus cha
robh aca ach fìor bheag de nithe sam bith eile : cha
robh eòlas aca gus a so air àiteach. Rinn iad am beò
air sealgaireachd agus iasgach; agus mar iomadh
cinneadh borb eile, cha robh aca ach còirichean
cumanta air am fearann. B'e so an staid anns an
robh iad air tùs ; ach gur ann mar chaidh iad air an
adhart air rathad a Ios callachadh is modhalachd
ruigheachd, is ann mar so a dh'fhàs iad diombach,
mi-thoilichte leis an t-suidheachadh thoiseachail a
bha aca ; gun amharus, rud a thachradh gu
cinnteach, oir mar is mò a chuir iad an cùil ri
cleachdannan neo-oileanta an sinnsearan, is ann is
mò a chuir iad iadsan an suarachas.
Ach, mu àm toirt a steach do'n Chreideamh
Chrìosdail do'n dùthaich so thuit an seann
Riaghailt
Ghàidhealach
fo
atharrachadh
anabarrach mòr. Agus, maille ri iomadh
ath-leasachadh eile a chaidh a chur air bonn aig an
àm ud, chaidh na laghanna-fearainn air fad air am
meudachadh agus air an cur am feabhas. Ghabh
ùaghdairean agus muinntir na dùthcha fo bheachd
nach robh na seana laghanna-fearainn iomchuidh
no freagarrach dhoibh ni's mò, a chionn agus nach
robh iad 'nan daoine borba, allabanach, gun
àite-comhnuidh suidhichte sam bith aca tuilleadh.
Chi sinn a nis am fearann a bhuineadh do'n Chlann
air a roinn gu lèir 'na tri earrannan. B'e a'chiad
earrann am fearann a bha aig a' Chlann—na
Fineachan. Thug ar sinnsearan Feachd—is e sin si
ràdh " fearann cumanta "—mar ainm air an roinn
so. B'e an dara earrann 'na fearann a bhuineadh
do'n Eaglais agus do'n Righ; agus thug iad Fearann
Drèachdach mar ainm air an roinn so. B'e an treas
earrann 'na fearann a bhuineadh do na Flaithibh ;
agus thug ar sinnsearan Oi'òa mar ainm air.
A thaobh na ciad earrainn, bha còir aig gach
duine saor a bhuineadh do'n Chlann a chuid
treudan a dh'ionaltradh air an fhearann so; agus
bha còir aige, mar an ceudna, ri cuid de
dh'fhearann-treabhta, agus ri àite-comhnuidh d'a
fhèin. A thaobh na dara earrainn, bha am fearann
so air a chur seachad leis an Fhine airson
teachd-an-tir agus beathachaidh an Righ, agus a
mhaoir1;
agus
airson
teachd-an-tir
agus
beathachadh na h-Eaglaise agus a cuid Pearsa. A
thaobh na treas earrainn, bha a' chuid bu mhò de'n
fhearann so air a chumail leis na Flaithibh 'nan
làmhan fhèin. Shuidhich iad an luchd-ìeanmhuinn
(an dà chuid saor is daor) air, agus bha cead no còir
aca, mar an ceudna, ris an fhearann so a thoirt
seachad mar ghibht do'n fheadhainn sin a bha ri
tighinn as an deigh. Chi sinn, mar so, gu'n robh tri
cumhachdan mòra air an suidheachadh am measg
nan seana Gàidheal, agus fo'n Riaghladh,
Ghàidhealach—is e sin ri ràdh :—
1. An Fhine.
2. An Eaglais agus an Rìgh.
3. Na Flaithean.
Chi sinn gu soilleir mar so gu'n robh an Fhine 'na
mathair, mar gu'm b'ann, do chach, agus 'na
cladhan as an do ruith an cumhachd uile a bha aca
fa leth.
1Am
Bàrd, am Britheamh, an Seanachaidh, etc.
Chi sinn mar so, mar an ceudna, an t-atharrachadh
mòr a bha eadar am Feudal System agus Riaghladh
nan Gàidheal. Fo'm Feudal System, b'e an Rìgh 'na
aonar a bu mhathair-aobhar do'n chumhachd uile a
bha aig gach ni agus neach a bh'ann. A rèir
tionnsgnaidh no beachd, b'e an Rìgh e fhèin o'n do
shruth gach cumhachd, agus gach onoir a bh'ann ;
agus gun a chead no a thoil-san, cha robh e idir
comasach do ni no neach sam bith fearann no tiodal
a shealbhachadh anns na dùthaich ah* fad. A
thuilleadh air sin, chi sinn mar so an t-atharrach-
adh mòr a tha eadar Riaghladh nan Còmunnairean
agus Riaghladh nan Gàidheal. Tha na Còmunnairean ag ràdh gu'm bheil còir aig an Staid ris gach
neach agus gach ni a tha an taobh a staigh dhith.
Their iad, gu'm bu chòir do'n fhearann uile, maille
ri gach ni eile a tha air uachdar dheth a bhith 'na
làn sheilbh aig an Staid ; ach cha'n ann mar sin idir
a tha Riaghladh nan Gàidheal a' gabhail beachd air
a' chùis. Cha chreid na seana Ghàidheil, ni's mò
tha sinn fhèin 'ga chreidsinn aig a' cheart àm, gu'n
robh e 'na ni maith do'n t-sluagh gu lèir iad a bhith
fo smachd na Staide; agus cha b'àdll leo riamh na
cumhachdan uile an cur an aon làmh a mhàin.
An àite sin, chuir iad air bonn an innleachd sin
d'an d'thug iad mar ainm " Ionannachd
Cothroim"—is e sin ri ràdh, roinn iad na cumhachdan rìoghail a bha aca 'nam measg fhèin, a'
gabhail fior churaim nach robh tuilleadh is mò de
chumhachd aig neach seach neach ; ach gu'n robh
an t-aon chumhachd a bha iad a' toirt seachad gu
fior ionann ris an fhear eile. Mar so, fhuair iad
an " Ionannachd Cothroim" sin a bha dualach
dhoibh, agus a bha 'gan comharrachadh a mach,
maille ri'n Riaghladh fhèin, fad linntean o shean.
Is e so, mata, seilbh a tha anabarrach
priseil duinn; agus a chionn agus gur h-aon e de na
cuspairean a tha aig a' Bhille so an " Ionannachd
Cothroim Ghàidhealach " a chur air ais, agus a
shuidheachadh ann ar measg as ùr—a rèir gach
coltais—is e ar barail gu'n d'rinn Mr. Sinclair, agus
luchd-riaghlaidh na dùthcha, glè mhaith ann a
bhith 'ga toirt a staigh do'n Phàrlamaid
Shasunnaich, agus gu'm bheil e a nis ar dleasnas
taitneach, sunndach, fàilte is furan a chur oirre.
Ach, mu'n cuir sinn crìoch air an roinn so d'ar
ceann-teagaisg, is èiginn duinn focal no dhà a ràdh
mu dhèighinn a' mhodh anns an deachaidh an
Riaghladh Gàidhealach a dhith; agus, gu h-àraid,
mu thimchioll nan tubaistean sin a thachair oirnn
'na lorg.
An toiseach, abramaid gu'm bheil gach ni a chuir
sinn an cèill gu so suas furasda a bhith air a
dhearbhadh le Eachdraidh, co dhiù is e Eachdraidh
na h-Alba no Eachdraidh na h-Eirinn a th'ann, agus
as am bheil sinn a' tarruing ar beachd.
A thaobh an Riaghlaidh Ghàidhealach an
Albainn, chi ar luchd-leughaidh còmhdach nach 'eil
breugach air so anns an leabhar ainmeil sin ris an
goirear Leabhar Dheoir, agus anns am bheil gach ni a
tha sinn a' cur an cèill mu dhèighinn nan seana
Ghàidheal, agus an cuid cleachdannan, air a
shuidheachadh gu tur soilleir, ionnus gu'm bheil
cothrom ann aig gach fear aig am bheil miann gu
leughaidh no imeachd gu sin a dheanamh, gun
thrioblaid no dhorran sam bith.
A nis, air do'n cheud Rìgh Dhàibhidh crùn na
h-Alba fhaotainn le cuideachadh o 'chuid Frangaich,
maille r'a chuid Sasunnaich, thug e a staigh leis an
Riaghladh Frangach,1 ris an goirear anns a'
Bheurla,
Gu firinneach, cha b'e " Bìaghladh Frangach " idir a bh'ann
ach Bìaghladh Bomhanach. B'iad na Bomhanaich a chuir e air
1
am Feudal System. Ciod e, mata, am modh riaghlaidh
ud? Chuir sinn sin an cèill mu thràth. Leis a sin,
gabhaidh sinn cead a dhol air ar n-adhart gun a
ràdh smid tuilleadh dheth an so, ach gu'n robh e 'na
mhodh riaghlaidh a bha gu tur an aghaidh an
Riaghlaidh Ghàidhealaich.
B'e an cuspair a bha aig an Rìgh so, agus aig a
luchd-leanmhuinn air cathair-rìoghail na h-Alba,
cumhachd na dùthcha fhaotainn 'nan làmhaibh
fhèin; agus a Ios sin a dheanamh air dhòigh agus
nach bitheadh rum no cothrom ann ri mearachd no
fàillinn sam bith, b'èiginn da, agus d'a luchd-leanmhuinn, cumhachd na Fine a chur as; agus am
modh a's feàrr gu sin a dheanamh, b'e sin, le'r cead,
fearann no cuid nam Fineachan a thoirt air falbh
uapa. Chi sinn gu furasda gu'n robh a' chùis mar so
le dearbhadh a's simplidh a th'ann. Ciod a thachair
do'n t-sluagh air do na Flaithibh a bhith air an
ceannsachadh leis an rìgh airson " ceannairc," no
lèith-sgeul eile mar sin ? An d'aisig an rìgh am
fearann a thug e leis, leis a chuid fheachd, air a
h-ais do'n Chlann ? Cha d'aisig gu deimhinn ! An
àite sin, ghlèidh e an cuid fearann d'a fhèin, no
thug e seachad e do neach sam bith eile a bha an
cairdeas ris, no do na Flaithibh "ceannairceach," air
dha an deanamh umhail dha fhèin air sgath an
fhearainn a bha aca. Anns an dòigh so, chaidh cuid
nam Fineachan air chall, agus a thoirt air falbh
uapa. Bha i air a goid uapa, ceart mar an
deachaidh an cù glas a chaidh a ghoid air Fhionn!
Roinn an Rìgh agus na Flaithean cuid nam
Fineachan eatorra fhèin; agus ma sheas an Eaglais
a mach fad mòran bhliadhborm anns an Eoinn Eòrpa air tùs; ach is ann leis na Frangaich
a bha e air a thoirt a staigh do Bhreatuinn; agus, mar so, thug
sinn mar ainm " an Bìaghladh Frangach " air.
naichean an deigh sin, ciod a b'aobhar da, ach gu'n
robh i tuilleadh a's cumhachdaiche gu bhith air a
creachadh an dara cuid leis an Rìgh no leis na
Flaithibh ?
Ach, mu dheireadh, thuit an Eaglais, mar an
ceudna, air droch làithean. Chaidh a creachadh leis
an Rìgh agus leis na Flaithibh, air do
luchd-deanamh
an
"
Ath-leasachaidh
"
làmh-an-uachdar fhaotainn an Albainn. "The gaunt
and hungry nobles of Scotland (their Froude san
Eachdraidh a sgrìobh e), careless, most of them, of
God or Devil, were eyeing the sleek and well-fed
clergy like a pack of famished wolves." "They could
scarcely be compelled to afford the starveling
stipends of the ministers," their Mr. Lang. Mar
mhadaidhean - alluidh sgriosail, acrasach, ràpach,
ruith iad a sios o'n cuid daingnichean air cuid na
h-Eaglaise; agus, maille ris an Righ, rinn iad anns a'
chuis so ceart mar a rinn iadsan fada roimhe so ri
cuid nam Fineachan. An saoil sibh gu'n robh guth
no sùil aca ris a' mhaith chumanta am feadh agus a
bha iad a' creachadh na h-Eaglaise ; no gu'n robh
iad air an lionadh le smaointean neamhaidh an uair
a bha iad a' toirt còir na h-Eaglaise r'a fearann fèin
air falbh uaithe ? Cha b'ann mar sin idir a bha iad a'
gabhail ris a' chùis. B'e an cuspair a bha aig na
Flaithibh an ceart ni a bha aig an Rìgh, is a sin ri
ràdh, tuilleadh de dh'fhearann fhaotainn ; tuilleadh
de chumhachd fhaotainn; agus, gus làn ghreim
fhaotainn air sin, cha d'thug iad sùil aona chuid air
laghanna Dhè no air laghanna dhaoine.
Agus, is ann mar so a bha e fad mòran bhliadhnaichean. Dh'fhàs muinntir na dùthcha ni's fainne
agus ni's fainne, mar an deachaidh na
bb#dh-naichean air an adhart. Cha robh Eaglais
ann ni's mò, gus còirichean nam Fineachan a dhìon
agus a chumail suas, mar a b'fheàrr a dh'fhaodadh i.
Bha Fineachan na h-Alba a nis air tròcair nam
Flaithean, agus an làn earbsa ri'n Rìgh. Agus, gu
dearbh, is fior bheag de na ni a chaidh a' chiad
ainmeachadh a fhuair iad. An àite sin,
dh'fhuadadch iad a mach iad gun tròcair no suim air
bith ri h-aois, no gnè, 'nuair a dh'fhàs iad air
beachd nach robh feum aca dhoibh tuilleadh, agus
an uair a bha iad làn dèidheil air caoraich is feidh a
ghabhail a staigh do na glinn agus daoine a
chumail a mach.
Ach, fada mu dheireadh, thàinig (taing do
Dhia), a' cheud chuideachadh a fhuair Fineachan
na h-Alba o chionn iomadh bliadhna ; agus chaidh
Achd nan Croitearan air a shuidheachadh anns an
dùthaich le cead na Pàrlamaide, anns a' bhliadhna
1886. Thug an Reachd sin cuideachadh mòr do na
Croitearan; ach cha do fhreagair e a' chùis mar bu
chòir. Ach is ann an sin a thoisich an obair
fheumail, èiginneach, mhaitb, ged nach robh e ach
mar thoiseachadh a mhàin air a' ghnothach. Cha do
bhean e ach ri oir a' ghnothaich. Cha robh e
comasach do'n Achd sin an t-olc no an eucail uile a
thoirt air falbh uapa, ged nach robh e gun sochair
gu lèir. Mar sin, rinn na Croitearan, agus an cuid
càirdean a bha air taobh a staigh, maille riusan a
bha air taobh a muigh de na Pàrlamaide stri nach
robh beag gu leasachadh is farsaingeachd a chur
air an Achd; ach, fad mòran bhliadhnaichean, is
ann mar dhaoine aig nach robh ach a' bheag de
dhòchas a bha iad a' cumail suas aobhair nam
Fineachan Albannach. Ach, a nis (taing do Dhia),
tha gu bhith againn " Reachd nan Gabhaltaichean
Beaga "; agus a rèir gach coltais, bithidh an Achd
so mar chairt-' iùil ùr do na Croitearan, agus mar
inneal shaorsa do'n dùthaich air fad.
Tha sinn deas, mata, ar seul a chur ris a' Bhille
so, agus na reusanan sin a thathas 'gan toirt oirnn
sin a dheanamh, is iad mar so iad.
An toiseach, is e ar barail gu'm bi a' cheud
bhuannachd a thèid a mach o'n Reachd so is e so,
Fineachan na h-Alba a chur air am bonn fhèin, a rìs
agus a chaoidh. Anns an dara àite, is ro thaitneach
leinn na cumhachdan eigineach sin a tha e 'toirt a
staigh leis. Anns an treas àite, tha a' Bhille so air a
dealbhadh air dhòigh agus nach 'dol an aghaidh
nòis is cleachdannan nan Gàidheal: air an làimh
eile, tha e 'cordadh gu maith riutha. Anns a'
cheathramh àite, tha a' Bhille so 'na gnìomh
ceartais, agus bithidh sinn glè thoilichte nam biodh
e comasach cuid de dh'fhearann a bha air a thoirt
air falbh o'n t-sluagh anns an bliadhnaichean a
chaidh seachad a thoirt air ais as ùr do na
Fineachan Gàidhealach. Anns a' chuigeadh àite tha
sinn a' 'faighinn tlachd mhòir as a' Bhille so, a
chionn agus gu'm bheil i gu bhith air a cur ri'n
dùthaich gu lèir. Gu dearbh is e so comharradh anabarrach maith oirre; agus tha dòchas againn gur
ann mar so a bhitheas e a ghnàth agus gu buileach
anns na bliadhnaichean a tha ri teachd. Gu dearbh,
is mithich do na Gàidheil a bhith ag iarraidh a'
chiuil, gus an dean Albainn dannsa air sgath an
lagha ùir so. Agus is e so an sèathamh reuson airson
gu'm bheil sinn a' cur ar taice ris a'Bhille, gur h-e, a
nis, an Staid a tha mar dhìon agus mar
inneal-glèidhidh do'n t-sluagh gu lèir. Dh'fhalbh na
Fineachan mar inneal agus mar ghnothaichean
reachdach gu buileach; agus an cumhachd a bha aca
anns na làithean a dh'aom, tha e a nis aig
iuchd-riaghlaidh na Staide. Anns an t-seann seadh,
anns an t-seann mhodh, cha'n 'eil "Clann" no "Fine"
ann ni's mò. Dh'fhalbh iad, mar sgeul a dh'innseadh.; ach ma dh'fhalbh, gu cinnteach, tha iad
fathast a' làthair. Ciod i an Staid idir air an latha an
diugh ach co-chruinneachadh mòr de chlanna agus
de dh'Fhineachan ?
Na h-uiread so a thaobh nan stèidhean mòra a
tha aig bonn na Bille so. Anns ar n-ath àireamh,
cuiridh sinn an cèill na smuaintean a tha againn
mu dhèighinn nam meanbh phongan a tha 'ga
comharradh a mach.
EDUCATION AND "ATMOSPHERE".
THE recent celebrations in connexion with the
University of Aberdeen induce a train of thought
whose outward expression will be found ultimately
to embrace the subject of Education in general. It is
hard to be particular in respect of so many-sided a
problem. It is hard to impose limits upon our
reflections and speculations at a time when all
Christendom is possessed with the restless spirit of
the "newer learning," and when the struggle for
existence is as widespread and acute amongst the
rival educational " systems " as it is in the world of
commerce, or in any of those other " departments "
of life which are consecrated to ceaseless endeavour
by human activity and ambition.
Speaking generally, the subject of Education
may be roughly classified for discussion under the
three heads of Substance, Method, and
Atmosphere. The second explains itself. It is the
means of imparting knowledge. Like the subject of
what constitutes, or should constitute, Education, it
also is matter of dispute. The third, Atmosphere,
comprises the circumstances of Education; and if it
is less matter of dispute in some quarters, the
reason thereof is not far to seek. Atmosphere
hardly appeals to the majority of educationists in
these islands, as a necessary, or even as an important, branch of our subject.
With regard to Method, it would be easy to
dismiss it by glibly observing that only the best
should obtain. No doubt the desire for efficiency is a
common possession. Summum bonum maximum is a
popular maxim, to which the incompetent and the
effete, together with their betters, vociferously
subscribe. And merely to beg the question by
inquiring, in phraseology similar to that which
Pilate and Mr. Chamberlain have conspired to
render fashionable, "What is best?" would furnish
no appreciable solution of the mystery. It is obvious,
then, since no man can yet say positively what is
best, that the educationists must be allowed to fight
out the matter amongst themselves. The road to
knowledge, via experience, leads over the educational Golgotha, through many a prickly brake
and by many a rock and thorn-strewn pass to
efficiency—but the goal is not yet. The world is
improving ; but the process is painful and slow. It is
only by learning how not to educate that we can
hope to arrive at ultimate efficiency. Truly, the
horrors of vivisection have their counterpart in the
experimental methods of our educational " experts ".
But is not progress, like experience, ever
handsomely paid for ? The sufferings of a dog or a
rabbit are more than moving tales to some
well-meaning people; but what of the human wrecks
produced by methods of " scientific " culture gone
awry or astray ? Verily, there is no royal road to
knowledge.
It was not, however, with the intention of discussing this branch of our topic that we took up the
pen, but with the design of making a few
observations on the subject of "Atmosphere" in
relation to Education. As we have already remarked, with the majority of the educationists of
these islands, "Atmosphere" counts for little or
nothing. They do not understand it, and will not be
concerned with it; but to the Gael and to the
Catholic it is everything. To the average Englishman, the Darwinian atmosphere of the
monkey-house at his national Zoo, would smell
every bit as sweet as the most highly-perfumed
odour of sanctity, exhaled by the most inveterate
Ritualist. " Atmosphere," in the sense understood,
we fear, by the Catholic alone, does not so much as
enter into his olfactory calculations. Under the
blight of Protestantism, he has acquired a habit of
mind which he is pleased to call cosmopolitan, but
which, instead of being characterised by true
broadness, is remarkable only for furnishing a
melancholy illustration of dull and loose thinking.
