Table of Contents, Foreword by Stuart Hall and Preface to
Llampeter and New York: The Edwin Mellen (Publication date November
2002)
List of maps and tables
Foreword
Preface
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Introduction: the aims of this study
Chapeltown: maps and demographics
Introduction: maps and impressions
Buildings and open space: a brief history
Leeds: ethnic population statistics
Chapeltown: population statistics
Occupation and lifestyle
Ethnic segmentation and ‘community’ institutions in Chapeltown
Caribbean groups
South Asians
White populations
Conclusion
Chapter 3
‘We did not come alive in Britain’:
A brief history of migration to Chapeltown
Introduction
The migration from the Caribbean
The migrations from South Asia and East Africa xi
xiii xv
1
9
47

iv
Indian (Sikh) settlement
Pakistani (Muslim) settlement
Bangladeshi (Muslim) settlement
Conclusion
Chapter 4
The concept of community
Three dimensions of ‘actual community’
1) Territory and its (non) representation
2) Theorising the social: conceptualising social relationships
Marx: alienation and the social
Weber: types of social relationship
Modern sociology: relationships in ‘mass society’
3) The politics of ‘community’: values and goals
Community as a social imaginary
Beyond ‘community studies’: a typology of subjective orientations
Chapter 5
Chapeltown: territory and the social construction of space
Introduction
Maps and the sociology of space
79
127
The discursive construction of space and territory in Chapeltown
Early modern settlers
Jewish settlers: discourses of the (white) Other
Black settlers: the sexualised and racialised discourse of hell
The economic construction of Chapeltown’s social space
Conclusion
Chapter 6
Constructing ‘community’: forming social movements, 1972-75
The urban social movement thesis
161
Caribbean-led mobilisations in the early 1970s
The Chapeltown Parents Action Group: ‘community’ as racialised reform
The West Indian Afro Brotherhood: ‘community’ as racialised reform
Indian-led action in the early 197 0s. The Sikhs: ‘community’ as religious reform
White and multi-cultural politics in Chapeltown in the 1970s
The Chapeltown Community Association 1971 - 3: ‘community’ as reform (interethnic)
The CCA 1973 - 5: ‘community’ as anti-racist socialism
The CCA: an urban social movement?
Ethnic identities
Conclusion: the complexities of ‘community’ action
Chapter 7
Violence and the competing politics of ‘community’, 1975-81
Introduction
Reggae and Rastafarianism: violence and redemption
The proto-politics of Bonfire Night 1975
207

v
The 1981 rebellion: social movements and the politics of violence
Conclusion
Chapter 8
Segmenting ‘community’: the decline of the social movements, 1981-97
241
Introduction
The 1980s: processes of individualisation and ethnic segmentation
The Harehills and Chapeltown Liaison Committee
Professionalisation and individualisation
Arguing for ethnic unity
Ethnic segmentation
‘Community’ building(s)
‘The Rushdie Affair’: consolidating Muslim ‘difference’
Partial social movements, 1986 - 1994: ‘community’ deconstructed
Changes in identification: ‘community’ politics, careers and ethnicities
Conclusion
Chapter 9
Crime, social relations and the deconstruction of ‘community’
Introduction
Crime and its impact on ‘community’ in Chapeltown
Racialising street crime
Young people, unemployment and education
Attempting to mobilise ‘the community’ against hard drugs
Crime, everyday life and the breakdown of trust
Trust and social control: some personal accounts
Migration and ontological security: more personal accounts
Conclusion
297
343 Chapter 10
Conclusion: constructing and de-constructing
‘community’ in Chapeltown
Appendix
Epistemology and methodology
Epistemology and methodology
Participant observation in Chapeltown
Six problems with participant observation
Documentary sources
Conclusion
Primary sources and bibliography
Index
359
381
399