He makes the common mistake of confusing
looseness of reasoning with breadth of mind. He
fails to grasp the important fact that atmosphere, if
not everything, is something. His panic cry of "
Efficiency ! " is in a fair way to be accommodated by
gift of the shadow, without reference to the
substance. "Broad-minded " through indolence, and
" easy-going " and " tolerant" by dint of long
affectation, he professes to be able neither to
understand nor to homologate our demand for
Atmosphere.
But what is the Catholic position in regard to
Education, and whence our mysterious solicitude
for this nebulous quantity styled " Atmosphere " ?
The enigma, if enigma it be, is easily explained. Its
revelation can be compressed almost into a nut-
shell. The faith which we hold as Gaels, we hold
in a higher degree, and yet more tenaciously, as
Catholics. Just as the Nationalist demands that our
schools and colleges shall be Scottish in spirit as
well as in form, so do we Catholic Gaels demand
that our schools shall be Catholic in spirit as well as
in form. This is atmosphere. We do not believe in
the Englishman's habit of " broad-mindedness"
(which is going to bring about his downfall, and that
of his Empire, in the near future) in either religion
or politics. No Gael worthy the name will rest
content until the public schools of Scotland are
thoroughly nationalised. If the Gaelic language is to
recover the ground which it has lost, we must have
Gaelic teachers in our schools. If Scotland is to
regain her former proud position, the youth of our
country must be instructed in national principles.
The education of the young must be conducted in a
manner which will at least afford every mother's son
of them an opportunity of acquiring correct notions
in respect to his country and its history. In this
matter, looking to the past history of our race, we
cannot afford to leave anything to chance. As Gaels,
anything
approaching
latitudinarianism
in
nationalism must be carefully eschewed by us. It is
our deliberate conviction that " broad-mindedness,"
whether in religion or nationalism, is one of the
greatest curses of the age. The man who thinks that
one religion is as good as another, equally with the
individual who inclines to latitudinarianism in
nationalism, is a nuisance and a danger, to whom no
quarter should be shown.
We have written thus strongly because we desire
that our Protestant fellow-countrymen should be
thoroughly informed as to the nature and extent of
our demand for atmosphere. And we apprehend
that what we have said as to the necessity of creatl
ing a Gaelic atmosphere in our schools and colleges!
will assist them to understand and to appreciate
the Catholic claim for the same thing in respect of
our holy religion. We simply cannot afford to do
without Catholic atmosphere in our Catholic
schools. It is as necessary to the well-being of our
Faith as the air around us is to the maintenance] of
life in our bodies. If Scotland had preserved her
national atmosphere, Scotland would not now be
what, alas ! she undoubtedly is—a mere province of
England. If the Gaelic race had not suffered the
loss of its national atmosphere, the Scottish
language and Scottish nationality would not now be
in their present parlous condition. The moral] to be
drawn from these few observations is obvious.
Atmosphere is the thing, and must be preserved
and cultivated at all hazards.
And this brings us to another branch of our
theme, which is, the present state of national
education, as well Catholic as Protestant, in Scotland. With the demand for Gaelic teachers for] the
public schools, we have, of course, all imaginable
sympathy. Gaelic is the national language of
Scotland ; and it is but right and proper that it
should be taught not only in every so-called "
Highland" school, but in every school in every
parish throughout the length and breadth of the
land. This is the irreducible minimum of our]
educational demand, and we beg all friends of tha
Scot or Gael, whilst refusing no concession or reform which " makes for " that position and working
gradually up to it, ever to bear it prominently in
mind. But, whilst we are charged with concern and
solicitude for national education in our elementary
schools, let us not lose sight of the important] fact
that if the country as a whole is to be restored to
nationalism the Gaelic oriflamme must needs be
firmly planted in our higher schools and colleges as
well. At present this aspect of the question is in
some danger of being overlooked by reason of the
"battle of the schools"—of the fight, now in progress,
that is to say, which has for its object the more
systematic and extended introduction of the Gaelic
language into the elementary schools; but with a
view to showing how serious and pressing this
aspect of the question also is, we invite our readers'
attention to the considerations which follow.
Let us first take the case of the Protestant
gentleman's son: we will next briefly inquire in what
respect, if any, that of the Catholic gentleman's
offspring differs from that of his Protestant
compatriot. The Protestant gentleman generally
sends his son to England to be educated. The unost
susceptible period of the youth's career is thus
passed in England, amidst English scenes, and
amongst Saxon surroundings. What chance is
[jthere, therefore, for the Scottish youth who has
been so badly grounded, to grow up a Scotsman ?1
Practically none, unless he be exceptionally
strong-minded; unless his mental and moral
constitution are strong enough to withstand the
attacks of the atmosphere in which he has been
scholastically nurtured, which, by the way, does not
generally [happen. The Iad grows up until his
educational growth culminates in that most
depressing of all objects, if we consider the youth's
blood and parentage, a full-blown Saxon. It is true
that
1 We say nothing here as to the economic aspect of the
question; but it is obvious that this sending of so many
children of wealthy parents to be educated in England is a
serious financial loss to our country.
when he returns to his country, to settle down as
laird, or to discover his regimentals to an admiring
peasantry, he occasionally " dons the kilt," talks
knowingly of the '45, and cultivates a little " Highland " learning on Sir Walter Scott, but in spite of
his tailor and his bookseller he is nothing but a
Saxon. He is English in speech, and Saxon in tone.
He knows no Gaelic, and will not be troubled to
acquire any. Instead of being as Gaelic as the peats,
he is, in all respects, in thought, in word, and in
deed, even more English than the English
themselves. He readily attaches himself to an
English political party; and what that party is it
would be superfluous to say. Suffice it to observe
that it is the party which is pledged to the
preservation of the Union, which is associated with
the enemies of the Gaelic language and our
national aims and aspirations. Knowing nothing of
the Gaelic language, by reason of his English
upbringing, and being totally uninstructed in the
history of our country, is it to be wondered at that
the average Scottish gentleman should constitute a
kind of perambulating machine for the propagation
and dissemination of English ideas ? Even in his
sports and his pastimes, he gives unreserved and
unmistakable indication of his Saxon education.
The old time-honoured Scottish games and sports
are laid aside, and cricket and other typically
English diversions and recreations are introduced
into his district by means of his influence. Though
a Protestant, too, the religion of his Presbyterian
neighbour is not good enough for him, so he must
needs attach himself to that of the Predominant
Partner, which further tends to Anglicisation.
Indeed, to spare ourselves the trouble of
enumerating and our readers that of perusing the
various particulars which constitute him an
Englishman and nothing but an Englishman, in all
essential respects, it is evident that the custom to
which we refer is disastrous from the national point
of view, and that so long as it obtains so long must,
and will, our country, as a whole, fall grievously
short of that national standard which the Gaelic
movement has set up. The atmosphere of English
schools and colleges cannot be otherwise than
English. It would be as foolish, as it would be
unreasonable, to expect anything else. For this
reason we have no hesitation in characterising them
as no fit places for the education of the Scottish
youth. We are of opinion that Scottish Protestant
parents who send their children to be educated in
England, are thereby committing an unpatriotic
action; and we appeal to our Protestant
fellow-countrymen to do what in them lies to
discourage and discredit this injurious and
ridiculous practise.
Let us now briefly consider the position of the
Catholic parent in Scotland. There are at present no
Catholic schools or colleges in Scotland to which the
Catholic Scot of the upper and wealthy classes can
send his sons for education. Apart from the national
college for the Scottish priesthood at Blairs, there is
not a single scholastic institution, with any
pretensions to be considered as national, throughout
the length and breadth of Scotland. This,
undoubtedly, is a condition of things passing
strange and discreditable. It means, too, that the
Catholic parent, whose social position is superior to
that of the majority of his Catholic neighbours, is
more or less obliged to send his son to England to
be educated, since the good old fashion for Catholic
Scots gentle people to send their children abroad, to
Catholic seminaries, to be educated has
B
largely fallen into disuse owing to the Union.
Undoubtedly, the peculiar atmosphere of English
Catholic schools and colleges is, generally, less
destructive to our nationalism than is that of the
corresponding seminaries of Protestant England:
nevertheless, the practice is not one which we, as
Gaels, can conscientiously recommend. Some of
these Catholic schools are aggressively English. We
make no complaint, and harbour no resentment,
against them on that ground. It is but right and
just that they should be so ; and the Gael who
would deny to others that which he claims for
himself, has little of our sympathy and none of our
respect. But for this very reason it is that English
Catholic schools are no fit places for the Catholic
Scottish youth. Of course, the Scottish language is
unknown in them. Scottish history is not taught in
them. The atmosphere is English. These three
conditions not only " make for " Anglicisation, but,
in the vast majority of cases, they speedily
accomplish it. Thus, from the national point of
view, there is little to distinguish the Scots Catholic
gentleman from his Protestant fellow-countryman
of similar social standing. Both are, in all
essentials, Englishmen; both are, as products of the
same melancholy system, as alike as the proverbial
two peas. In both cases, it is the want of a proper
national atmosphere which accounts for their
stunted national growth, and which explains their
exhausted appearance.
The suggestion has been put forward that the
Scottish Catholic youth should attend the Scottish
universities, under, we presume, the necessary
religious safeguards, and in conformity with the
regulations which our Church imposes in cases
where the children of Catholics are entertained as
students of Protestant seminaries.
But we apprehend that the Catholic very real and vital objection to a Protestant atmosphere is not likely to be
overcome in favour of anything approaching a
general acceptance of this suggested arrangement.
The Scots Catholics are far more likely to follow the
example of their Irish co-religionists in regard to
this important matter than they are to follow that of
the handful of English Catholic parents whose sons
are now receiving their education at Protestant
universities in England. It is a notorious fact that
our Protestant gentry do not send their sons to be
educated at Scots universities; and inasmuch as
here, at all events, there can be no question of the
suitability, or the reverse, of the religious atmosphere to be encountered at these universities, we
think this refusal on the part of the Scots Protestant
gentry to participate in the advantages and benefits
of Scottish educational institutions both unpatriotic
and snobbish. Though by no means what they
should be, from the national point of view, yet the
Scottish schools and universities are at least
Scottish; and any youth entering their portals as
student is more likely to remain a Scotsman than is
the boy or youth who receives his university or other
education in England. If the Scots Protestant gentry
combined in a movement to send their sons to
Scottish schools and universities, not only would
the social " tone " of these seminaries be in a fair
way to be raised, but we are of opinion that the
Protestant youth of the country would benefit
likewise. The influence of the gentry, too, might be
usefully exerted in the direction of raising the
national tone of these seminaries, which, as we
have already observed, at present leaves much to
be desired.
But this, after all, is a Protestant affair, and, as
such, cannot possibly be more than a passing concern. What we are desirous to obtain for the
Catholic youth of this country is a sound Scottish
education on Scottish soil. A university for ourselves we cannot at present hope to obtain; which is
one of several reasons why we hope that our Irish
co-religionists and kinsmen will not abate of their
demand for a university in which the atmosphere
shall be uncompromisingly Catholic and Gaelic; for,
in the event of such an university being erected on
Irish soil, we doubt not—indeed we may say we
have received assurances to that effect—that "
facilities " and inducements would be generously
offered to Catholic Scotland—facilities and inducements of which, we have every reason to believe,
many of all classes in this country would hasten to
avail themselves.
Our more immediate purpose, however, in addressing these remarks has been to call attention to
the need which exists for a school to which our
Catholic upper classes could send their sons, and
wherein they might be certain of their receiving an
education at once Catholic and national. There is no
such school at present in Scotland, and its want is
both obvious and pressing. The necessary
educational machinery for such a school, together
with the means to support it, and the required clientele (that is to say the scholars or pupils), should not
be hard to obtain if we consider the wealth and
extent of the Catholic population. Of course, nothing
is to be gained either by embarking upon the
acquisition of so desirable a national possession in a
half-hearted and perfunctory fashion, or by expecting a miracle to happen in the shape of a free
gift, on the part of Providence, of such a seminary,
together with all its educational appliances. This
is no country and time for pessimists, refiners,
doubters,
eight-hour-goers,
^cA^-all-things-to-all-men and recruiting-sergeants
from the ranks of the dismal army of
wet-blanket-wearers in general. Those who are
neither ashamed, nor afraid, to set their shoulders
to the wheel, and to do good, sound, hard, honest
work in behalf of religion and country —the services
of such as these were at no previous period of our
history more necessary, or more likely to lay up for
themselves treasure above, if not to secure for them
the rewards and emoluments of this transitory
world. We venture to hope, therefore, that the work
to which we refer will shortly be taken in hand, and
that the necessary "driving-power" behind it will be
forthcoming. The machinery for such an institution
already exists to a considerable extent, we believe.
All that is required is a little of that fighting genius,
a little of that spirit of self-sacrifice and pious
perseverance which animated our glorious St.
Columba and his indomitable disciples. When the
Evangelist of Scotland first set foot on our
storm-swept shores, think you that there was a
millionaire waiting to receive him with pen and
cheque-book in hand, or that a Royal Commission
had previously been appointed for the purpose of
collecting documentary evidence as to the
feasibility or the reverse of his projected undertaking ? The work which that great Saint accomplished, he performed almost single-handed,
without money, without friends, and in the teeth of
an opposition which was well-nigh insupportable.
Across those stormy seas he came, in his frail
coracle, to a land as wild and inhospitable as were
the people destined to receive him. A monstrous
regime of tyranny and superstition, of ignorance and
cruelty, confronted him on all sides; yet his lion
heart,
328
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secure in its perfect faith in God, and fixed as the
immovable rocks around him in its Heaven-sent
purpose, never once quailed or caused him to give
way to gloomy misgivings. His mission to convert
and to reform, to civilise and educate, was as fixed
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A rmachd
Is maith a dh'fhaodas sinn iognadh ghabhail! as
na fioghairean so. Is maith a dh'fhaodadh an
teachdaire Frangach fhaighneachd, air dha 'oraid a
cho-dhunadh 'sa labhairt, " de a choisinn sinn nur
choinneamh so uile ?" Fhreagair e gu maith. " Is.'
aobhar maslaidh agus cromaidh cinn duinn e :|
cha'n e a mhàin gu'm bheil Armachd 'na aobhar
maslaidh do gach dùthaich Chrìosdail a tha 'ga
cumail suas; ach gu'm bheil i bagradh an dorus a
dhunadh air gach ath-leasachadh a th'ann no a
bhitheas airson sluagh na Roinn Eòrpa."
Chaidh an International Parliamentary Confei'-ence
mu sgaoil; ach na cuspairean a bha aige, agus na
chuir e an cèill, maille ri na leasanan a thug e
seachad, tha iad beò fathast. Chi sinn so mar
thubhairt Sir Uilleam Mulcock an Canada o chionn
beagan ùine. B'e Sir Uilleam a bha 'na
Ard-Mhaighstir-Phostachd Chanada roimhe so:;
agus
b'esan
a
dh'fhosgail
am
Foillseachadh-Marsan-tachd
Dùthchasach
an
Toronto o chionn mìos no dhà an lathair
cruinneachacdh mhòir de shluagh o gach roinn is
cearn de'n dùthaich mhòir ud. Thubhairt Sir
Uilleam, a rèir nam paipearan-naigheachd: " This
Canada of ours is the only country in the world
worth living in; the only country that is not
burdened by great military debts, handed down by
previous generations. Keep it on those lines;j Watch
carefully every tendency towards militarism ; for we
know that preparation for war leads to war.
Armachd
202
Remember this is the last spot on God's green earth
where men can come and not pay fori the sins of
their ancestors.'
Is maith a thubhairt Sir Uilleam gur e
uigh-eamachadh airson cogaidh dòigh a's feàrr a
th'ann gus cogadh a chur air bonn agus 'ga
bhrosnachadh. Ach, saor o sin, is e an dòigh a's feàrr
gus bagradh a chur air iomadh ath-leasachadh
feumail is cudromach a tha m'ar coinneamh air an
àm. Cia meud uair nach d'èisd sinn an fhreagairt
mhuladaich, mhi-thaitnich ud, air do chuid-eigin
èiridh o'n t-suidheachan aige anns a' Phàrlamaid
Shasunn-aich, agus beagan airgid iarraidh airson
ni-eigin a tha air dhìth, " le'r cead, cha'n 'eil agam ri
toirt seachad. Gabh mo leth-sgeul; ach cha'n 'eil
airgiod agam. Tha mi am mèinn ur cuspair còir,
cubhaidh, a chur air adhart ; ach cha'n 'eil airgiod
agam gu sin a dheanamh."
Gu cinnteach, is iomadh ni feumail agus luachmhor
a tha air a bhagairt aig an àm air an dòigh Iso. Ciod
e tha 'cur dàlach air saor-dhuaisean airson I dhaoine
bochda, aosmhor, ach gainne airgid an lorg I
Armachd ? Car son nach biodh f oghlum cumanta
air feadh na dùthcha so mòran ni's fheàrr na tha e a
nis, ach do bhrigh gu'm bheil Armachd la' caitheamh
stòrais na dùthcha an dòigh ris nach robh a
choimeas riamh ann roimh ? Car son a tha e cho
ro dhuilich airgiod na Staide fhaotainn [gus
rathadan-mòra agus calachan na Gàidhealtachd \&
chur am feabhas; airson nan iasgairean cumanta,
A rmachd
Armachd
ragus airson àiteach, agus airson iomadh ni eile
a [bhuineas do'n fhearann? Nach e aobhar do so
[uile gu'm bheil Armachd a' dùnadh a mach an
rathaid do gach leasachadh feumail, sochrach a th1
ann troimhe a chìocras sgriosail, agus leis a
[struidheas ain-diadhaidh ? Ciod a tha mòran
sluaigh fag ràdh aig a' cheart àm so mu thimchioll
Achd [ùr nan Croiteran, nach ann mar sheòrsa
de [struidhealachd a tha iad a' gabhail ris? "Cha'n
'eil e iomchuidh aran na cloinne a ghabhail, agus a
thilgeadh do na coin." Cha'n 'eil e iomchuidh
[(their iad), airgiod na dùthcha a ghabhail agus 'a
thilgeadh do na Croitearan.
"Is e ar ceud
dleasnas an Iompaireachd Sasunnach a chumail
suas le togail shaighdearan, le deanamh
ghunn-achan mòra, agus le meudachadh ar cuid cabhlach : leig do na Croitearan an dùthaich fhèin
fhàgail, agus an dol far am feàrr an dean iad beòshlaint, mur biodh beathachadh agus àite tàimh air
fhaotainn dhoibh an Albainn."
Is ann airson so—do bhrigh gur e Armachd a
tha a' dunadh a mach an rathaid a dh'ionnsaidh
gach leasachaidh fheumail shochairich a th'ann no
a bhitheas—gu'm bheil mòran sluaigh air feadh
dùthchannan na Roinn Eòrpa am beachd gu'n,
d'thàinig an t-àm a nis gu srian a chur ri meudachadh agus ri cumail a suas nam feachd agus nan
cabhlach a tha air uachdar an t-saoghail. Their iad :
chuir sinn an duello fo ar casaibh an iomadh àite;
car son, mata, nach cuireadh sinn ar cùl ri aimhreit
eadar cinnich fa leith ? Ma tha e 'na ni maith do
dhuine fàth a thrioblaid a chur an cèill air beulaobh
a' bhreitheimh, car son nach biodh e 'na ni maith do
33°
203
chinnich fàth an cuid aimhreitean a chur an cèill
air beulaobh luchd-deanamh na sìthe? Ma tha an
t-aon ni do-dhionadh, a chionn agus gu'm bheil e dol
an aghaidh spiorad is laghanna a' Chreidimh
Chrìosdail, an e nach 'eil an tè eile gu bhi air a
diteadh airson nan reusonan ceudna?
Ach, tha cuid ag ràdh an aghaidh so, gur e "
Ceannachd a tha 'leantuinn na Brataich"—is e sin ri
ràdh nach b'urrainn duinn ar malairteachd a
chumail suas as a h-eughmhais ; agus gun Armachd,
nach biodh againn na meadhonan agus na
cothruman sin a tha againn a nis (a Ios ar cuid
malairteachd a chumail suas agus a sgaoileadh air
feadh an t-saoghail) an lorg cumail suas agus
meudachaidh ar n-armailte.
A thaobh a' cheud ni, gun teagamh, gun armailt, gun
chabhlach air bith, cha bhiodh e comasach duinn
dùthchannan is cinnidhean eile a chur suas agus a
chumail fo smachd ; ach co a thug dhuinn còir no
cead gu sin a dheanamh? Cha b'e Dia ach clann
daoine a tha aig bonn na h-eucorach so. Ma tha sinn
uile ionann air beulaobh Dhè, tha e soilleir, mar sin,
gu'm bheil còirichean coimh-ion-annachd aig a h-uile
h-aon againn ; agus ma is ann mar so a tha, car son
a tha sinn a'deanamh strì gus còirichean
dhùthchannan eile a thoirt air falbh uapa ? An
aghaidh so, tha luchd-deanamh a' chogaidh anns an
dùthaich so ag ràdh, gur e ni car maith còirichean
dhùthchannan eile a thoirt air falbh uapa, agus iad
a chur fo smachd agus fo chìs dhuinn fhèin; ach is
cealgairean agus fir-aithris bhreagan iadsan gu
buileach. Nam b'e airson maith a mhain a thug na
Sasunnaich buaidh air India, air an Eiphit, agus air
A rmachd
Armachd
mòran dhùthchannan eile, ciod is ciall do'n
gnàth-fhocal a chuir sinn an cèill a cheana, agus a
tha iadsan a ghnàth a' sparradh air adhart—is e sin
ri ràdh gur e " Ceannachd a tha a ghnàth a'
leantuinn na Brataich"? Thug na Sasunnaich
buaidh air India, air an Eiphit, agus air mòran
dhùthchannan eile a chionn agus gu'n d'iarr iad
làmh-an-uachdar fhaotainn orra, agus a. chionn
gu'n robh iad dèigheil air an cuid fearainn a
ghabhail doibh fhèin. Mar so, thug iad buaidh orra:
cha b'e idir gu'n robh guth aca air am maith no air
an slàinte (spioradail no aimsireil); agus, gu dearbh,
is fior bhaoghlan esan a tha 'gabhail beachd air a'
chùis so rathad sam bith eile.
A thaobh an dara ni, is e sin ri ràdh, nach
b'urrainear ar cuid malairteachd a dhìon agus a
chumail suas as eughmhais Armachd, is fior neonach an leith-sgeul sin. Gabh beachd air Beige, aon
de na dùthchannan a's beirtiche agus a's soirbhiche
a th'ann air an latha an diugh : gidheadh is e
beagan ghunnaichean mòra agus longancog-aidh a
th'aice. Air an làimhe eile, is i Ruisia aon de na
dùthchannan a's mò agus a's cumhachd-aiche a
th'ann ; ach is i, mar an ceudna, aon de na
dùthchannan a's lugha beirteis, a's lugha soirbheis,
agus a's lugha sithe a tha _ air aghaidh an
t-saoghail, ged is mòr an t-suim a tha an Tsar,
maille r'a chuid cùirtearan, a' struigheadh air
feachd na mara agus air feachd na tire gach
bliadhna. Ma tha e fìor gu'm bheil "Ceannachd a
ghnàth a'leantuinn na Brataich," car son a tha na
h-àiteachais a bhuineas do'n Fhraing, do'n Eadailt,
agus do'n Ghearmailt cho ro neoluach-mhor dhoibh?
33°
204
An àite a bhi 'nan culaidhean soirbheachaidh
agus beartais do na dùthchannan ud, tha fios aig a
h-uile h-aon nach 'eil iad ach mar chulaidh laigse
agus mar fhàth cosdais neo-chrìochnach dhoibh uile.
A rìs, ma is e " Ceannachd a tha a ghnàth a'
leantuinn na Brataich," ciod a dh'fhaodar a ràdh
mu'n chinnich ud aig nach robh aon chuid Bratach
no Iompaireachd, anns na làithean a dh'aom, agus a
bha tur ainmeil 'nan àm fhèin airson an cuid
ceannachd ? Mar so, bha Comh-Fhlaitheachd
Venetzia, na h-Iudhaich, an luchd-reic a thàinig à
Pcenicia eadhon gu traighean Bhreatainn a' chinn a
deas, na ceannaichean o thraighean mu'n cuairt do
Thuirich na Roinn Eòrpa, na Grèugaich, muinntir
Thire is Shidon, agus marsantan a bhuineadh do
iomadh dùthaich eile. Gu cinnteach, cha b'i a'
Bhratach idir a bha cumail taice ri Ceannachd anns
na làithean ud, ni's mò is fheudar dhith a bhith 'ga
cumail suas air an latha an diugh. Trèibhdhireas,
dian-dheothas, ealantachd —is iad so na buaidhean
a's cumhachdaiche agus a's feumaile gu dorus
fhosgladh a nis a dh'ionnsuidh Ceannachd, ceart
mar a bha iad làn comasach sin a dheanamh anns
na bliadhnaichean a chaidh seachad; agus neach air
bith a tha beachd smaoint-eachadh air a' chùis so
rathad sam bith eile, cha'n e a mhàin gu'm bheil e
'ga mhealladh fhèin, ach a tha e 'na cheap-tuislidh
do iomadh neach eile mar an ceudna.
Tha taobh eile air 'a ghnothach so; agus is se in
gur ann mar sheòrsa de sheargadh-bheusachd atha
Armachd a' tùirling oirnn, a bharrachd air dha bhi
dunadh an rathaid a dh'ionnsuidh gach leasachaidh
A rmachd
Armachd
shochairich fheumail a th'ann, agus a' caitheamh storais na dùthcha.
An toiseach, co dhiù a tha Gaidheal na h-Alba a'
gabhail anns an Fheachd shuidhichte, no dol air
'aghaidh gu tasdan an Fheachd-dùthcha a chur
anns a sporan, tha e gu tur soilleir gu'm bheil e mar
sin air an rathad a's feàrr gu cul-taic a chur ri
Armachd. Is fior gu'm bheil mòran ag ràdh, nach 'eil
e idir mar so; ach gur ann mar airson
tir-ghràdhaiche a mhàin a tha e deanamh mar sin.
Ach, ciod tha gràdh-dùthcha a' caolachadh? A rèir
nam foclairean againn, tha gràdh-dùthcha a'
ciallachadh gràidh d'ar dùthaich fhèin. Cha'n 'eil e
ciallachadh gràidh do dhùthchannan a bhuineas do
mhuinntir eile. Is e Armachd a tha 'ciallachadh an
nithe ud; agus ma bhitheas feum againn air
comhdach air sin, gu dearbh cha'n fhaod sinn dol
fad' as ar rathad a Ios làn dearbhadh air sin
fhaotainn.
Ciod a thachair anns an dùthaich so againn an
deigh do chogadh an Africa a chinn a deas a'
bhristeadh a mach ? Air ball, dh'èigh na Sasunnaich
le guth àrd gu'n robh an cuid Iompaireachd "an
cunnart," agus chaidh an sgeul brònach a
sgaoileadh mu'n cuairt, agus air feadh garbh
-chriochan na Gàidhealtachd. Dh'fhalbh na Gàidheil
'nam badain agus 'nam milltean o shrath, o
ghleann, agus o bhaile; agus, air iarrtas nan
Sasunnach, thug iad Africa mu dheas orra, a Ios dol
a chogadh an aghaidh nam Boereach. Agus, •car
son ? De an diolas a rinn na Boereich riamh air
Gàidheil na h-Alba? Agus, saor o sin, am bu chòir do
Ghàidheil an dùthaich aca fhèin fhàgail, a dhol a
33°
205
mharbhadh nam Boereach, agus gus am fuadach
a mach o'n fhearann aca fhèin ; agus an Gàidheal e
fhèin air a mharbhadh agus Air 'fhuadach a mach o
thir nam beann le nàimhdean ceudna iomadh
bliadhna roimhe so ?
Chi sinn mar so, gu'm bheil Armachd 'na ni
.anabarrach
cunnartach,
baoghalach,
agus
neo-fheagarach air taobh nan Gàidheal, a chionn
agus gu'm bheil e 'gan treorachadh gu h-ana-ceartas
agus gu faoineachd nach beag. Nam b'e an t aon
chuspair a tha aig Armachd an dùthach againn fhèin
a dhion agus a chumail tearainnte o'n lamhan-san
aig am bheil miann lamh-an-uachdar fhaotainn
oirnn, faodar a ràdh gu'm biodh e 'na ni freagarach
agus ceart gu leòir, ged a tha tur fior e na tha cuid
ag ràdh gu'n robh tuilleadh is mò de chomstri agus
de chogadh againn anns na bliadhnaichean a chaidh
seachad. Ach, am bitheantas, cha'n ann mar so a tha
a' chùis a' tuiteam a mach, mar tha làn fhios aig a
na h-uile fear. Oir, air do chogadh a' bristeadh a
mach anns an dùthaich sin no anns an dùthaich ud,
air ball, thèid a chuid fuaim mu sgaoil air feadh na
Gàidhealtachd ; agus, am prioba na sula, is e "Clann
nan Gàidheal an guaillibh a chèile !" thar a' chuan an
eigh a's àirde a tha na Sasunnaich a' togail a suas.
Air ball, thèid na Gàidheil fo ghèill dha agus 'nan
sàs. Air .àrnaibh luaineach, tuairgneach mar sud, is
gnàth leinn di-chuimhne a leigeil air ar
n-Eachdraich-ne, agus air a h-uile ni a dh'fhulaing
sinn, maille ris ar sinnsearan, aig làmhan nan
Sasunnach anns na h-aimsirean a dh'aom; agus, air
an iarrtas-san, is gnàth leinn dùthchannan thar
a' chuan nach buin duinn idir, agus as nach
A rmachd
Armachd
d'thàinig dochainn no call air bith riamh air
Gàidheil na h-Alba a thogail oirnn, gus an saorsa a
thoirt air falbh uapa, no iadsan a chur fo smachd
agus fo chis do na Sasunnaich.
Ach, air do'n
chogadh a bhi seachad, agus cha b'abhaist sin a bhi
gun mhòr chall do na Ghàidheil is fior bheag a tha
sinn a' cluinntinn mu dheidhinn ar cuid còirichean,
ar uireasbhuidh-ean
agus
ar
miannan,
uapasan
a
bha 'gar brosnachadh gu cogadh
an agaidh an nàimhdean an àm am feuma.
An
àite sin, is e a ghnàth dearmad agus di-meas a tha
sinn a' faotainn uapa. Is e an Times
paipear-naigheachd a's mò, a's ain-meile agus a's
cumhachdaiche a tha 'tighinn a mach air an latha
an diugh an Lunainn, àrd-bhaile na h-Iompaireachd
Shasunnaich ; agus ciod e a tha an Times ag ràdh
mu thimchioll ar canain agus laghanna an
fhearainn ? Nach b'e an Times a chuir a mach o
chionn mìos no dhà paipeir garg, nàimhdeil,
ladarna, agus gu tur aineolach mu dheimhinn ar
cainnt? Agus nach b'e an Times a chuir air bonn a'
chomstri mu Bhille ùr nan Croitearan, agus a tha
mairsinn gus an latha an diugh, le sùil aige fhèin
gus a' Bhille mhaith, fhreagarach, fheumail sin a
thilgeadh bun os cionn? Agus na tha an Times ag
ràdh mu nithean so, nach saoil sibh nach ann mar
sheòrsa de chreideamh chumanta a tha e leigeil air
na Sasunnaich ?
Sgriob Euisianach, agus air ball
gheibh sibh a mach nach 'eil ann ach Tartarach. Tha
sgriobhadair ainmeil ag ràdh: "the Englishman's
love of liberty, real and intense as regards his own,
is but skin-deep where other races are concerned.
He is ready enough to applaud the efforts of people
33°
206
struggling to be free under flags other than his
own; but similar manifestations on the part of people
subject to his own rule are wont to be treated with
scant ceremony and respect."
Aon uair eile, na leigeamaid air di-chuimhne gur
e uigheamachadh airson cogaidh a tha 'gar
treòrachadh a dh'ionnsaidh chogaidh. Chuir sinn an
cèill a cheana na stèidhean sin leis an deachaidh
stùireadh air nithean-rioghail ar dùthcha anns na
làithean a dh'aom. "Keep it on those lines. Watch
carefully every tendency towards militar-ism, for we
know that preparation for war leads to war." Ach is
ann a tha e 'gar treòrachadh gu ni-eigin na's miosa
eadhon na sin. Tha e 'gar treòrachadh a
dh'ionnsaidh bad nan Sasunnach.
THE GAEL AND THE ENGLISH PARTY
SYSTEM
PERHAPS no feature of modern political life is better
calculated to reveal the extent to which the Gael has
declined from his former high estate than the
present dependence of our country upon the English
party system. It says much for John Bull and his
powers of dogged blandishment, and peripatetic
assimilation alternated by blustering self-assertion,
that he should so effectually have dimmed and
obscured our political vision as to persuade vast
numbers of our countrymen to believe in the deception that in his party system consists, not only
our account, but our natural and legitimate political
hemisphere.
By a process to which we can but
apply the appellation of political suction, he has
A rmachd
Armachd
reduced us, almost in spite of ourselves, to the
belief that his peculiar concerns are not less matters
of importance to us than they are to himself. This
seeming identity of interests, purchased without
undue insistence, without apparent effort, is, it
must be allowed, a master-stroke. It has, temporarily at all events, conquered Scotland in the
interest of the domestic concerns of the
Predominant Partner. Whig and Tory, Conservative
and Liberal, are as much, and as truly, at home on
Gaelic soil as they are on the political camping
grounds of England. The speech which the Whig
or Tory delivers in the "capital of the Empire," he
can, if he so please—and more often than not, we
are afraid, he does so please—deliver a week or so
afterwards in any of the "provincial political
centres"—say Glas gow or Edinburgh—with just as
much (or as little) effect. The only difference to be
observed between the two compositions is this, that,
whereas in England he calls England England, in
Scotland he so far condescends to recognise what
Mr. Balfour, in one of those daring flights of the
imagination which have already established his
claim to the admiration and gratitude of posterity,
styled " local patriotism," as to call England ''
Britain ". By a process so simple, by legerdemain
so elementary—even childish—is our poor country
accustomed to be bubbled!
Undoubtedly, it says much for the strength of
the system to which we are referring, and for its
powers of blandishment and deception, that so few
Scotsmen should appear to be conscious of its
disastrous effects on our country and its interests.
33°
207
Of the Scots Conservative member of Parliament
it is little indeed that can be expected, in the
direction at all events of opening the eyes of his
fellow-countrymen, in respect of the evils and abuses
of which we complain. For the Scots Conservative,
even more than the Scots Liberal or Radical, is tied
and bound by the chains of the English party system
to the existing order of things.
For better, for
worse, he is definitely committed to the preservation
of a state of affairs which produces the dismal
consequences glanced at above. Nor do we know
that the average Scots Whig or Radical is a much
more wholesome or prepossessing product, from the
national point of view. Like his tawny and crusted
political adversary, he, too, is tied and bound by the
enslaving chains of the English party system ; and
if, at times, his actions, gestures and grimaces are
such as to induce a suspicion in the mind of the
interested spectator of his sufferings that he, at all
events, is not unmindful where the shoe pinches, yet
his " loyalty " to party, his ingrained habit of
regarding himself, not as a Scotsman with a soul to
his body and brains to his head, but as a species of
political machine, made in England and labelled
"N.B.," may implicitly be trusted to get him out of
the difficulty to which a continuance of reflection
and self-examination upon certain dangerous lines
would inevitably expose him.
Of the two, of
course, we infinitely prefer the latter, in spite of his
"programmes " made in England, and for English
consumption only, and his regrettable tendency to
establish intimate political relations between
himself and the town-pump.
From our point of
A rmachd
Armachd
view, the Tory is, upon the most moderate
computation, at least a hundred years past praying
for.
He is committed, by his English allies and
associates, to persons and principles which to us, as
Gaels, are anathema.
Moreover, he has formed a number of discreditable
political connexions in England ; and probably of all
undesirable possessions, shady friends and
acquaintances are the most discouraging, the
easiest to come by, and the most difficult to shake
off. His principal bully or corner-man in the
newspaper press is The Times, which recently
distinguished itself by a singularly brutal and quite
unprovoked assault upon the Gaelic language; and
with every desire in the world not to think too
harshly of his Saxon friends, whose attentions, we
are aware, are sometimes more persistent than
agreeable and more pressing than discreet, yet we
are afraid that, so far as the Gael is concerned, the
Scots Tory or Conservative stands condemned. We
venture to prophesy for him a fate as interesting
and exclusive as that which has overtaken his
ornithological counterpart—the dodo.
In England, judging by the pages of the newspaper press, there would appear to be a vogue in
favour of what is styled "clear-thinking," a habit of
mind which would seem to be somewhat unusual
amongst our neighbours, who have lately been insisting on it with a shrillness and a vehemence
which engender unkind suspicion. At all events, it is
a habit of mind which we cordially recommend to
the Gael. Clear-thinking, and plenty of it, are what
we require; and in no connexion, we venture to say,
33°
208
are the beneficial results of that healthy and
commendable practice more likely to redound to the
national good than they are in respect of the Gael
and the English party system.
The most cursory glance at Scottish history
should serve to convince the unprejudiced reader
that the English party system has played sad havoc
with our affairs. From the union of the crowns at
the beginning of the seventeenth century down to
the accession of Queen Anne, the political relations
of Scotland with England, though necessarily close
in consequence of the union of the crowns, yet did
not partake of that intimate character which, owing
to the legislative union, they subsequently assumed.
The Act of 1707, however, changed the entire complexion
of
Scottish
national
affairs
and
revolutionised the political situation of the country.
The removal of the Court to London was the first
step in the direction of placing Scotland in that
subordinate position which she at present occupies
but does not adorn. The legislative Union, however,
extended and confirmed that dependence. It did
more. By throwing the Scots Parliamentary
representation into the scale of one or other of the
two great rival English parties, it effectually
deprived our country of its national significance, and
its legitimate political representation. With the
passing of the Union, the Scots politician ceased to
be, primarily, a Scots politician. The affairs of his
country, from having once been national, descended,
all at once, to a provincial and subordinate position.
Moreover, the play of English politics, the constant
warring of English rival factions, completed our
A rmachd
Armachd
discomfiture and entailed his insignificance. The
Scots politician became a mere Whig or Tory
political hanger-on, an obsequious member of the "
Court Party," or a boisterous, and not too
scrupulous, exponent of the principles affected by
the "Flying Squadron". In a word, his national
instincts and functions became completely
subordinated to English party considerations. He
ceased to be a Scottish representative, and attached
himself to the fortunes of one or other (sometimes
both) of the two great English political parties.
Under such a system, not only did the affairs of our
country suffer grievous neglect, but the moral
strength of our representation was seriously
undermined. The English parties soon crossed the
border, and by the artful employment of terms and
phraseology whose anti-national purport and
significance the people did not fully comprehend,
they established that fiction of an identity of
political interests which endures, with so melancholy results, even to this day.
We sometimes hear individual Scotsmen and
Scots members of Parliament complaining of the
"press of business" at Westminster—a press to
which they are pleased to ascribe the scandalous
neglect of Scottish affairs in London. No doubt, the
English parliamentary machine is sufficiently
overburdened ; and the complaints received from all
quarters as to the neglect of the pressing public
affairs of countries subordinate to England must
render it patent, even to the meanest intelligence,
that the Westminster concern has long outgrown its
original usefulness, supposing, of course, that it
33°
209
ever possessed any. But the root of the evil is not
here. It consists rather in the English party system
itself which, for the sake of scoring a real or
imaginary triumph to warring political factions,
rides rough-shod over the interests of everybody and
everything whose account does not rise or fall by
means of the passing victories or defeats of those
political factions. The reform of the English parliamentary procedure would undoubtedly lighten the
labouring ship; but it would not take the helm out of
the hands of the Predominant Partner, nor would it
allow her Celtic passengers, battened down 'tween
decks, the privilege of taking the air, and stretching
their limbs, in more enjoyable quarters. The game of
politics, as made and understood in
England, would still go merrily on. The affairs of]
Scotland, the affairs of Ireland and the affairs of
Wales would still depend for such meagre measure
of recognition as they might be able to extort upon
the sport of English factions, and upon the rival
efforts of English politicians to snatch from one
another the coveted "balance of power". The typically
Protestant idea underlying the practice of what is
styled " family worship " is seen humorously
exemplified in the case of the Family Gathering at
Westminster. John Bull sits at the political
breakfast table with his political Bible triumphantly
in front of him; his Celtic servitors being accommodated with seats at a distance sufficiently respectful.
The service begins ; and it is the servitor's privilege
to say "Amen" to everything that John Bull says.. To
talk of enlarging the dining-room with a view to
increasing the comfort of the Celtic menials, is a
A rmachd
Armachd
suggestion whose appropriate counterpart could
only be discovered in a proposal to widen the
window of some solitary prisoner's cell, with the
idea of the unfortunate captive's obtaining a better
view of the free and the independent world outside.
It is obvious, too, that clear-thinking is a process
not only to be warmly recommended in the case of
the country in general, but that it is highly
desirable in our parliamentary representatives
themselves, who, by reason of their situation, are
peculiarly exposed to the influences of that system
whose evils we deplore. The Scots member of
Parliament, in spite of his Radicalism, is usually
not much of a Nationalist. So far from leading our
people, he, as a rule, submits to being led, if not
ostentatiously by the nose, at all events
surreptitiously by one of his available extremities,
by those whose political interests cannot possibly be
reconciled with our own.
As we have already pointed out, the effect of the
English party system is to provincialise our most
important and pressing concerns. It is true that the
Scottish member may occasionally kick against the
pricks ; but tbe observation holds good of him, as it
does of the Irish and Welsh representative, that
kick he never so violently and valiantly, the English
party system will invariably be found to have the
upper hand. His political environment runs counter
even to his most benevolent and his most patriotic
intentions; and however brave a show he may make
whilst he is sowing what are styled his political wild
oats, sooner or later he succumbs, of course in
varying degree, and in ratio to the strength of his
33°
210
powers of moral resistance, to the fell party
system of England. Under the influence of that
system, his fate, more often than not, is merely
commonplace; though, sometimes, it is almost
pathetic. Usually, he rapidly degenerates into a
mere party machine or political hack, who knows no
joy, who is oblivious of all sound save the
premeditated crack of the English party Whip. Tbe
rest of the career of such an one is easily
prognosticated. He becomes a Cabinet Minister; and
after a more or less brief period passed in trying to
acquire the rudiments of the office he has been
appointed to discharge, he finally passes from the
ken of Nationalism into the gilded obscurity of the
English House of Lords.
Sometimes, however (but rarely we confess), the
Scottish politician, turned Radical or Whig, is made
of somewhat better stuff. He affects to, or really
does, despise the flesh-pots of Westminster. But
what is his fate ? He either forms a political " cave "
himself, and like Nebuchadnezzar—forsaken of
men—forages for himself amongst the weeds
211
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
and undergrowth of the political wilderness, or he
becomes a wild-eyed occupant, ciad in skins, as it
were, and having his reason more or less in dispute,
of one of those curious and insalubrious political
resorts. It is easy to prognosticate the rest of the
career of such an one. The " cave " either falls in
upon him, and so accomplishes his political extinction ; or having quarrelled with the other denizens of the den, he is caught, tarred and feathered,
and burnt for a tyrant, traitor, or bore in the polemical bush. The very mildest fate that is in store for
him is expulsion from the "cave," accompanied with
all the available marks of ignominy. In either case,
his usefulness, as his occupation, are gone:
Nationalism knows him no more; and the English
party system goes its old way rejoicing.
It may well be inquired at this conjuncture what
remedy there is for this distressing and humiliating
state of affairs. We know of none, except it be the
abrogation of the Union of 1707, and the restoration
of our country to her ancient independence.
NA STIUBHARTAICH ANNS AN
ROIMHE1
CHO lionmhor agus suspainneach tha seallaidhean
na Roimhe—nithean o shean, mheadhon-aois, agus
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
eadhon ar làth-ne—'s gu'm bheil an luchd-siubbal
Gàidhealach
anabarrach
ullamh
gu
bhi
dichuimh-neacbadh
duilleag
phriseil
de
'r
n-eachdraidh a tha ceangailte ri " Baile Siorraidh na
Roimhe ".
Cha'n 'eil fios aig mòran de'n luchd-turuis a
1
York.
The Last of the Royal Stuarts: Henry Stuart, Cardinal Duke of
Le Herbert M. Vaughan.
Methuen, London.
thèid do'n Roimhe gu'm bheil nithean a bhuineas do
na Stiubhartaich innte, agus cha'n 'eil iad a' gabhail
suim gu'n robh iad riamh innte, ma dhaoite gu toir
iad suil air a' charragh bhreagha a thog Canova an
Eaglais Naoimh Phadruig.
Feudaidh e bhith gu'n robh cuid air an glacadh le
iongnadh ann a bhith a' seasamh mu choinneamh
Eaglais Ban-naoimh Moire an Trastevere, agus ag
amharc air suaicheantas rioghail Bhreatainn 's na
Frainge a tha'n crochadh fo dhealbh na croise, agus
aid sgarlaid anns an t-seipeil a dh'athnuadhaich
Cardineal York, a bha air son fichead bliadhna a'
riaghladh, fo ainm, na h-Eaglais so ; ach is e beagan
a 'sa tha eòlach air an t-seann lùchairt dhuirch
Phiazza Santissimi Apostoli a bha 'na dachaidh airson còrr is leth-cheud-bliadhna aig na " Righrean
thar an uisge," no tha eòlach air toglaichean eile a
tha toinnte suas ann an eachdraidh taigh
mhi-fhortanaieh nan Stiubhartach.
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
Bha eadhon Voltaire fhèin anabarrach duilich
airson a' mhi-fhortain a dhluth lean an taigh so
riamh.
Tha ceann deas na sraide, fosgailte so—Piazza
Santissimi Apostoli—ceangailte ris an t-sraid ùir
dhriopail sin, Via Nazionale. Air an taobh-an-ear
tha lùchairt bhreagha, agus Eaglais nan Abstol: air
an tsaobh-an-iar, tha taighean breagha anns an
bheil Romhanaich uasal a' chomhnuidh. Aig ceann
tuath an aite fhosgailte so, tha seann lùchairt nan
Stiubhartach a' seasamh. Tha an taigh so glè
chumanta mar thogail, ach tha eachdraidh
bhrònach air a ceangal ris. Is e ainm an taighe sin
an diugh Palazzo Balestro, agus tha riochdair Righ
Bhreatainn, a' fuireach ann. Goirid an deigh cuir
sios "Eirigh na Bliadhna 1715 "—crioch
mhi-fhortanach a dh'aobharaich an t-ochdamh Righ
Seumas le a laigse, agus a mhi-chomas mar
shaighdear—ràinig e an Roimhe, far an robh a
bhean òg, Maria Clementina Sobieski, agus mòran
luchd-leanmhuinn dileas à Eirinn agus à Alba, a'
feitheamh ris. \ Thug am Papa Clement urram
rioghail darireadh do'n fhogarach, agus chuir e
failte' air leth air, agus thug e dha-an lùchairt bheag
so faisg air Eaglais nan Naomh Abstol mar
àite-comhnuidh freagarrach agus deiseil airson a
theaghlaich agus a chuirtearam Anns an dearbh
thaigh so, bliadhna an deigh dha. thighinn gus an
Roimhe, rugadh dha leanabh òg, a tha aithnichte do
na h-Albannaich mar Phrionnsa, Tearlach.
Thàinig na Cardinealan a 'choimhead air an
naoidhean, agus phog iad uile a làmhan bideach;
agus chuir am Papa tiodhlaicean dha ionnsuidh;
212
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
agus coig bliadhna an deigh so, rugadh
Eanraig;-agus thug 'athair Diùc York mar thiodal
dha. Bha na nithean so uile air innseadh do'n
Pharlamaid-Shasunnaich le Ualton, fear-brathaidh
mi-fhirean-nach.
Anns an taigh so, cuideachd, chaochail
Maria-Clementina bhochd, ogha Iain Sobieski
ainmeil,! a theasairg An Roinn Eorpa bho na
Turcaich fo; bhallachan Vienn. Bha i anabarrach
mi-shona leis a'phòsadh a rinn i; agus bha a
fear-pòsda cho mi-chaoimhneil rithe, 's gu'n do
theich i uaithe; agus-fhuair i fasgadh anns a'
mhanachainn Ursulachj faisg air Via Vittoria agus
dh'fhuirich i an sin airson^ còrr is bliadhna.
Ged nach do chuir e moran meas oirre, fhad agus
bu bheo i, rinn Seumas Stiubhart bròn duilich air
son] a mhnà, agus cinnteach gu'n d'fhairich na
prionnsa-4 chan òga (a 'bha a nis 'nam balaich
mhòra) a'bhuillg so gu goirt. Sgriobh President de
Brosses eachj draidh thlachdmhor agus neonach an
Lettres Fd\ milières air Seumas Stiubhart, agus a dha
chlann mhac, a tha nis gun mhathair:—
" Tha Righ Bhreatuinn air a dheagh ghreidheadh
an so, a rèir a staid uasail. Tha e 'fuireach am
Piazza SS. Apostoli an tigh mòr mi-dhreachmhorr
far am bheil saighdearan a' Phapa a' cumail freiceadain, mar a tha iad a' deanamh aig lùchairt a'
Phapa, agus tha iad a' gabhail curaim dheth 'nuair a
tha e marcachd a muigh.
Is e an aobhar gu'm bheil an taigh aige cho mòr
gu'm bheil moran dhaoine uasail à Breatuinn, a bha
dileas dha 'na mhi-fhortanan, a' fuireach comhla ris.
Is e na fir is ainmeile dhiubh so Milord Dunbar,
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
Albannach, agus Seumas Moiridh (cuigeamh mac a'
cheud Dhiùc Atholl, agus athair an treas Duìc)
duine calma, tapaidh agus air a' ghradhachadh gu
mòr, ris an d'earb an Righ a chuid cloinne, ged a tha
e 'na Phrostanach."
Tha De Brosses, mar an crudna, ag innseadh gur
e Stiubhartach glan a bh'ann an Seumas anns na
h-uile rathad, agus tha e anabarrach coltach ri
'athair Rìgh Seumas agus ris a bhrathair Diuc
Bherwick. Tha e ro dhiadhaidh a'cur seachad moran
d' a chuid maduinnean an urnuigh aig uaigh a
mhnà an Eaglais nan Abstol.
Tha an t-eachdraiche Frangach so ag innseadh
dhuinn gu'n robh an Diuc beag, a bha cuig bliadhna
deug a dh'aois, anabarrach measail am measg nan
Romhanach, mòran ni bu mheasaile na a bhrathair,
agus sin air sgath a bhoicheid, agus cho modhail
agus a bha e ; ach b'fhearr le De Brosses fhèin
am-fear a's oige, oir chunnaic e gu'n robh 'sa ghille
og so calmachd agus treubhantas rach bu bheag,
agus
gu'n robh seasmhachd ann nach robh
cumanta— subhailcean a thàinig gu soilleir am
fradharc beagan bhliadhnaichean an deigh so.
Bha an dithis bhalach glè dhèigheil air ceòl,
agus chluicheadh iad gu maith air innealan-ciùil:—
" Cluichidh am fear a's sine ro mhaith air an
fhidhil: canaidh am balach a's oige oranan Eadailteach an dòigh ro-thaitnich : tha iad ri comh-sheirm
chiùil uair 'san t-seachduinn: cha'n 'eil ceòl ni's
boidhche, no ni's ealanta, anns an Roimh, cha
n'fhuirìnn as airson rud sam bith."
Dh'fhag De Brosses eachdraidh thiamhaidh is
aighearach air an dol-a-mach a bh'aig Seumas aig a
213
I
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
dhinneir. Thigeadh an righ a steach an greadhnachas, agus thuiteadh na balaich sios air an
glùin-ibh, 'nuair a bha an athair a' cantainn an
altachaidh. Cha'n fheudadh aoidh sam bith boinne
fiona ol gus an òladh Seumas fèin a' cheud
chuach—ni nach do chòrd ris an fhear-shiubhal
Fhrangach, gu h-araidh aon là 'nuair a
dhi-chiumhnich an Righ an t-sear-rag fhiona a chur
air a' bhòrd. Aig na cuirmean sòlaimte, lathail, sin,
tha De Brosses ag ràdh, gur h-e a' Bheurla a bha
Seumas a' cleachdadh do chuid mac aig a' bhòrd, ged
a bha iad moran na b'eòlaiche air na cànainean
Frangach agus Eadailteach.
Bha baile na Roimhe aig an àm so luma-lan de
luchd —turuis Sasunnach moran diubh 'nam
fleas-guich òga is beartach—a' gabhail cuairt na
Roinn —Eorpa comhla ris an luchd-teasgaisg ; agus
bha iad sin gu nadurra dèigheil air Seumas
Stiubhart agus na prionnsachan òga fhaicinn. Ach
cha robh e ceadaichte do na Sasunnaich a dhol a
choimhead air an Lùchairt Stiubhartaich—ordugh
Sasunnach a bha air a sparradh gu curamach
troimh na luchd-bhrathaidh a bha fo sheòladh a'
Mhinisteir
Bhreatainnich
am
Florentzia.
Charobhfear-ionaidrioghail aig Breatainn an uair
sin ni's mò na tha aice an diugh an luchairt a'
Phapa. Gidheadh gu boile leis an luchd-brathaidh
agus na sgainnealan a bha iad a' giulain gu Sir
Horace Mann ann am Florence, chaidh morau de na
Breatuinnich
a'
choimhead
air
an
Righ
Seumas—Righ
dligheach
Bhreatuinn
air
fogradh—agus air a chuid chlann-mac.
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
Tri bliadhna an deigh Blàr Chul-fhodair dh'
fheumadh Prionnsa Tearlach a bhi air a thilgeadh a
mach as an Fhraing a reir Cumha Aix-la-Chapelle,
agus riamh o'n la fhuilteach sin, shin moralachd
agus meas-cuirt Sheumais Stiubhairt air traghadh,
agus b'ann air èiginn a' bha e' faighinn
cothrom-fuirich anns a' Roimhe. N'uair a chunnaic
Eanraig a mhac a b'oige gu'n robh crun agus cùis
nan Stiubhartach air an call, agus sin gu siorruidh ;
ghabh e dreuchd 'san Eaglais le aonta 'athair; agus
fhuair e gu bhith na Chardineal air ball, ged nach
robh e ach dà-bhliadhna thar-fhichead a dh'aois.
Chuir an ceum so leithid a' chomh-olc air Prionnsa
Tearlach nach do thill e dh'ionnsuidh na Roimhe
gus an do chaochail 'athair; ach bha e falbh thall 'sa
bhos feadh bhailteau na Roinn Eorpa 'na
thrua-ghan bochd uireasbhach. Is e duine dubhach a
bh'ann Seumas gu nàdurra,agus a nis, bha
dubhachas da rireadh air n'uair a chunnaic e gu'n
do thuit a' dhochasan arda gu lèir air an làr. Agus
bha fios aige nach fhaiceadh e a mhac Tearlach gu
bràth tuille. Chraidh so uile cridhe an seann
fhogaraich thruasaich, agus lion cuid is cuid
dh'fhalbh a' shlainte agus rè na cuig bliadhna mu
dheireadh dhe bheatha, cha d'fhàg e a'
sheomraichean. Mu dheireadh, air là na Bliadhna
Uire (1766) bhuail tinneas a'bhais e, agus chaochail
e an lamhan Chardineil York, a bha frithealadh air
gu caomh araon mar shagart agus mar mhac, anns
na bladhnaichean duilich so. Bha am Papa glè
bhrònach an uair a chual e gu'n do shiubhail e; cha
tric a bha neach rioghail, ma dh'fhagas sinn Comte
de Chambord a mach, cho dileas agus cho diadhaidh
214
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
anns an Eaglais Chatho-laich sa bha an rìgh
mi-fhortunach
so.
Fhuair
Seumas
bochd
tiodhlaiceadh anabarrach briaghaj air cosg a'
Phapa. Tha eachdraidh mhionaideach an torraidh so
an leabhran beaga ris an canar Eachdraidh Tinneis
Bàis, Dleasdanasan Solaimte, Agus an Tiodhlacaidh a'
Mhor achd Seumas Eigh Bhreatuinn. Anns an leabhar
sin, tha sinn a' faicinn-gu'n do laidh corp Sheumais
an greadhnachas ann an Eaglais nan Abstol, far am
b'abhaist dha gu lathail a bhi frithealadh aig an
Aifrionn, agus a' bhi ri urnuigh làimh ri uaigh a
mhnà. Bha an taigh am muigh agus a stigh air a
chuibhreach le1 aodach dubh, agus iomad ni eile a
tha ceangailte ri àm dubhach a' bhais. Bha
tiodhlacadh an Righj Seumas cho cosgail, cho
dubhach, agus cho greadh-: nachail sa b'urrain
tiodhlacadh rioghail a bhi.
Ged a bha na h-uile h-urram air a nochdadh do
Sheumas, 'na bheatha agus na bhàs, gidheadh, cha
robh am Papa Benedict a' sealltainn air Tearlach a
mhac le tlachd. Bha da bhliadna air fhichead ann a
nis o nach robh e san Roimhe, agus bha cuirt a'
Phapa a' sealltainn air mar duine nach b' fhiù, 'na
dhrongair do-leasaichte, agus mar fhear a thrèig
creideamh na h-Eaglaise anns an robh 'athair cho
iomraiteach. Thug am Papa air falbh Suaicheantas]
Bhreatuinn agus Eirinn a bha'n crochadh aig dorusj
Luchairt Nan Stiubhartach, agus dhiult e 'bhi ga-3
bhail ris mar Righ agus cha'n fhaigheadh e cead]
bruidhne ris a' Phapa. Chuir so comh-olc anabarrach air Tearlach truagh, agus cha b'urrainn! a'
bhrathair ghasda am bearn so a dheanamh suas,
agus cha ghabhadh e a chomhairle, agus thuit e na,
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
b'isle agus na b'isle agus is e na sgaomaireau baj
shuaraiche a bh'anns an Roimhe a bha 'cumail
cuidheachd ris. Aig an àm so a' thainig teachdail
rioghail suidhichte as an Fhraing a' choimhead air
ran truaghan (a bha 'na chreach aig an deoch-làidir)
ià bha aon uair aimneil mar "Prionnsa Tearlach
Boidheach ".
Bha an duine uasal so an duil gu'n toireadh e air
Prionnsa Tearlach pòsadh a Ios agus nach rachadh
as do na Stiubhartaich. Bha Tearlach anabarrach
toileach so a dheanamh, ged a bha e nis leth cheud
bliadhna's a h-aon a dh'aois Chaidh ■e os làimh gu
Paris far an robh na cumhnantan-pòsaidh air an
suidheachadh air a shon eadar e-fèin agus caileag
òg, Louise à Stolberg, nighean Prionnsa
Ghearmailtich, agus bhuineadh i air taobh a mathar
do thaigh uasal Albannach 'Bhruis. Is 1 e an
cuigeamh deug Louis a shuidhich am posadh so, le
sùil—nam biodh oighre ann—gu'n cuireadh e
'fhathast dragh air righ Shasuinn. Ghabh an
Cardineal York ris a' phòsadh, a ghabh àite aig
Macerata, faisg air Ancona, air Dihaoine na Ceusda,
1772. Agus am beagan làthaithean an deigh so,
Tàinig Tearlach agus a bhean òg—'gan sloinneadh
fhèin mar Rìgh agus Bhan-rìgh Bhreatuinn, Eirinn,
agus na Frainge,—an Roimhe ann an carbad
ro-bhriagha air a tharraing le sea eich. Cha d'fhuair
iad ach di-bheathtachas fuar o'n a' Phapa Pio an
seathamh. Bha a' chàraid òg sona gu lèoir air son
greis, agus bha a' chairdean am beachd gu'n robh
Prionnsa Tearlach gu bhi 'na dhuine eile anns na
h-.uile rathad, agus bha a' bhean òg, mhaiseach,
anabarrach measail am measg uaislean na Roimhe;
215
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
[agus thug iad mar ainm oirre "Ban-Righ nan
Abstol" o'n aite san robh i 'fuireach. Ach an ceann dà
bhliadhna, ghabh Iarla agus Ban-iarla na h-Alba
{na tiodalan a bh'aca an taobh muigh da'n cairdean
fhèin) gràin do'n Phapa le cho mi-ghasda sa bha e
'dhoibh, dh'fhàs an dithisd sgith is mi-thoilichte leo
fhèin an uair a chunnaic iad nach robh oighre gu bhi
ann—an t-aon aobhar air son an do phòs iad; agus
mar sin dh'fhag iad an Roimhe anns a'bhli-adhna
1774, agus chaidh iad gu Florentzia, ach bha iad fo
dhi-mheas agus fo thàir, agus sin cuideachd bho'n
teaghlaich Rioghail Thuscain Mu dheireadh, dh'fhàs
am beatha cho mi-shona agus gu'n do dhealaich iad
ri-cheile sa bhliadhna 1780.
Bha an Cardineal York a'fuireach 'sa Roimhe
riamh, agus ged a' thàinig a leithid a' thubaistean
agus mhi-fhortanan air a thaigh, bha e ro mheasail
san Roimhe.
Bha Eanraig 'na Easbuig air Frascati, far am
biodh e' fuireach gu math tric, agus, o'n a bha e na
fhear-ionaid aig a' Phapa, bhiodh e mar bu tric 'na
lùchairt àluinn, an Cancelleria 'sa Roimhe, an taigh
a's briagha a thog am fear-deilbh thaighean ainmeil,
Bramante, riamh. Bha Eanruig 'na Romhanach a
rèir breith' agus 'na shagart Romhanach a rèir
dreuchd, agus bha e' tighinn beò mar phrionnsa na
h-Eaglaise, agus cha do ghabh e gnòthuch riamh ri
cùisean caillte nan Stiubhartach. Mar sin, bha an
Cardineal math fo trioblaid an uair a chuala e gu'm
b'èiginn do Bhàn-iarla na h-Alba teicheadh gus an
Roimhe o' fhoirneart is an-iochd Thearlaich, air dha
a bhi fo'n mhisg. Fhuair i fasgadh anns a'
Mhanachainn Ursulaich, an dearbh àite san d'fhuair
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
mathair Thearlaich fasgadh roimhe. O'n a bha fios
aig Eanraig Stiubhart cho miosa agus a bha a
bhrathair agus cho an-iochdmhor 'sa bha e d'a
mhnaoi, thug e-fèin a staigh i, agus thug e seomraichean briagha dhi anns a' Chancelleria, agus dh'
fheuch e dhi na h-uile caoimheas. An uair a bha i
'fuireach an so, shin Vittorio Alfieri am bàrd ainmeil
à Piedmont, seann suireach a bha aice, a' thighinn a
choimhead oirre a h-uile latha, agus chaidh so air
aghart airson greis, agus cha do smuainich an
Cardineal gu'n robh dad dochair san dol-a-mach a
bha aca. Ghabh am bàrd taigh ro-bhriagha air mal
gus am biodh c ni's fhaisge air a leannan, Louise à
Stolberg Dh'fhuirich i dà bhliadna anns A. Chancelleria, agus tha e air a ràdh gur e so na
bliadna-ichean bu shona a bha riamh aice; oir bha i
cho mi-shona cho fada sa bha i comhla ri Tearlach
Stiubhart.
Bha na h-uaislean Romhanach cho caoimheil
rithe: bha i air cùram an duine chaoimh, ghasda,
sin—Eanraig, agus cha d'rachadh i gu àite no gu
cuirm sam bith gun Vittorio Alfieri, a fear-graidh
ainmeil a bhi air a gairdean. Bha i gu tur sona a nis,
ach cha b'fhad a mhair an sonas so. Ràinig e airde
'nuair a chluich Vittorio Alfieri anns a'
bhron-chluiche cliuiteach sin Antigone aig lùchairt
fear-ionaid na Spainne anns an Piazza di Spagna an
deireadh na bliadhna 1782.
Ach thàinig crioch aithghearr air a' ghràdh
iongantach a bha eadar bean Righ na h-Alba agus
Iarla neonach Phiedmont—gaol a bha tarruing aire
na Roimhe uile. Is ann mar so a thachair e, Chaidh
216
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
Eanruig a' choimhead air a bhrathair o'n a chual e
gu'n robh e ri h-uchd bàis.
An' uair a chunnaic an Cardineal na sgeulachdan
feallsa a' dh'fheudadh èiridh, agus na cunnartan a
bha, ma dh'fhaoidte, toinnte ann an dol-a-mach A.
Vittorio is Luisaidh, thug e air a' Phapa Pio, am
bàrd a thilgeadh a mach as an dùthaich agus
thainig air sgriobhadair gradhach a' bhron-chluiche,
an Roimhe agus a leannan, Psipsia (an t-ainm a bha
aige-san oirre) 'fhagail air ball. Dh'fhuirich ise anns
a' Chancelleria a' caoidh agus a' gul air son fir a
graidh, agus is cinnteach gu'n robh i duilich nach do
chaochail Prionnsa Tearlach; ach beagan an deigh
so, fhuair i litir-dhealachaidh bho a fear. An uiread
so mu dheighinn an dà thuras a dh'fhuirich
Liusaidh à Stolberg anns an Eoimhe—a' cheud
turas mar bhean Righ gun chrùn; agus an dara
turas mar leannan a' bhaird ainmeil, a phòs i
beagan ùine an deigh so.
An uair a chaochail Tearlach bochd 'san
Fhaoiltich 1788 (mios a bha anabarrach mi-fhabharach is mi-fhortanach do na Stiubhartaich) thuit
tiodalan falamh agus còirichean mi-fheumail air
Cardineal York ; ach cha do ghabh e suim sam bith
dhiubh. Thog e clach-chuimhne d'a bhrathair
mi-shona, anns an eaglais aig Fraseati, agus chuir e
mach cùinneadh-cuimhneachain leis an sgriobhadh
dhuilich so air—"An Naoitheamh Eanraig tre ghràs
Dè's cha b'ann tre thoil duine ". Is e duine ionraic a
bha an Eanraig ach cha d'thug luchd-eachdraidh
fathast an t-aite dligheach a bhuineas da.
Mu dheireadh thàinig aimsirean trioblaideach
air an Roimhe, agus b'èiginn do'n t-seann duine am
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
baile, a ghradhaich e cho mòr, fhagail agus fhuair, e
e fèin 'na dhuine bochd, gun sgillinn, agus sin aig
aois tri bliadhna diag is tri fichead. Ach cha b'e a
choire fhèin a bha so ; bha e ro chòn an uair a bha
am pailteas aige. Thug Righ Seoras ceithir mile
punnd Sasunnach dha sa bhliadhna; agus bha e
anabarrach taingeil airson a' chaoimhneas so, leis
am b'urrainn da na beagan bhliad-nachan, troimh
an robh aige ri dhol, a chur seachad an sìth agus an
comh-fhurtachd, agus mar so an crochadh air a'
mhuinntir a chuir a theaghlach agus e fhèin as àite.
Chaochail an t-oighre dligheach deireannach de
thaigh nan Stiubhartach aig Fraseati anns am
bliadhna 1807.
Na h-uiread so mu dheighinn nan Stiubhartach
'san Roimhe. A nis, rachamaid a choimhead air
carragh bhreagha a thog Canova aig balla mu
thuath Eaglais Naoimh Pheadair fagus do dhorus
Capella de Loro far am bi mòran sluaigh a h-uile là
a' domh-lachadh a dh'eisdeachd seinn coisir-chiùil a'
Phapa. Air a' chloich bhreagh so (a bha air a togail
an 1819 aig cosg Righ Seoras) is e an athair a bha
air ainmeachadh mar Righ, ged tha
luchd-eachdraidh gu cli a' cantuinn gu'm bheil
Tearlach Iomhair is Eanraig air an ainmeachadh
mar righrean cuideachd anns a' chuimhne
sgriobhaidh. Ach tha na tri tiodalan, an Treas
Rìgh Seumas, an Treas Rìgh Tearlach, agus an
Naoitheamh Rìgh, sgriobte air tri soithichean beaga
a tha air an gleidheadh an uamh an Eaglais Naoimh
Pheadair; ach is e uair ainneamh a chi neach sam
bith iad. Tha e glè ghasda 'fuireach an so car tiota
anns an adhair làn tùise, a dh'eisdeachd na seinn
217
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
bhreagha agus a 'beachd-smuaineacheadh air
tharraing phearsanta a' mhi-fhortain agus
mi-chomasan nam prionnsachan Stiubhartach, agus
air gradh eagsamhuil an luchd-leanmhuinn dileas, a
dhluth-lean na cuisean mi-fhortanach aca.
Feumaidh sinn a dhol a shealltainn air uaigh Màiri
Clementina bochd, 'tha beagan shlatan bho
uaighibh a fir, agus a cuid mac. Is e uaigh
bhreagha a tha so mar an ceudna.
Is e dealbh na
Ban-rìgh a th'air a' charragh. 'Se Bracchi a
dhealbh a' chlach-chuimhne so aig cosg a' Phapa.
Agus bho so thog Lady Mary Wortley Montagu
droch-sgeul mòran bhliadhnachan an deigh sin air a'
Phapa agus bean an treas Righ Seumas.
O
Mhairi Chlementina Stiubhairt bhochd! Bha i gun
teagamh grad sa' nàdur, ach cha do laidh sgainneal
riamh air a h-ainm gus an d'thug am boirionnach
uasal so gu solus rùn-diomhair eigin a dh'fhag a
beatha cho mi-shona agus cho truagh.
PRINCIPLES AND POLITICS
A NOTE OF PROTEST AND WARNING
WHEN the enemies of the Gaelic movement—their
name is legion, and they hail from Printing House
Square to the confines of Appin--are at a loss for an
epithet wherewith to stigmatise our cause, they
think to clinch the matter, and to bring down shame
and confusion upon our heads by characterising our
agitation as a " Separatist" movement.
Doubtless, it is in order to reassure those whose
political sentiments are apt to be easily shocked that
the Gaelic movement has been officially described
as, politically, a colourless agitation. The idea seems
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
to be that it is desirable to provide a platform on
which " men of all parties " can meet; and to this
pious aspiration, doubtless, we must ascribe the
negative attitude of the movement in regard to
contemporary politics. The position, as officially
defined, is this, that whereas every worker in the
Gaelic field is free to profess what politics he choose,
the collective attitude of the movement towards "
politics " must be purely negative.
Doubtless, at first sight, there is much to recommend the seeming elementary wisdom of this
regulation. It is plausible, and has a conciliatory
aspect not ill calculated to satisfy, reassure and
encourage those whose moral courage is not of a
particularly high order; but it is based upon a
fallacy nevertheless.
In the first place, whence springs this somewhat
feverish desire on our part to pose as non-political ?
Does it indicate the existence of a general wish to
gather Whig and Tory, Conservative and Liberal to
the Gaelic fold, upon the chosen line of least resistance to the conflicting interests of English party
politics ; or does it spring from a noble desire so to
raise the movement above the hustings that no man
can justly lay the charge of political bias at our door
? In either case, I venture to think, we are in danger
of courting defeat by means of a fallacy.
" Politics," as commonly understood in Scotland
and Ireland, are primarily English party concerns.
You may call them "British," if you are a Bore-stone
patriot, and are not so much particular as amiably
credulous and gullible in the matter of your political
beliefs; but English, for all intents and purposes,
218
Na Stiubhartaich anns an Roimhe
347
they assuredly will remain. To exclude such "
politics," therefore, from our concerns, seems not
only a sane and patriotic proceeding, but the only
logical one under the circumstances. What, however,
is neither patriotic, nor sane, nor yet logical is, that
whilst the movement, collectively, abstains, the
individual Gael is not discouraged from being, and
from continuing, an English party politician. If the
Gaelic
movement,
through
its
accredited
mouthpieces, were to rise up and say " we have no
politics of our own : our race was ever a hewer of
wood and a drawer of water for others," it could not
say the thing which is not in more positive terms
than it now tacitly admits the soft impeachment
underlying my hypothetical utterance by describing
itself as politically colourless.
What is the object of this movement of ours ? Is
it merely to encourage people to speak Gaelic, to
foster dancing and music, and to take a platonic
interest in folk-lore ì That is not the way nation? are
revived, however respectable in themselves those
objects may be. Rather, the business of the Gaelic
movement, as I, a humble private soldier in the
ranks,
360
Principles and Politics
understand it, should be to reconstruct two decaying
nationalities, through the medium of their most
valuable and characteristic national possession, which
is their language. To commit the movement to a
non-political programme, hampers and discourages it
in more ways than one; but in no respect, I venture to
think, does this kind of total abstinence operate more
injuriously than it does in respect to the essential
principle of our agitation, which, whether we
recognise it or not, is Nationalism. Nationalism must
out, if we are to achieve more than a passing success.
The Gilbertian maxim that every one born of woman
throughout these islands comes into the world merely
to pass beneath one or other of the English political
yokes must, so far as we are concerned, be proved not
to exist. Whether we have regard to "historical
continuity" or, neglecting the lesson conveyed by a
knowledge of the political aims underlying previous
Gaelic movements—for in this matter, as in many
others, we are but the children of those who have
preceded us—we look solely to the dangers presently
confronting us, it is obvious that if those dangers are
to be overcome, and the Scot is to rise again, we must
be politicians ; we must be Nationalists in deed as
well as in principle and in theory. We have as much
need, I venture to think, for revival in respect to
Gaelic politics, as we have necessity for the same
thing in regard to the national language. All the
Lòchran an Annta
361
agitation in the world will not save the Gaelic
language for the Gael, if it is not accompanied with
commensurate political action. Self-government is
essential to our success as language upholders. It J
is the only thing that can prevent our gradual extinction as a race.
A. MACD.
LOCHRAN AN ANMA1
Is minic a tha Goill, agus Sasunnaich a' tilgeadh
oirnne nach 'eil " Litreachas," mar a their iad,
againn an Gàidhlig. Ged nach 'eil so fior, tha
rud-eigin de'n fhirinn anns a' chùis-dhitidh. Ach, tha
daoine gasda 'fiachainn ris a' chulaidh-nàire so a
leasachadh a h-uile latha. Thàinig dusgadh Bapr air
a' Ghàidhealtachd, agus gu sònruichte air Eirinn o
chionn car bhliadhnachan anns an t-seadh so; air
chor agus gu'm bheil " Ath-breith" na Gàidhlig
iomraideach air feadh an t-saoghail gu lèir. Cha'n
fhaodar a ràdh t-uile nach 'eil cùis nan Gàidheal
ainmeil anns gach cainnt a tha fo'n ghrèin.
Tha a' Gàidhlig a nis ga h-ionnsachadh an
sgoiltean na dùthcha. Tha duaisean briagha 'gan
tairgse airson sgoilearachd. Tha " Oifig an
Fhog-luim" an Lunainn ag aidmheil na Gàidhlig,
mar chànainean eile na Roinn Eòrpa. Agus, anns a
chùis so, tha an Oifig cheudna a' brosnachadh
sgoilearan, agus a' toirt cliù mhòir do dh' Fhaclair
vàn
Athar Eoghan Mac Eachainn, gur h-e leabhar is
fheàrr is urrainn dhaibh a oideachadh gu eòlas
pongail fhaotainn air cainnt nam beann nan gleann
agus nan gaisgeach.
Cha 'n 'eil fuath agam do'n Bheurla, oir is beag a
tha i am beul gach duine, ach o'n is taitneiche leam a'
Ghàidhlig i bhi far gun dol an lughad, tha ;mi an
diugh a' toirt brath gu'm bheil leabhar ùr air a chuir a
mach le Sands sa Chuideachd an Dùneidean; agus is e
so Lòchran an Anma.
So agad, a Mhic chridhe! leabhar-ùrnaigh cho
1 Lòchran an Anma, Leabhar-ùrnaigh Caitliceach. Sands sa
Ohuidheachd, 21 Sràid Anobhair, Dùneideann, 1906.
grinn agus a chaidh a chuir a mach riamh airson
Caitliceaich Ghàidhealach na h-Alba. Agus bha, gu
dearbh, feum mòr air a' chlò - bhualadh so. Cha'n
fhaigheadh
an
Albainn
o
chionn
dòrlach
bhliadhnachan leabhar-ùrnaigh Caitliceach airson
airgid no òir. Bha e mar fhiachaibh air cuid de'n
Chlèir fios a chur a nun do Chanada airson
leabh-aireachan-ùrnaigh Caitliceach. Mo nàire ort a
Mhathair! Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach na
h-Alba 'nuair a dh'fheum thu cobhair fhaotainn o
Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach Chanada! Bha
gainne mhòr air an dùthaich anns an t-seòl so. Anns
gach aite san racainn, is i a' chiad cheist a churadh
orm, "Caite am faigh mi leabhar-ùrnaigh Gàidhlig?"
Chaidh so a leasachadh a nis, agus is math an
airidh esan a chuir a mach an leabhar so air taing
agus buidheachas nan creideach gu lèir, air feadh na
Gàidhealtachd. Cha'n 'eil air an leabhar ach aon
choire : is e sin, a lughad's h-ann dheth. Ach, tha a'
phris a rèir so. Cha'n 'eil e ach Sia sgillinn. Agus, mar
a thuairt seann duine riumsa an là-roimhe, " cha
b'fheàrr a nasgaidh e !"
Cliù agus moladh dhasan, mata, a chuir a làmh
ris an obair so, a tha cho làn toillteanas; agus mur a
faigh e duas a bhos airson a shaothair, gheibh e thall
e. Cha'n urrainn dhasan a ràdh, mar bu chòir do
dh'fheadhainn eile. "Dh'fhàg sinn gun deanadh na
nithe sin a bu choir dhuinn a dheanamh. Agus rinn
sinn na nithe sin nach bu chòir dhuinn a dheanamh
; agus cha'n 'eil slàinte annainn."
Buaidh agus piseach air, mata ; agus gu'm bu
fada beo e, agus ceò as a thaigh ! Tha mi an earbsa
gu'm bith soirbheachadh air an leabhar, agus gu'm
bith clò-bhualadh eile agus eile air a ghairm ann an
ùine ghoirid. Faodaidh mi a ràdh, san dol seachad,
gu'm bheil an duin-uasal ceudna, fìor Charaid nan
Gàidheal, trang a chur an òrdugh clò-bhualadh eile
ris an cannar An Cath Spioradail a chaidh a chur gu
Gàidhlig leis an Athair Eoghan Mac Eachainn nach
maireann. Prosit projiciatque I
GiLLEASPUiG MAC DHÒMHNUILL MHIC EOGHAIN.
FAITH AND LANGUAGE1
THIS little book, which is from the pen of the editor
of the Vèritè of Quebec, should prove interesting
reaoing to Scotsmen. Its theme is the French
language in Canada, and its object the preservation
of the nationality of French Canadians through the
medium of their own tongue. Incidentally, it shows
the intimate connexion between Faith and
Language—a subject which is of peculiar interest to
the Catholic Gael of Scotland, who, also, has a
double duty to perform in this respect.
M. Tardival's remarks should be read in conjunction with M. Andre Siegfried's Le Canada, a work
recently issued from the press. The latter is a
Frenchman whose attitude towards the Catholic
Church in Canada leaves a good deal to be desired,
yet he is candid enough to admit that were it not for
Catholicism, and its consistent policy of maintaining
the French language, the French element would long
ago have been swallowed up and its tongue have
become almost extinct.
The French position in Canada is not unlike that
of our co-religionists in the same country, al1 La Langue Francaise au Canada, par J. P. Tardival. La
Compagnie de Publication de la Revue Canadienne. Montreal, 1906.
grinn agus a chaidh a chuir a mach riamh airson
Caitliceaich Ghàidhealach na h-Alba. Agus bha, gu
dearbh, feum mòr air a' chlò - bhualadh so. Cha'n
fhaigheadh
an
Albainn
o
chionn
dòrlach
bhliadhnachan leabhar-ùrnaigh Caitliceach airson
airgid no òir. Bha e mar fhiachaibh air cuid de'n
Chlèir fios a chur a nun do Chanada airson
leabh-aireachan-ùrnaigh Caitliceach. Mo nàire ort a
Mhathair! Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach na
h-Alba 'nuair a dh'fheum thu cobhair fhaotainn o
Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach Chanada! Bha
gainne mhòr air an dùthaich anns an t-seòl so. Anns
gach aite san racainn, is i a' chiad cheist a churadh
orm, " Caite am faigh mi leabhar-ùrnaigh Gàidhlig?"
Chaidh so a leasachadh a nis, agus is math an
airidh esan a chuir a mach an leabhar so air taing
agus buidheachas nan creideach gu lèir, air feadh na
Gàidhealtachd. Cha'n 'eil air an leabhar ach aon
choire : is e sin, a lughad 's h-ann dheth. Ach, tha a'
phris a rèir so. Cha'n 'eil e ach Sia sgillinn. Agus, mar
a thuairt seann duine riumsa an là-roimhe, " cha
b'fheàrr a nasgaidh e !"
Cliù agus moladh dhasan, mata, a chuir a làmh
ris an obair so, a tha cho làn toillteanas ; agus mur a
faigh e duas a bhos airson a shaothair, gheibh e thall
e. Cha'n urrainn dhasan a ràdh, mar bu chòir do
dh'fheadhainn eile. "Dh'fhàg sinn gun deanadh na
nithe sin a bu choir dhuinn a dheanamh. Agus rinn
sinn na nithe sin nach bu chòn dhuinn a dheanamh ;
agus cha'n 'eil slàinte annainn."
Buaidh agus piseach air, mata ; agus gu'm bu
fada beo e, agus ceò as a thaigh ! Tha mi an earbsa
gu'm bith soirbheachadh air an leabhar, agus gu'm
bith clò-bhualadh eile agus eile air a ghairm ann an
ùine ghoirid. Faodaidh mi a ràdh, san dol seachad,
gu'm bheil an duin-uasal ceudna, fìor Charaid nan
Gàidheal, trang a chur an òrdugh clò-bhualadh eile
ris an cannar An Cath Spioradail a chaidh a chur gu
Gàidhlig leis an Athair Eoghan Mac Eachainn nach
maireann. Prosit projlciatque !
GiLLEASPUiG MAC DHÒMHNUILL MHIC EOGHAIN.
FAITH AND LANGUAGE1
THIS little book, which is from the pen of the editor
of the Vèritè of Quebec, should prove interesting
reading to Scotsmen. Its theme is the French
language in Canada, and its object the preservation
of the nationality of French Canadians through the
medium of their own tongue. Incidentally, it shows
the intimate connexion between Faith and
Language—a subject which is of peculiar interest to
the Catholic Gael of Scotland, who, also, has a
double duty to perform in this respect.
M. Tardival's remarks should be read in conjunction with M. Andre Siegfried's Le Canada, a work
recently issued from the press. The latter is a
Frenchman whose attitude towards the Catholic
Church in Canada leaves a good deal to be desired,
yet he is candid enough to admit that were it not for
Catholicism, and its consistent policy of maintaining
the French language, the French element would long
ago have been swallowed up and its tongue have
become almost extinct.
The French position in Canada is not unlike that
of our co-religionists in the same country, al1 La Langue Franqaise au Canada, par J. P. Tardival. La
Compagnie de Publication de la Revue Canadienne. Montreal, 1906.
though, of course, the number of Gaelic-speaking
Scots is a mere handful compared with the large
French-speaking population. Both, however, are face
to face with influences which cannot be described
otherwise than as hostile ; and it behoves both to be
up and doing if they wish to preserve their threatened
nationality. M. Siegfried is, from the French
standpoint, somewhat of a pessimist. He sees no
prospect that the French element will ever become
dominant in Canada, in spite of the high birth-rate of
the habitant, and the immense political power wielded
by French Canadians. No doubt, the fact that Canada
is an appanage of the English Crown, instead of a
French possession, is an important circumstance
which must be taken into full account in attempting
any prognostication as to that country's political
future. The isolation, as it were, of the French
element in Canada, is, it must be admitted, a
circumstance highly unfavourable to the realisation of
any political dreams which may be based upon a
consciousness of its existing power. On the other
hand, M. Siegfried, who seems to be a fairly accurate
observer, as globetrotters go, is no less pessimistic
from the English point of view. He thinks little of the
" Imperialist movement," which he regards as a vain
attempt to stem the tide of events. The " heroic age "
of that movement he regards as already overpast. It
began about the period of the jubilee of 1897, and
reached its height at the time of the sending of a
Canadian contingent to South Africa. His Canadian
horoscope winds up with the statement to the effect
that "permeation," not conquest, is Canada's
ultimate fate the permeation to be undertaken and
accomplished by Jonathan of the Stars and Stripes,
of course ; and really looking to the immense tide of
immigration now sweeping over the great
North-West from the United States, M. Siegfried's
prophecy has at all events the merit of plausibility.
If hard times are in store for the French element
in Canada, the superficial observer should surely
neither have hesitation nor difficulty in prophesying
a very plethora of adversities for the little Gaelic
colony in Nova Scotia. But, great as the odds
appear to be against our language surviving
indefinitely in that part of the world, the extraordinary vitality which characterises the Gaelic,
where once it has obtained foothold, joined to the
well-known "grit" and patriotism of the average
Scots colonist, should render even the most
besotted advocate of "painting the map red"
somewhat less profuse in his music-hall prophecies
than he is accustomed to be. Gaelic readers of our
pages will have observed with pride and satisfaction
the many marks of the Scottish Canadians' love of
language and country which we have been the
humble means of affording them. The Gaelic
movement has crossed the seas, and bids fair to
become as flourishing a growth in the land of the
maple as it is in that of the heather. It is obvious
that the more the movement succeeds here, the more
likely is it to find friends and imitators in Canada.
Moreover, the instinct of race-preservation is not
confined to any particular country or hemisphere; and
nothing is more calculated to call into action the
latent forces underlying that sentiment than the
consciousness of the fact that absorption and ultimate
extinction must inevitably be the fate of those who fail
to respond to its demands. The fact that the Gaelic
colonies in Canada are threatened, on the one hand by
John
Bull and on the other by Jonathan, should supply that
incentive to the struggle for racial existence which the
imminence of such a catastrophe as we have referred
to above is, of all spurs, the best calculated to call
forth. A hopeful factor in the situation, from the
Gaelic point of view, though we are bound to confess
that the fact itself is not one which we can view
without apprehension and dismay, is the constant
accessions which the Gaelic forces in Canada are
receiving owing to the stream of emigration from the
Gàidhealtachd. This should serve to put new life and
blood into the Gaelic movement in Canada; and
inasmuch as it is notorious that those who elect to
leave our shores are of the best that the land of heroes
can produce, we look to the Canadian immigrants, no
less than to the descendants of those who have gone
before, to hold the fort in the interests of nationality
and language until such times, at all events, as the
Gaelic ship comes home, and the Gael enjoys his own
again.
With regard to our co-religionists in Canada, who
are flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood, their
policy for the immediate future is plain. They should
cultivate cordial relations with the French Canadians,
who are, obviously, in the same boat with us in
respect to faith and language. This is an age of
entente cordiales, as a means of adjusting differences,
solving awkward political questions, and supplying
that " moral" support which peoples find grateful
and comforting in respect of their international
relations. An understanding and an amity of the
kind we indicate and advocate would, we feel sure,
result in nothing but good to both parties. The
Canadian Catholic Gael and the French Canadian
have necessarily much in common;
both are of the household of the Faith ; both cling
tenaciously to language and nationality; both are
immutably attached to those principles of liberty
and freedom which the Gael, at home and abroad,
has done so much to propagate. Not to come together, under these circumstances, in defence of
principles which both races hold so dear to them
must seem not only a regrettable waste of opportunities and resources with which Providence has
bountifully supplied them, but—we write under
correction, of course, and with a due sense of the
distance which separates us—almost a flying in the
face of that veiy Providence itself. At all events, no
one can deny that nothing is to be gained by holding
aloof, and by allowing the forces of Anglici-sation
and Americanisation undisputed possession of the
field. To be crushed between the upper and the
nether grindstone is not a fate which either Gael or
Frenchman can afford to contemplate with
equanimity; and such a fate must, we believe,
inevitably overtake both, if common measures to
avert it are not speedily concerted. The Canadian
continent is a vast one—how vast, some of us,
perhaps, are slow to realise -and in a country so
gigantic, and whose resources are so numerous and
varied, we see no reason, provided the necessary
precautions be seasonably taken, why living room
should not be found for all and sundry. As Gaels,
we have certainly no desire to see Canada all
"British," which, stripped of that simple disguise,
simply means, all English. We believe in the
national destiny of our race; in " Scotland a
nation"—not a province; and the creed which would
assign our people a purely subordinate position in all
time coming, limiting our national development to the
everlasting superiority—we use the word in its purely
feudal sense—of the Predominant Partner, is none of
our making and none of our asking. On the contrary,
so long as there remains a sixpence in our war chest,
it will encounter our most determined and inveterate
hostility.
It it curious to observe, by M. Tardival's instructive pages, that the French language in Canada
runs the same risk of infection and vulgarisation
through the channel of English words, phrases and
idioms, as our own does by reason of similar influences. " La grande tache qui dèpare la langue
francaise en Amèrique," says our author, " c'est
l'anglicisme." M. Tardival gives a list of some of these
corruptions, which read disagreeably like some with
which, alas! we in this country are all too familiar.1
We feel we cannot do better than reproduce M.
Tardival's remarks on this subject, thereby bringing
these few observations to a close :—
" Dans le langage technique, du commerce et de
l'industrie, nous employons, il est vrai, une foule de
mots anglais, pour la raison bien simple que nous
ignorons souvent les termes francais. C'est
regrettable, mais enfin le danger pour la langue
litteraire n'est pas là. Ce danger, il se trouve, je le
rèpète, dans l'anglicisme, qui peut se dèfìnir ainsi:
1'emploi de mots francais, auxquels on donne un
sens propre à des mots semblables de la langue
anglaise, ou une tournure anglaise. Quelques
ex-emples feront mieux saisir cette definition.
Ainsi,
1 A similar blight is attacking the purity and vigour of the
Scotch language in Canada. A correspondent, a Priest, gives us a
few samples of these vulgarisms and corruptions. "Phuair mi
Communion," and other absurdities, were amongst the number. It
behoves us all to follow the excellent advice recently tendered
by Major Matheson of the Lewes, who, at a Gaelic meeting, made
an eloquent and powerful plea for purity and •correctness of
diction.
nous entendons dire ou nous lisons dans les
jour-naux, à chaque instant: Un tel a fait application
pour tel emploi. Le mot application est parfaite-ment
francais, mais il n'a pas le sens de demande. On fait
Yapplication d'un principe, quelquefois ; on fait aussi
et plus souvent l'application d'un cata-plasme. Mais
dire : ' faire application pour un emploi,' c'est parler
en anglais avec des mots francais.
" II en est de mème de faire apologie pour faire des
excuses; ne vous donnez pas ce trouble, au lieu de cette
peine; rèaliser pour se rendre compte de. ' Nous ne
rèalìsons pas bien notre position,' voilà une
expression qu'emploient souvent des person-nes
d'ailleurs très instruites. C'est de l'anglais. Rèaliser
veut dire rendre reel. On realise une fortune, des
espèrances se rèalisent; mais on ne saurait rèaliser
une position.
"' Vous prenez exception à ce que j'ai dit,' voilà
comment, il y a quelques annèes, un homme très
haut place commencait une lettre adressèe à la
Vèritè. Toujours de l'anglais : You take exception to what
I have said. L'expression francaise serait: Vous
n'admettez pas ce que j'ai dit, ou quelque chose de
semblable. De mème : Ceux qui objectent à l'envoi d'un
contingent, n'est pas francais, non plus. Objec.ter est
toujours verbe actif; on objecte une difficulte' à une
proposition, on objecte que, mais on ne saurait dire:
ceux qui objectent à—Those who object to—C'est ceux
qui sopposent à qu'il faut dire.
" Defalcation, dèfalcataire, pour dètournement de
fonds, concussionnaire, anglicismes; renverser un
jugement pour annuler, casser un jugement,
angli-cisme ; j'occupe un logement de sept
appartemenls, au lieu de pieces ou chambres, anglicisme;
on entretient des craintes, des inquietudes à tel sujet,
au lieu de: on a des craintes, des inquietudes,
angli-cisme ; je vous introduis M. Un tel, pour je vous
prèsente, anglicisme.
" Anglicisme aussi la phrase suivante ; Je
com-prends que vous allez partir-demain, au lieu de
j'apprends ou j'ai appris: et celle-ci: je le nie
emphatiquement—emphatiquement se prend toujours en
mauvaise part et signifie avec emphase, et non point
avecènergie ouformellement,com.me beaucoup semblent le
croire. Des argents—monies—pour sommes à" argent, ou
de I 'argent; contracteur, pour entrepreneur; or solide, pour
or massif; instruction compulsoire, pour obligatoire;
supporter xm candidat ou une candidature, pour
appuyer: autant d'angli-cismes. Au Palais lègislatif,
nos Solons ont leurs anglicismes particuliers,
auxquels ils tiennent avec une tènacitè qu'ils
n'auraient peut-ètre pas, s'il s'agissait de maintenir
un veritable privilege. En voice quelques-uns. Prendre
le sens de la Chambre, pour la consulter. A cet Stage de la
discussion, ou du bill, pour phase.
" Service civil, employe civil, pour administration,
employe" de I'administration. Les Canadiens-fran-cais
entendent les deputes anglais dire clerical error; et ils
se croient obliges, libèraux comme conserva-teurs, de
protester, eux aussi, contre les erreurs clèricales. Ne
croyez pas que le radicalisme francais nous menace,
à cause de ces protestations frèquentes contre les
erreurs clèricales. II s'agit simplement d'erreurs de
redaction ou de copiste. Moi pour un, traduction
servile de l'anglais : / for one, veut dire, dans la
pensèe de ces messieui's : Pour ma part, ou Quant à
moi. Je concours dans les observations de l'honorable
depute; la Chambre n'a pas concouru dans ce rapport.
Ne vous imaginez pas qu'il s'agisse de cooperation.
On essaie seulement de traduire le mot anglais to
concur. II serait pourtant si facile de dire: ]'abonde
dans tel sens; la Chambre n'a pas adopts le rapport.
Puis, en notre langage parlementaire: incorporer une
compagnie ne veut pas dire, selon le sens veritable
du mot, l'unir à une autre compagnie, mais lui
donner la person-nalitè civile.
Signalons enfin le
plus ètonnant peutètre des anglicismes qu'on
entende au palais lègislatif et qui est reserve
pour-les grandes circon-stances : Fai le plancher—/
have the floor—pour fai la parole!
Je pourrais
allonger, et allonger encore la liste des anglicismes
qui ont envahi le langage de nos hommes instruits,
mais je crois vous en avoir assez signalè pour vous
convaincre que le danger est reel. Oui, le danger
existe et le danger est d'autant plus grand que le
mal ne semble pas vouloir cèder facilement aux
remèdes qu'on a tentè d'y appliquer. Voilà trente
ans, peut-ètre da vantage, que quelques zèlès font la
guerre aux anglicismes ; et nos journaux n'en son
tils pas encore tout hèrissès ?
On peut se
demander si un seul a disparu.
Toutefois, il ne
faut pas dèposer les armes. La reaction finira par
se produire.
" Un autre mal qu'il faut signaler, parce qu'il se
propage rapidement parmi nous, c'est une mauvaise
prononciation de la lettre a. Cette faute, d'origine
relativement rècente, est d'autant plus à craindre que
ceux, et encore davantage celles qui la com-mettent,
s'imaginent, très sincèrement, parler avec une
elegance peu ordinaire. Lorsque M. l'abbè P. Lagacè a
publiè son Cours de Lecture à haute wix, en 1875, il
paraìt que 'nous faisions graves la plupart des a aigus,
et trop graves ceux qui doi-vent l'ètre'. Le savant
professeur ne dirait plus cela aujourd'hui, je crois.
Sans doute, nous faisons
227
Faith and Language
graves un certain nombre d'a aigus. Plusieurs des
nòtres disent encore très souvent deux heures et un
quart—pour ma part, etc., presque quort, port, tout
comme on prononce encore aux environs de
Saint-Malo. Je connais mème un compatriote— très
instruit du reste—qui n'a pu se faire com-prendre
d'un sergent de ville parisien, parce qu'il persistait
à lui demander où se trouvait la gàre Sdlxit-Lazàre.
Cette mauvaise prononciation, nèan-moins, il fait
plaisir de le constater, tend à dis-paraìtre. Mais en
voulant rèagir contre ce dèfaut, plusieurs tombent
dans l'extrème oppose ; et, croy-ant parler à la
parisienne, Us reproduisent en rèalitè une faute
propre, par exemple, à la Picardie, donnant un a
aigu et très bref là où il faut de toute nècessitè un à
grave et long. Ainsi, ils disent nation, education,
popidation, demonstration, vocation, agglomeration, etc.;
tandis que la veritable prononciation francaise est
nation, education, population, vocation, etc. Tu a devant
Hon—de mème que Yo— est toujours grave et long.
Ceux qui croient qu'en prononcant àtion, ils parlent
à Iu parisienne se trompent ètrangement. Ce petit
son maigre et affectè est très disgracieux et doit
ètre èvitè avec soin. Les garcons de cafe et les
cochers de Paris prononcent peut-ètre tout en a aigu
: les Parisiens instruits toutefois mettent un a grave
et long là où il en faut un. Ils ne diraient pas plus la
Bogadh nan Gad
373
nation francaise, que ma part; mais invariablement: la
nation francaise, et ma part. Si vous ne m'en croyez
pas, ècoutez avec attention M. le consul general de
France la premiere fois que vous aurez ì'occasion de
l'entendre parler."
BOGADH NAN GAD
THA ri fhaicinn aig an àm so agus air feadh an
t-saoghail gu lèir gluasad mòr, a thachair oirnn an
lorg a' chogaidh a chaidh a chur o chionn beagan ùine
eadar Euisia agus Iapan. Gu h-àraid, tha so gu tur
soilleir a thaobh nan cinneach a tha 'gabhail
còmhnaidh san Aird-an-ear. Faodar a ràdh nach robh
iad ach mar luchd-aisling, bàite gu buileach an suain
a'
bhais,
mar
gu'm
b'eadh,
fad
mòran
bhliadhnaichean. Ach, an deigh do na chath a bhi
thairis, chaidh an cuid aisling mu sgaoil, agus dhùisg
iad a suas a ris. Chaidh, mar an ceudna mòran
smuaintean briagach aosmhor a bha aca mu sgaoil;
agus dh'ionnsaich muinntir na h-Aird-an-ear nach
'eil luchd-àiteachaidh na Roinn Eòrpa cho làidir agus
cho tapaidh agus a bha iad deonach gu bhi " air
paipeir," mar a their na Sasunnaich.
Tha a' bhuil sin orra. Is iomadh dùthaich an Asia
a tha a nis fo bhruaillean mòr, agus mu'm bheil e
freagarrach is comasach a ràdh, nach 'eil i umhal
agus iosal 'na sùilibh fèin ni's mò. An India, an Sina,
Faith and Language
agus eadhon anns an Eiphit, chi sinn gu'm bheil
an luchd-còmhnaidh a' togail an guth, agus a'
feòraich d'a chèile carson nach biodh an stiùireadh
air an gnothaichean fein 'nan làmhan fèin % "Is lèir
dhuinn (their iad), nach 'eil muinntir na Roinn
Eòrpa cho làidir agus a tha iad cho ro dhèidheil gu
bhi an sùilibh fein agus an sùilibh an t-saoghail gu
lèir. Thug na h-Iapanaich buaidh gu buileach air na
Ruisianaich—rud nach bu choir, agus nach
b'urrainn dhoibh a dheanamh, a rèir beachd mòran
sluaigh. Agus ma is ann mar sin a tha e, car son
nach biodh e comasach dhuinn ar saorsa fèin fhaotainn an ùine ghoirid. Feuchaidh sinn ris, co
dhiù."
Gu h-araid an India agus anns an Eiphit, tha
luchd-muinntir nan dùthchannan ud a' feuchainn ri
bogadh nan gad. Tha na paipearan-naigheachd làn
de sgeulan tuirseach mu'n fhear so no mu'n tè ud
ris nach gabhadh na Sasunnaich (a rèir coltais) air
sgath an cànain " cheannairceich ". O chionn
beagan ùine, chaidh Mòr-Roinn Bhengall air a roinn
aig iarrtas Ard-Rìaghladh na dùthcha, agus chuir so
dèisinn nach bu bheag air mòran sluaigh air feadh
India, ged nach robh e 'na chulaidh diomb do na
h-uile h-aon. Coma co dhiù, air ball ghabh
luchdgearain na dùthcha làn greim air, ionnus agus
gu'm bheil e a nis ro dhuilich a ràdh cait' am bi
crioch air an gnothach mhi-fhortanach sin.
Ach tha e soilleir nach 'eil so uile—na
tubaistean an India agus an an-shocair anns an
Eiphit—ach mar chomharraidhean a thinnis mhòir
sin a bhuail riaghladh nan Sasunnach a cheana
anns na dùthchannan ud, agus a tha dol 'ga
228
Bogadh nan Gad
373
bhualadh gu làr. Thuirt duine ainmeil,
Gearmailteach, o chionn beagan ùine, agus esan a'
cur an cèill nan smuaintean a bha aige mu'n chùis so,
gu'n robh riaghladh nan Sasunnach an India agus
anns an Eiphit a dol a dhìth, a chionn agus nach robh
"cumhachd riaghlaidh" aca ni 's mò. Thuirt an duine
ceudna gu'n tig saorsa air muinntir Asia agus Africa
mu'n tèid sgrios gu buileach air an Iompaireachd sin
mu'm bheil e air a ràdh nach 'eil a' ghrian idir dol
fodha air. Their an t-Ollamh, "tha mi làn chinnteach
gu'm bi e mòran ni's duilghe do Shasunn, do'n
Fhraing, agus do Ruisia an cumhachd a tha aca an
Asia a chumail suas anns na bliadhnaichean a tha ri
teachd, na tha e a nis, do bhrìgh agus gu'm bheil na
cinnich ud fo bhrosnachadh agus an-shocair mhòir an
lorg na buaidhe a thug na h-Iapanaich air Ruisia.
Tha na Sasunnaich a' deanamh fochaid air Benarjee,
agus owa-san leis an deachaidh a chrùnadh o chionn
ghoirid mar " Rìgh Bhengal" ; ach is e mo bheachdsa
gu'm bi fìor Rìgh dùthchasach air India an taobh a
staigh àl no dhà."
A thaobh Africa, tha an t-Ollamh cinnteach gu'm
bi caochlaidhean mòra ann an ùine ghoirid. "
Sluigidh Comh'Islamachd a suas Africa mu thuath, à
Timbuctoo san àird-an-ear eadhon gus an Sudan
anns an àird-an-iar. Gheibh na cinnich dhubha an
saorsa fèin as làmhan nan cinneach geala; agus an
Africa a chinn a deas, gheibh na Boerich
làmh-an-uachdar air na Sasunnaich."
A thaobh America, tha an t-Ollamh am beachd
gu'm bi na Anglo-Saxons air an slugadh suas le
cinneach eile; agus, a deir esan, " thèid mu sgaol an
Faith and Language
aonachd a tha aice a nis, agus tarraingear
America gu dorus gnothaichean Stàideil na Roinn
Eòrpa."
A thaobh na Roinn Eòrpa fèin, faodar a ràdh
nach 'eil an t-Ollamh cho cinnteach agus a tha e mu
stèidhean eile. Gidheadh, tha e am beachd gu'n
d'thig caochlaidhean mòra air an Tuirc an ceann
beagan bhliadhnaichean, agus nach gabh sin àite
gun chomhstri agus gun sgrios ro mhòr. "Tha mi làn
chinnteach (deir an t-Ollamh Schiemann), gu'm
faigh Fèin-Dùthasachd ceannas air feadh na Roinn
Eòrpa ùir, agus gu'm bheil sinn dol a dh'fhaicinn
ath-bhrèith mhòr de ghnothaichean dùthasach air
feadh an t-saoghail gu lèir.
A rèir an Ollaimh so, is e dìth air " cumhachd
riaghlaidh " a bhitheas aig bonn nan caochlaidhean
mòra so ; ach, 'nar beachd-ne, cha'n ann idir mar
sin a tha e, no a bhitheas. Is e ar barail fèin gu'm bi
a' chùis mar so co dhiù a tha an " cumhachd riaghlaidh" aig muinntir na Roinn Eòrpa no nach bi. Is e
sin ri ràdh, cha'n 'eil sinn a' sealltainn air na
229
Bogadh nan Gad
373
376
Bogadh nan Gad
cinnich ud mar luchd-eisimeil do mhuinntir na
Roinn Eòrpa a mhàin, ach mar chinnich air leth, aig
a' bheil dòchas is miannan nach b'urrainn a bhith
air an deanamh rèidh ris na tha luchd-muinntir na
Roinn Eòrpa a' toirt orra mar ghlèidheadh nan gad.
Cha'n 'eil sinn a' creidsinn gu'm bi na cinnich so—
luchd-muinntir Asia is Africa, agus dhùthchannan
eile—daonnan fo smachd dhiubhsan leis an deachaidh an ceannsachadh anns na làithean a dh'aom.
Tha iad air an cinneadh suas. Dh' ionnsaich iad
mòran nithean o'n a chaidh an ceannsachadh o
shean. Am bitheantas, fhuair mòran diubh àrach
anns na colaisdean a's feàrr a tha an Roinn Eòrpa
air fad; agus air dhoibh pilltinn air an n-ais do
dh'Asia, is tric a tha iad a' deanamh stri le chèile a
Ios bogadh nan gad. Chuir iad an cinn am beul an
leòghainn; agus, o'n is daoine tapaidh faicilleach
iad, is lèir dhoibh nach 'eil an t-uile-bheist sin cho
eagalach agus a bu choir dha ma tha sinn 'toirt
fainear ris na tha do ghnàth tighinn a mach uaith.
Mar so, is furasda a thuigsinn nach 'eil a' chuid a's
mò d'ar n-aoidhean gu tur toilichte ris na tha iad a'
faicinn agus a' cluinntinn anns an dùthaich so agus
air tir-mhor na Roinn Eòrpa. Chi iad an dùthaich
fèin
air
a
riaghladh
le
daoine
eadar
fhèin-chuimseach agus aineolach; agus tha sin a'
cur diomb nach beag orra. Feòrachaidh iad d'a
chèile, "car son nach biodh riaghladh ar dùthcha
At the Back of the Wind
230
fèin 'nar làmhan fèin ? An t-aon Dia a thug seachad
an dùthaich sin dhoibh-san a tha 'ga sealbhachadh,
is Esan an Ti a bhuilich oirnn an dùthaich a tha
againn, mar an ceudna. Car son, mata, mach biodh
làn shealbh againn oirre ? Tamall beag agus bha
sinn mar leanabanan laga, reasgach, gun chòrdadh
sam bith eadarainn fèin, agus tur aineolach; ach, a
nis, dh'ionnsaich sinn mòran nithean. Cha'n 'eil
sinn mar chinneadh borba ceannlaidir, ni's mò.
Thug sin an Roinn Eòrpa oirnn, agus fhuair sinn ar
n-àrach anns na colaisdean a's feàrr a tha air
aghaidh an t-saoghail. Deanaibh ruinn, mata, mar a
dh'ionnsaich sibh dhuinn, gu'm bu choir gu'n
deanadh sinn do gach neach eile, agus thoiribh ar
dùthaich air a h-ais, oir gabhaibh toradh bhur
deanadais."
Gu dearbh, cha'n e dith cumhachd, ach foghluim,
a tha bogadh nan gad air feadh an t-saoghail gu
lèir.
AT THE BACK OF THE WIND
WITH this number of Guth na Bliadhna we bring to
an end our third year of existence—no mean
performance if we consider the high rate of
mortality which obtains amongst Gaelic periodicals
owing to want of education amongst our people. And
it is in no pessimistic frame of mind that we
376
Bogadh nan Gad
contemplate
the
advent of our fourth year's labours. Looking back
over the days that have gone, we are free to confess
that the Gaelic movement has made undoubted progress since we published our first number, and that
our prospects, if not gilt-edged, are at all events
distinctly encouraging. During the time that we
have been in existence, we have done our best to
stand for Faith and Country; and any shortcomings
and imperfections which may justly be laid at our
door, we beg to be absolved from, so that, so far as
our cause is concerned, we may begin our fourth
year with the now traditional "clean slate ".
We have no sensational announcements to make
as regards the immediate future. This periodical
will continue to be "run" on "lines" and principles
which, we trust, are already sufficiently familiar to
the public, and which have secured for us the
suffrages of a large and influential body of our
fellow-countrymen at home and abroad. Our aim is
to be "thorough" in all things. The following, from
the pages of a recent number of the Dundee
Advertiser, emboldens us to hope that we have not
been unmindful of our professions: "There are over
a hundred Highland and Cian Societies, each doing
good work in its way ; but until recently no real
attempt had been made to bring about a coalescent
state—light and leading has hitherto been sadly
wanting. All that, however, is now in a fair way of
being changed. The editor of Guth na Bliadhna has
enlisted in the service of the cause a body of
contributors of marked ability, who are doing
yeoman service in forming public opinion. The
knotty points of the problems which the Gaelic
At the Back of the Wind
231
Renaissance has brought to the front, are tackled
and dealt with in a straightforward and lucid
manner."
It may be well at this conjuncture briefly to
recapitulate our aims: a lengthy confession of faith
is not required, in view of the fact that we have
already been in existence three years. First and
foremost, of course, we are Catholics. Secondly, we
have " arrived " in order to carry on the old Gaelic
Tradition ; we are the link between past and
present; and it may be said of us, as Mr. Lang in his
History of Scotland has well said of our ancestors
before us: " The Celt (Gael) recognised no common
part in lowland patriotism. He fought, like Hal of
the Wynd, for his own hand. It would be childish to
call this conduct 'unpatriotic'." It would not only be
"childish" but extremely ignorant to do so.
We
have our own politics, and we mean to pursue them.
Let those who wish to sink the Gael in the North
Briton imagine the vain things associated with that
depressing and humiliating policy: for ourselves, we
will have none of it. We stand for independence—for
united Scotland and a Gaelic State.
It took the best part of two hundred years to destroy
the Gaelic system: how long will it take to restore
the same ? We have often asked ourselves this
interesting question.
Events move rapidly
nowadays, far more nimbly than they were
accustomed to do in the years that have gone. If
we put our shoulders to the wheel, our children's
children may witness the consummation of no small
part of our national hopes. But in order to this, it
is necessary that one and all should agree in one
great thing, however much we may continue to
376
Bogadh nan Gad
differ amongst
ourselves in respect of others- -namely, that our
goal is to be Scotland, not North Britain. The "
British " theory implies subordination; and that is
why we, as Gaels, cannot afford to accept it.
Those who insist on the use of the word " British," "
Britain," etc., are but pie-bald patriots, whose
political vision does not extend beyond their nasal
horizon. They, by clamouring to be called
"Britons," and persons and things essentially
English, " British," ipso facto accept the Union and
all its works, which we who are Gaels do not.
That is the difference between a Scot and a North
Briton; and long may it continue to be so !
It would appear by An Claidheamh Soluis that
Irish vernacular is still dying, in spite of all the
efforts of the Gaelic League to arrest its decay.
What is the position of the Scotch vernacular ? In
At the Back of the Wind
232
380
At the Back of the Wind
the West, we are of opinion that the decay has been,
stopped. In a great part of Scotland the Gaelic
language is no longer dying; but we are afraid that in
many other districts it is expiring rapidly. The
situation must be faced; for nothing is to be gained by
shutting our eyes to unpleasant facts— by playing
ostrich, or otherwise encouraging on& another to
shirk facing obstacles. In a great part of the North
the language is far from being in a healthy condition;
and in a few years' time—unless measures are
taken to prevent it—Gaelic, east of Strathspey, will
be as dead as a herring. The old people who now
speak it will have passed away, and a generation will
have arisen which not only will not know Donald, but
will have lost all touch and sympathy with those who
did. Under such circumstances it would be an
enormously difficult, if not an impossible task to
restore these lost sheep to-the true fold. We hope
the friends of the Gaelic movement in Scotland will
bear these important considerations in mind, and
strain every nerve and muscle to hold the fort in the
threatened districts, in the interests of the Gael and
his language. The movement is spreading; and
that there are better times coming we firmly believe.
But, for dear Scotland's sake, let it not be said of us,
as was said with truth and justice of those who went
to succour General Gordon : " Alas ! they arrived too
late!" It is of vital importance to the welfare of the
movement that the language, as a vernacular, be
kept alive. The general progress of the movement,
however remarkable and gratifying it may be, must
not be allowed to obscure the important fact that its
primary aim is, necessarily, the preservation of the
language as a spoken speech. What we must now
work for, therefore, is to get the Gaelic introAt the Back of the Wind
38i
duced into every school throughout the Gaelic
counties; and the sooner we carry that position, the
better it will be for all concerned.
The Oban Mòd a' Chomuinn Ghàidhealach was-an
undoubted success, and proved that the West at all
events is "solid" for the Gaelic cause. The rise of
Oban as a Gaelic centre is a gratifying phenomenon,
and must be disconcerting to those who imagine that
cave-dwellers and Gaelic speakers are synonymous
terms. That so typically tourist a centre as An
t-Oban should have introduced the Gaelic language
into its public schools, and otherwise shown its
unmistakable sympathy with our cause, if to
superficial observers and thinkers a thing to marvel
at, bodes well for us, as well as for itself; for there is
money, besides patriotism, in the Gaelic movement.
The literary feature of the recent Mòd was,
undoubtedly, the fine Gaelic oration of the Rev. Neil
Ross. Mr. Ross, though young, is already a great
stylist.
He uses the literary language of the
Gael, not the commonplace provincial patter of
which, alas ! so many Gaelic writings and speeches
are nowadays mainly composed. He is, in this
respect, a worthy successor of the great Gaelic
stylists of the years that have gone, Father Mac
Eachen, the elder Mac Leod, author of Caraid nan
Gaidheal, and other bright and particular Gaelic
literary stars. We expect to hear more of him in
the immediate future. His fine genius and
admirable technique should render him a highly
desirable recruit to the ranks of Gaelic authors.
From the publishing house of MacDonald & Co.,
Heme Bay, Kent, England, we have received the
first, we hope, of a series of Gaelic tales for young
people and students of Gaelic.
Part I. comprises
two Fenian tales, entitled Fionn an Taigh a'
Bhlair-Bhuidhe and Sealg Bheinn Eidir. Both are
admirably rendered, though we object strongly to
certain archaic forms of spellings observable in the
Gaelic text of both these stories. We are pleased to
hear that the publishers are prepared to dispense
with these useless and misleading archaic-isms in
future instalments of the series. The price of Part I.
is ridiculously cheap, being but threepence, post free.
Mr. Mackay, Stirling, sends us a small book with
a big title, The Highlands of Scotland since 1800, by A.
J. Beaton. The book is in English, which a work of
the kind should not be. On page 38 we are informed
that " Popery " is again " raising its head" in the
Gàidhealtachd, which is an offensive as well as an
antiquated way of referring to the progress of the
ancient national Church throughout Scotland. Mr.
Beaton, we gather, is a South African settler, which
may possibly account for his belated phraseology. He
seems to share the difficulty which children and very
ignorant persons experience in regard to the correct
numbering of the centuries, for he invariably styles
the nineteenth century the eighteenth, and so on.
The best part of the book is concerned with the industrial development of Gàidhealtachd; which is not ill
done. The rest is worthless. The same publisher
sends us Dain Thaghte, a selection of Gaelic pieces
suitable for recitation, which we have pleasure in
recommending.
We have already stated that this periodical will
continue to be conducted in accordance with our
original notions with respect to its mission. We
propose, however, to admit more Gaelic, and, by
consequence, less English to our pages as time goes
on. The number of Gaelic readers is constantly
increasing, owing to the spread of the movement and
the always increasing educational attention which
our language is receiving, both in school and out of it.
Guth na Bliadhna is, first and foremost, a Gaelic
magazine ; and that being so, the Gaelic must
necessarily be our " home " language. We admit
English, not because we like it, but because vast
numbers of our fellow-countrymen at home and
abroad are so shockingly educated that they cannot
read a single line of their own language, which
obliges us to fall back upon English. Our policy in
this respect, as in others, will be gradually to squeeze
out the Saxon.
We look to the public schools to provide us with
recruits for two important and honourable callings,
namely, teaching and journalism. The number of
teachers competent to give instruction in Gaelic falls
infinitely short of the demand, and we urge on all
concerned the supreme importance of addressing
themselves to the task of " turning out" teachers
competent to give adequate instruction in our
language. The employment of teaching, though it
may not be a very lucrative one, yet is honourable in
the highest degree, and of supreme importance to the
modern State. Parents and teachers might well
direct the attention of the young to the many
advantages attending a life devoted to the useful
employment of teaching.
The attention of the young, moreover, might
advantageously be directed to journalism as a
profession. Competent Gaelic journalists are as much
required as are competent Gaelic teachers; and the
material inducements held out in both cases are
sufficiently considerable to encourage ambitious
young persons of both sexes to participate in their
emoluments. The reason why Scots newspapers
contain so little of the national language is that few
journalists are at present competent to write in it. By
removing this, and similar reproaches, it will not be
possible to say in the future as has been said in the
past: " Gaelic has no commercial value ". The future
of the language, in this respect, rests entirely in our
own hands.
We have protested before, and we take this
opportunity of protesting again, against the assumption that prevails in some quarters that the sole
qualification of the Gael consists in his fighting
qualities. There has been a deal of this foolish and
mischievous talk of late in connexion with the new
Land Bill, and on the part of persons of whom better
things might be expected. The Gael's destiny is not to
go on fighting England's battles on land and sea, as
some people appear to imagine, but to work out his
moral and material salvation by turning to peaceful
account the talents with which God has so liberally
endowed him, but which, alas! he has, in too many
cases, shamefully neglected. The real enemy of the
Gael is he who goes about to encourage him directly
or indirectly in Militarism; for that way Anglicisation
undoubtedly lies. The national press has a plain and
solemn duty to discharge in this respect, and we
confidently look to it to perform it, without fear and
without favour. If any one be so simple as to believe
that Militarism, in any shape or form, is not the
Gael's worst foe, he has but to address to himself this
pregnant question in order to be undeceived : " What
has Militarism done for the Gael, morally and
materially?" Morally, it has earned for him an
undesirable reputation for pugnacity coupled with a
certain obscurity of mental vision : which last
renders him totally blind to his prevailing interests.
Materially, it has brought him nothing save, as a
correspondent in the Highland News recently pointed
out, "a taste of the Landlord-Factor Yellow Stick".
What it behoves us to bear in mind is this, that every
Gael given to Militarism is a potential factor lost to
the cause of Nationalism. ■"An dearg Amadan agus an
Armailt dearg" is a phrase which seems likely to stick.
We observe with amusement that whenever the
national prospects of Ireland seem to brighten a
little, the English press in this country teems with
reports of " disloyal incidents " in Erin. Only the most
gullible, of course, could possibly be deceived by this
very transparent process of " rigging the thimble ".
The Gaelic press, as a rule, refrains from reporting
these "regrettable" incidents, a praiseworthy
tendency which we beg to confirm. Their bias is so
plain as to involve their summary rejection; but in
case an epidemic of these " sensational " reports may
now be in course of manufacture for future despatch
to this country, it may be as well to draw attention to
the following particulars, in order beforehand to
discount any possible leakage from the precious
consignment in our direction. The Irish national
position is precisely that of the national Scots of
Scotland. We stand on our own ground: we do not
accept history as kindly interpreted for us by Saxon
missionaries of Empire. The Gaelic Tradition, both in
Scotland and Ireland, is a living force, whose internal
significance all who run may read and understand, if
they will but take the trouble to do so. Clearly, that
tradition is entirely incompatible with English supremacy, to which we consider we owe no allegiance.
"Ireland a nation!" "Scotland a nation!"—it is obvious
that these cries would not only be absolutely
meaningless, but downright foolish without the appropriate intention.underlying them. As we have already remarked, our Gaelic banner is inscribed with
the motto "Nationalism!" not "Provincialism". We
recognise no common part in most of what passes for
" British " patriotism. We are fighting, like Hal of the
Wynd, for our own hand. It would be childish to style
this conduct " disloyal" : we cannot be disloyal to
what, as Gaels, we have never accepted.
The Gaelic language is the national tongue of
Scotland : consequently, when writing or speaking in
English, it is strictly correct to refer to it as " Scots "
or the " Scots language "; just as the language of
France is styled, in English, French; that of Russia,
Russian; that of Wales, Welsh; that of Ireland, Irish,
and so on. Every schoolboy knows that the word
"Scot" signifies a Gael, and " Scotland " the land of
the Scot or Gael. In all our early charters the Gaelic
language is styled the Scots language; what is now
erroneously called "Scotch" being styled "quaint
Inglis," which was a dialect of the Teutonic speech
akin to the ancient Anglian tongue of Northumbria.
We are informed by the chroniclers that on the
occasion of the coronation of Alexander III. the royal
genealogy was recited " in the mother tongue"; and
as the writer of the tract De situ Albanie distinguishes
between the Scottish (Gaelic), the British (Welsh)
and the dialect (English), in which the Forth was
known as the " Scots-water"—the speech of the
Lothians—it is evident that " the mother tongue "
beyond the Forth was Scots or Gaelic.
The assumption by the rude jargon subsequently styled "
Scotch " or the " Scotch language " of a title to which
it had no earthly right was, consequently, in the
nature of an impudent imposition, and it is high time
that the fraud were exposed, and the ignorant
practice based upon it discontinued. "Quaint Inglis" if
not buried is at least (as a literary medium, if,
indeed, such it ever was) dead, and all the king's
horses and all the king's men could not put Humpty
Dumpty together again. It is highly desirable that
the issue between the two languages (Scots and
English) in Scotland should be joined as clearly as
possible in order that the fight may be a "straight"
one, and as free from diversions and incumbrances of
all kinds as we can make it. We confidently look,
therefore, to all friends of the Gael in Scotland and
beyond the seas to follow our example in this matter.
Many absurd arguments are used by the enemies
of the national speech to discourage the efforts of
those who are determined to reimpose it upon the
country at large—to make it the "mother tongue" of
Scotland once more; but of all these so-called
arguments perhaps the most foolish and inept is that
which is styled (by its advocates) the " utilitarian".
These simpletons maintain that it is waste of time
and so forth to learn Gaelic, which, they further
assert, has no commercial value. Now those best
qualified to speak know that the national tongue has,
within certain limits, a very decided commercial
value, and that its possession is essential to the
adequate discharge of certain employments and
offices in the Gaelic-speaking districts. This fact,
at least, was very clearly established by the
correspondence which grew out of the anti-national
effusion contributed to the congenial columns of the
London Times by one Stewart, a Cockney attorney
and a defeated Tory candidate for some constituency
or other. But even admitting that the Gaelic
language has presently no commercial value, it is
obvious that by restoring our tongue to its proper
position this alleged discouragement to its
acquisition and obstacle to its propagation must
necessarily be removed. In this respect at least the
people of this country have the remedy (assuming
that one is required) in their own hands. They
have but to insist, as the "Welsh have insisted, and
still do insist, that all public employments shall be
held only by persons who know the national
language, when this alleged disability would
immediately be removed. It would disappear
automatically, as it were, and without need of
deputations to government boards and so forth "to
press the claims" of the language upon officials who,
in this matter, are more desirous to be led than they
are anxious to set an example or to point out a road.
We commend this view to the various societies who
are interested in the matter as being one which they
should and could zealously take up. The people are
now ripe for some such general movement, but they
must be encouraged to show what stuff they are
made of. Scotland is not Ireland, which is cursed
with a Board of " National" Education, principally
composed, as some one has justly remarked, of Tory
fox-hunting squires and Trinity dons; and for our
parts we refuse to believe that the " official mind
"—even at Whitehall—is otherwise than inclined to
be benevolently sympathetic where national aims
and claims are concerned.
Another "argument" employed by our " British "
protagonists is, that the exigencies of modern education cannot be reconciled with the demand for
increased facilities for the study of the national
tongue in our public schools. In a very few words
we purpose to knock the bottom out of this argument
likewise; and if, in course of our demolition thereof,
we cause to fly the stuffing of which, we suspect, its
muddle-headed advocates are principally composed,
our readers may take our word for it that we shall be
neither sorry nor chagrined at what shall have thus
incidentally but providentially occurred. In the first
place, on what is this contention based ? It is said
that time cannot be found for Gaelic inasmuch as the
same is required for more " useful" subjects. What
subjects ? Latin, French, German, etc., replies the
anti-nationalist. Now, does any one, outside
Bedlam, seriously propose to contend that the
smattering of French, Latin or German acquired in
the average Scots public school is a tuneful acquisition, or that it is of the smallest practical value
to the Scot who has to struggle, in after life, for his
existence? If, indeed, any one can be found to
maintain so whimsical a notion, and he is content
first to submit himself to the usual medical tests with
a view to determining his sanity or the reverse
—then all we can say is, take your average pupil to
France or Germany or Borne: set him down amongst
native-speakers or professors, shut your eyes, open
your ears, and see what he will do ! If he does not
cause you to look exceedingly foolish, and, besides
rating you soundly for your ill-natured experiment,
angrily demand his return fare home by the next
train, our name is not what assuredly it is, Guth na
Bliadhna! Of course, our argument assumes that the
average Scotsman wishes to make his way, as the
phrase goes, in countries where French, or German,
or some other foreign language is the
" mother-tongue"; or that his choice of business leads
him to walks of life wherein the possession of French,
or German, or Latin, if not essential, is at least
desirable, and advantageous to himself. But,
needless to say, in the vast majority of cases, the Scot
remains in his own country, or he emigrates to some
land where English is the prevailing tongue. In
either case, he speedily forgets his smattering of
French or German—a smattering, by the way, which,
in many cases, is not even a smattering—and the
time, labour and money spent upon his linguistic "
education " likewise goes by the board. ■ We are
aware of the argument that Gaelic provides an easy
channel for the acquisition of continental languages,
and, for what it is worth, we respect and value it. But
our contention is, that time, labour and money spent
on the teaching of German, French, Latin, etc., in
Scots elementary schools is largely wasted, and must
ever be so, whatever the method employed to impart
that knowledge may be. At all events, the teaching of
these languages should not be allowed for one
moment to stand in the way of proper instruction in
the national tongue. By all means let us have
English, for English, temporarily at all events, is
necessary, and other languages if time and money
admit; but the subordination of the Scots language to
the interests of tongues which cannot be properly
acquired outside their own domain, and whose commercial value is, in the vast majority of cases, and
even when thoroughly acquired, practically nil, is a
monstrous provision against whose transparent
injustice and financial extravagance we enter our
most emphatic and most solemn protest.
LITRICHEAN
[Am do luchd-seilbhe Guth na Bliadhna dòrlach
Lòchran an Anma a chur a dh'ionnsaidh
luchd-bruidhinn na Gàidhig an Colaisde Caitliceach
a' Bhlàir, faisg air Abaraidheann, fhuair iad an litir a
leanas a chaidh a sgriobhadh le h-aon de na
sgoilearan a th'ann.]
Tha sinne, luchd-labhairt na Gàidhlig anns a'
Cholaisde so, ro dhèidheil air taing a thoirt dhuibh
air son an Leabhar sin, Lòchran an Anma, a bha sibh
cho caomhneil agus a chur d'ar n-ionnsuidh.
Tha sinn 'ga fhaicinn glè mhath dhuibh, agus tha
e soilleir ri fhaicinn gu'm bheil sibh a dol gu mòran
dragh air son a' Ghàidhlig a chumail suas; agus tha e
'leigeil ris dhuinn, cuideachd, cho deònach agus a tha
sibh air a' Chreideamh Chaitliceach a sgaoileadh.
Tha a' Ghaidhlig ni's làidire ann a so a nis na bha
i fo chionn bliadhna no dhà air ais. Thèid aig
deichnear againn air a bruidhinn, agus tha coig eile
ann a tha 'ga ionnsachadh.
Tha an leabhar so 'na thaitneas mòr do na h-uile
h-aon againn, gu sònruichte do'n fheadhainn a
chaidh ainmeachadh mu dheireadh.
Tha sinn a rìs a'toirt tainge dhuibh, agus a' cur
romhainn gu'n ùisinnich sinn e gach latha, gun an
t-ainm
a
chuir
d'ar
n-ionnsuidh
e
a
dhi-chuimhni-cheadh.
Is sinne, le'r cead, AN
LUCHD-LABHAIRT GÀIDHLIG.
Litrichean
392
GAELIC HISTOEY
SIR,
A good many years have passed since
Professor Von Pflugk-Harthiing sent me parts of his
" History of Ireland " (from the second to the seventh
century), published in the University Review of
Heidelberg; and I remember he had for twenty years
collected the materials for writing it, amongst which
rank no less than two thousand illustrations of
Irish-Gaelic arts and handicrafts as practised in
those remote times. He also kindly sent me some of
his criticisms on Papal documents of the period,
which he proved to have been falsified in England to
the detriment of Ireland. Whether Professor Von
Pflugk-Harthiing has already published his two
volumes on Irish history, I cannot say, having had
no correspondence with him for some time:1 if not,
they might be published with great advantage to the
cause of Gaelic history.
I well remember reading in that professor's
writings that Ireland, then called the Island of
Saints, gloried in those remote times in a high
civilisation, equalled only by that of the Byzantine
Litrichean
240
Empire ; that is to say, civilisation then existed only
at the two extremities of Europe. All the country
lying between Ireland and Byzance was then
inhabited by rank barbarians. Pflugk-Harthiing
further states that many of the Irish, then called
Scots, went over to France, South Germany, and
Switzerland to Christianise and civilise those
countries, and this accounts for the fact that many
of the churches in those countries bear the names
1 The professor informs us that this history is not yet complete.
of Irish saints. Some of these Gaelic monks came as
far as Regensburg (Ratisbonne), and founded there a
college, called the Schotten Colleg, where one of them
immured himself, this kind of self-immolation being
not rare amongst these monks, who were austere in
the extreme. On the other hand, the Scottish monks
seem to have already manifested the national failing
of fighting amongst themselves, thereby verifying
the saying that "the Irish are only at peace when
they are fighting"! This college was, later on,
transferred to Vienna, where it bore the same name,
Schotten Colleg or Zuder Schotten, and exists to this
day, being known as one of the best colleges in
Litrichean
Austria. It is conducted by, I believe,
Benedictines. Close to the Schotten Colleg is the
Schottenhar (Gate of the Scots) and the Schotten/eld
(Field of the Scots). The Celts have evidently made a
lasting impression on Vienna, judging by the chara
-ter of the Viennese population. There is, too, in the
same city a square known as Schottenring (the
Square of the Scots).
There is an interesting feature about the Welsh
to which I should like to call your attention. It is
generally believed that "Welsh " is, in a corrupted
form, the original name of the Celtic population of
Wales. This seems not to be so, however. When the
Saxons landed in Britain under their leaders
Hengist and Horsa, they found the south and west of
the country (including London) occupied by the
Britons, and entering into warfare with them, they
appear, in course of time, to have expelled them into
the mountainous country to the west of England.
Now, it is, or should "be, a well-known fact that the
Teutons called all foreign nations they encountered
in their march of conquest Welsche, in like manner as
the Romans called all foreign nations
Barbarians. This expression has preserved itself with
the rural population in Germany, where the
peasants to this day call Frenchmen, Italians and
Walloons, collectively, Welsche, just as they style
France and Italy Welschland. The Saxons, on their
arrival in Britain, must have had this custom, which
gave rise to the term Welsh, as applied to the Celtic
peoples, whose own name for themselves is, however, Cymri. The real British, i.e. "Welsh," possessions
originally extended, as you know, to the mouth of
392
Litrichean
241
the Clyde. The name Cumberland is, doubtless, but
another form of Cymri-land.
Gaelic culture has been ruthlessly overshadowed
by English or so-called " British " civilisation. The "
British" system of land tenure is notoriously the
worst in the world. It embodies all the vices of
Norman feudalism, without any of its original
virtues. But once this system is broken down, the
Gaels will arise again. The momentous fact remains
that, in reality, the Gaels Christianised and civilised
a great part of Europe.
Your obedient servant,
A. DE LINDEN.
To the Editor of GUTH NA BLIADHNA.
NA H-ALBANNAICH AN CANADA
ANNS an eachdraidh ghasda a thug sibh dhuinn air
Na h-Albannaich an Canada, tha ni no dhà cearr a
dh'amaiseas mi, le'r cead, a' cheartachadh. Air
taobh-duilleag 247, tha an sgriobhadair ag ràdh gu'n
d'ardaicheadh
Alasdair
Mac
Coinnich,
fear-rannsachaidh Airde-Tuath Chanada, leis an
tiodal Iarla Shelkirk. Cha d'fhuair Mac Coinnich gu
inbhe Iarla, ach gu inbhe Ridire. Air an làimh eile,
bhuinneadh Iarla Shelkirk do thaigh uasal nan
Dughlasach, an siorramachd Kirkcudbright. B'e an
coigeamh Iarla de'n ainm a tha cho dluchean-gailte
ri Canada. Threòraich e mòran Ghàidheil gu Eilean
Prionnsa Eideird, gu Cille-dhonain (aig Winnepeg)
agus gu caochladh àite eile an Ontario, gu
sònraichte Bal-an-duinn ri taobh Locha Erie.
Rugadh Iarla Shelkirk so, anns a' bhliadhna 1774,
Litrichean
agus chaochail e 'sa bhliadhna 1820 an deigh
beatha saothrachaill, anns nach deachaidh cùisean
leis mar bu mhath leinn.
Chriochnaich Mac Coinnich a shaothair 'san
Airde-an-Iar-Thuath mu'n deachaidh Sime Friseal
am mach a' rannsachadh nan tirean iomallach sud,
agus mar sin, cha b' ann "sios Abhainn an
Fhrio-sailich " a chaidh Mac Coinnich, air a thurus
iomraiteach, ach suas aon de mheur uachdrach na
h-aibhne sin, 'sa mach o sin thar na beanntaibh
mòra gu ruig a' chuan. Tha mi 'cur làn aonta ris :na
tha an sgriobadair ag ràdh mu shàr-obair na
h-Albannaich an Canada.
A. F.
392
*'CLO-CHLAR CAITLICEACH NA H-ALBA"
LE'R CEAD,
Leig leinn, tha sinn a' guidhe oirbh, focal no
-dhà a ràdh mu'n Chlò-chlar so, a chaidh air bonn a
Ios leabhraichean Chaitliceach a chur a mach airson
Gàidheil na h-Alba.
Is e An Cath Spioradail, a chaidh a sgrìobhadh le
Lorentzo
Scupoli,
agus
a
chaidh
eadar-theanga-•chadh leis an Athair Mac Eachainn
nach maireann, a' chiad leabhar a chuireas sinn a
mach ; agus ma thèid soirbheachadh leinn, tha sinn
a' cur romhainn leabhraichean Caitliceach eile a
chur a mach o àm gu h-àm.
Chaidh An Cath
Spioradail a chur a mach am baile Pheairt anns a'
bhliadhna 1835 ; ach. tha e anabarrach duilich an
leabhar sin fhaotainn aig an latha an duigh.
Sgrìobh an t-Athair Mac Eachainn mu'n leabhar so,
Litrichean
242
anns an Eoimh-radh a chuir e r'a chèile, mar a
leanas.
"Is ionann an leabhar so agus sgàthan
anns am faicear caithe-beatha naomh air a cur a
mach 'na riochd dealbhach fhèin mar tha i anns an
t-Soisgeul. Tha an leabhar so a' fiachainn an seòl
sònruichte mar is-còir dhuinn sinn fhèin
umhlachadh agus a chlaoidh. Tha e 'gar cur air
rathad dìreach agus cinnteach anns am faod
sinnigluasad gu Rìoghachd Fhlathanais air ceuman
na naomhachd a's àirde. Ma shaoileas daoine
saoghalta, a tha bàite an ùpraid agus, an caonnaig
na beatha so, gu'm bheil an naomhachd a tha an
leabhar so a' cur mu'n coinneamh muatha's àrd agus
duilich air an son, thugadh iad fainear nach e
rathad do Fhlathanas a dheanamh doirbh ach rèidh
dhoibh, a bha am beachd an ughdaire. B'àill leis
suim is brìgh an t-Soisgeil a thional gn beagan
bhriathran, agus a sheagh uile a chur a mach fo
cheithir chomhairlean, anns am faic sinn,, mar a
ghluaiseas sinn air gach ceum do'n t-slighe do
Fhlathanas, mar a sheachnas sinn foill ar
nàimhdean spioradail, mar a chlaoidheas sinn ar
n-ana-mian-nan, agus mar a bheir sinn a mach
subhailcean. A dh'aon fhocal, tha an leabhar so a'
soilleireachadh agus a' fiachainn mar a chleachdar
'sa chuirear an gnìomh uile chomhairlean an
t-Soisgeil. Tha an Soisgeul ag iarraidh oirnn sinn
fhèin aicheadh : tha an leabhar so a' fiachainn nan
dòighean air an d'thèid so a dheanamh. Tha an
Soisgeul ag iarraidh oirnn dòchas làidir a chur an
Dia: tha an leabhar so ag innseadh mar a nithear so.
Tha an Soisgeul a' cur mu'r coinneamh feum math a
Litrichean
thoirt as na tàlantan a fhuair sinn : tha an
leabhar so a' soilleireachadh
nan tàlantan sin, agus a' fiachainn mar a chuirear
gu deadh fheum iad. Tha an Soisgeul a' cur
dleasnas na h-ùrnaigh mar fhiachaibh oirnn: tha an
leabhar so a' mineachadh na h-ùrnaigh, agus mar is
coir a cleachdadh. Ma sin, chithear anns an
leabhar so suim is brìgh an t-Soisgeil gu h-iomlan,
mar gu'm b'ann an sgàthan. Air an aobhar sin, an
neach air am bheil am miann dìreach gu mullach na
coimh-lionachd a's àirde, leanadh e na coimhairlean
a tha air an cur a mach anns an leabhar so." Tha
an t-Athair foghlumta a'dunadh a stèidh anns na
briathraibh so. "Tha e, a nis, air a thionndadh gu
Gàidhlig; agus gu Gàidhlig, cuideachd, ris na
ghabhadh rud-eigin saothrachail, gus a fàgail rèidh,
soilleir dealbhach—saor o fhoclan Beurla agus o
Ghàidhlig leathan thuathach."
Cuirear a mach An Cath Spioradail ùr air toiseach
na bliadhna so tighinn. Thèid a chlo-bhualadh air
deadh phaipeir, agus le litir-clòdh gu tur soilleir.
Bithidh e air a reic airson aon tasdan agus sia
sgillinn (no, sia-deug cents thar fhichead) am fear,
gun ghuth a thaobh duais a' phost. Ma thèid
soirbheachadh leinn, air taobh an leabhar so, tha
sinn a' cur romhainn Eachdraidh na h-Alba a chur a
mach 'na dhèidh airson sgoilean Albannaich. Leig
leinn a ràdh, mata, gur h-e an dòigh a's feàrr gus
misneach is cuideachadh a thoir oirnn fios a chur an
diugh air An Cath Spioradail ùr. Is e fior dhleasnas a
h-uile h-aon againn (gu h-àraid is e dleasnas
Caitliceaich na h-Alba is Chanada) cainnt ar
dùthcha a chumail suas, agus an dòigh a's feàrr gu
392
Litrichean
243
sin a dheanamh is e so—leabhraichean Gàidhlig a
cheannaich.
Is sinne, le'r cead, CLO-CHLAR CAITLICEACH
NA H-ALBA. 20 AN T-SRAID ARD, PEAIRT.
GIULAN NAN SASUNNACH AN DEIDH BLAR
CHÙIL-FHODAIR
LE'R CEAD,
Tha mi a' cur làn aonta ris na tha bhur
fear-rannsachaidh ag ràdh mu'n leabhar ud ris an
goirear Fontenoy, agus ris an do chuir Lord Roberts
Roimh-Ràdh ro bhaoghalta. Bha giulan nan
Sasunn-ach an deigh blàr Chùil-Fhodair anabarrach
bruideil ; ach cha d'thug Mac Coinnich san
Eachdraidh a chuir e r'a chèile mu bheatha
Phrionnsa Thearlaich ach roinn bheag dheth sin.
Chi sinn mar so leis na bha ùghdar Caraid nan
Gàidheal ag ràdh mu'n chùis so. " Cha'n ann da
rìreadh gun sgreamh agus gun oillt (deir esan), is
urrainn duinn smaointeachadh air an sgrios gun
iochd a thugadh air ar luchd-dùthcha an deigh Blàr
Chùil-Fhodair. Faodar a ràdh le mor fhirinn nach
cualas a shamhuil an aon chogadh a thachair san
Roinn Eòrpa. Mar nach fòghnadh leis an arm-dearg
na chuir iad gu dìth anns a' bhlàr; an deigh dhoibh
an ruaig a chur, tharruing iad an claidheannan,
agus mar allamh-araich fhiadhaich, chaidh iad air
an ais agus air an adhart feadh na h-àrfhaich a' cur
as do gach aon anns an d'fhuair iad an deò; agus le
bruidealachd air nach d'thugadh riamh bàrr, a'
sathadh an lann an cneas nan laoch treuna a bha
cheana marbh. Cha'n e a mhàin gu'n do cheadaich
Diùc Chumber-land so, ach is ann a ghabh e mòr
Litrichean
tlachd anns a' chùis. Tamull beag an deigh do'n
bhlar a bhi seachad bha e fèin agus Wolfe a'
marcachd far an do chuireadh am blàr, agus air dha
Gàidheal bochd leònta fhaicinn air 'uilinn, thubhairt
an Diùc ri Wolfe, " tilg an slaightire ud, aig am bheil
de dhànadas amharc orm leis na h-uiread thàir. '
Tha mo dhreachd am buil do mhòrachd,' arsa Wolfe,
' ach cha bhi mi 'am mhortair.'"
" An deigh a' bhlar chuala e gu'n robh cuid de na
daoine fathast beò, a dh'aindeoin gach leòin is
ana-cothruim a fhuair iad, 'nan sineadh a muigh air
an raoin fo'n uisge throm a thuit feadh na h-oidhche.
Chuireadh cuid de'n arm-dhearg a mach o Inbhirnis
a chum cur as doibh so; agus ma bha'n t-òrdugh
sgreamhail, chaidh a chur an gniomh air modh cho
gràineil. Air an là am maireach chuireadh
cuid-eachan a mach air feadh na dùthcha a
rannsachadh gach taighe anns an saoileadh iad an
gabhadh na daoine leònta fasgadh. Fhuaradh
àireamh mòr dhiubh : mhortadh iad uile ach fear no
dhà a fhuair as le bàidhealachd aoin de na h-oifigich.
Bha duine measail, nach bhuineadh do thaobh seach
taobh, a chunnaic a dhà-dheug agus tri-ficead air an
cur gu bàs mar so air an treas là an deigh a' bhlàir"
Ach, mar tha an ùghdar so ag ràdh, cha robh an
so ach faoineachd an coimeas ri uamhais eile a
chuireadh an gnìomh. Dlùth do'n bhlàr-chath, bha
bothan chaorach far an d'iarr cuid de na daoine
leòinte fasgadh. Fhuair an t-arm-dearg a mach iad :
dhuin iad an dorus, agus chuir iad r'a theine e,
ionnas gu'n loisgeadh, cha'n e a mhàin na bha de
dhaoine leòinte ann, ach, mar an ceudna, cuid de
mhuinntir iochdmhor a thàinig a fhreasdal doibh. "
392
Litrichean
244
An deigh do na h-uile bhèistean gràineil a rinn so an
t-àite fhàgail, fhuaras le muinntir na dùthcha
dà-fhichead corp anns a' bhothan thruagh so, an cor
nach unainn cainnt a chur an cèill." So sgeulachd
sunndach eile a tha an t-ùghdar so a' toirt seachad. "
Fhuaras naoi Oifigich dheug an coille a' call fala,
ghiùlaineadh iad dlùth do thaigh Chùil-Fhodair, ach
cha robh a' chridhe fasgadh taighe a thoirt doibh, no
idir an creuchdan a cheangal suas. Bha aon
400
Litrichean
fhear-muinntir bochd san taigh mhòr so, a ghabh de
mhisnich beagan bìdh a thoirt doibh, ged a bha e an
cunnart dioladh gu trom air a shon. Fhuaradh iad so
a mach air an treas là, leis an arm-dhearg,
cheanglach iad gu cruaidh teann, tilgeadh iad air
muin a chèile an cairt; chuireadh a mach iad ri
aodann balla àird, agus mu'm b'urrainn doibh aon
ùrnaigh ghoirid a chur suas, loisgeadh orra le sreath
de shaighdeirean a sheas mar uidh dheich troidhean
doibh, agus an earalas gu'm biodh an deò an aon
diubh, dh'iarradh air na saighdairean iad a chur as
doibh le earr an gunnachan."
Na h-uiread so mu dhèimhinn giùlan bhruideil
nan Sasunnach an deigh blàr Chùil-Fhodair. Gu
dearbh, bu choir gu'm biodh e mar aobhar maslaidh
agus cromaidh cinn do na Sasunnaich uile; ach a
rèir coltais, cha'n ann idir mar sin a tha ùghdar an
leabhar ud Fontenoy, agus a chuid càirdean am
measg nan Sasunnach, a' gabhail ris. Is iomadh
h-aon a tha aig an latha an diugh ro dhèidheil air ar
n-Eachdraidh fèin agus na laoich o'n d'thàinig sinn a
leigeadh air di-chuimhne; ach, ged nach 'eil e 'nar
comas mion-chunntas a thoirt air gach losgadh agus
creachadh a rinneadh air luchd-leanmhuinn
Thearlaich, gidheadh cha 'n 'eil e iomchuidh gu'n
rachadh iad an di-chuimhneach-adh gu tur. Sheas
iad a mach gu duineil air taobh ar dùthcha-ne, agus
dh'fhuluig iad mòran nithean air a son. Nach ann
mar sin a tha sinn a' deanamh rithe air an latha an
diugh ?
Is mise, etc.,
SAIGHDEAR BUIDHE.
IMPORTANT NOTICE
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a new volume, the space between the various
articles will be increased. It is thought that this
small change will add to the appearance of the
Periodical.
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correspondence dealing with subjects within the
scope of this Review.
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The Editor of GUTH NA BLIADHNA,
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