vi

vii
Map 2.1
Map 2.2
General map situating Chapeltown
Chapeltown around 1840
Map 2.3
Map 2.4
Chapeltown around 1890
Chapeltown around 1950
Table 2.1 Ethnic minority settlement in Leeds, 1951-1991
Map 2.5 Enumeration district map (Chapeltown)
Table 2.2 Ethnic minorities: figures for the author’s map
10
12
13
15
19
22 of Chapeltown, 1991
Table 2.3 Male unemployment rates in 1991 for author’s map
23 of Chapeltown
Table 2.4
Occupational structure of Chapeltown (author’s map)
25 and Leeds, 1991 26
Table 2.5 Lifestyles: Chapeltown (author’s map) and Leeds, 199128
Map 2.6 The Caribbean 32
Map 2.7
Map 2.8
The Indian sub-continent
The Punjab
Table 4.1 A typology of subjective orientations
Map 5.1 Chapeltown: the Ordinance Survey map compared to the ‘local knowledge’ map
34
36
119
131
Map 5.2 Circa 1580 map of Chapel Allerton and the territory now known as Chapeltown 137
Map 5.3 Pattern of land ownership in and around Chapeltown in the mid-nineteenth century 140
Table 8.1 Provision of built facilities in Chapeltown, 1972 – 1997 263
Table 9.1 Numbers of selected crimes recorded by the West Yorkshire
Police Force, Chapeltown South policing area, 1986-96
302
Figure 9.1 Graph of selected crimes recorded by the West Yorkshire
Police Force, Chapeltown South policing area, 1986-1996
303
Table 9.2 Unemployment and educational participation among
313 16-19 year olds in Chapeltown and Leeds
Table 9.3 Unemployment and educational participation among
20-24 year olds in Chapeltown and Leeds 313

viii
Despite the voluminous literature on post-war migration to Britain, there are few, serious, in-depth studies of how the politics of race plays out at local level in particular communities. This book is such a study, based on
Chapeltown, a multi-ethnic inner-city area of Leeds. Using the muchinvoked, but slippery and contested concept of ‘community’–one of the principal code-words of race politics in Britain –Max Farrar undertakes a meticulous and critical analysis which unpacks the complexities of racial and ethnic politics in Chapeltown from the 1970s to the present. He sets the social and demographic scene and outlines the pattern of migration and the way urban space was constructed and transformed by the changing composition of the population. He then traces the birth of antiracist politics and the formation of social movements across the different communities; the social unrest and proto-rebellions of the early 1980s; the growing ethn ic segmentation and the strengthening of ‘difference’ of the 1990s; and the fragmentation of community through the criminalisation of disadvantage which characterises Chapeltown today.
This is a trajectory which, with variations, can be traced in many other places over the same period. The period of high activism is not idealised: there is a vivid sense of what he calls ‘the competing and violent politics of community’ in the 1970s and 1980s. However, the consequences of fragmentation along ethnic lines for the utopian dream of an imagined community grounded in a radical, anti-racist politics –the ‘paradise’ signalled in the book –is soberly, even stoically, confronted.
Max Farrar brings to this task a life-long engagement with inner-city politics in Chapeltown, a well-substantiated and detailed grasp of the history and changing shape and fortunes of the area. The account is framed by a developed sociological perspective, which critically review the existing literature on ‘community’, adding a significant dimension of its own –the idea of ‘community’ itself as a social, even as a utopian, imaginary. The ethnographic account of community politics in action not only stands in its own rich detail, but also gives substance to the wider, macro-political trends to which Chapeltown narrative is constantly related.
It is out of the analytic narratives like this that the history of the post-war black and Asian diasporas in Britain will ultimately be written. Above all,

ix the book speaks eloquently to a passionate commitment to the cause of racial justice and social equality, which enriches rather than diminishes its scholarly value, and to courage and hope tenaciously sustained in the face of the remorselessness of historical change.
Stuart Hall
Emeritus Professor of Sociology
The Open University
U.K.

x
This book represents a labour of love and this Preface is a thank-you to all those who have made it possible. It started in 1970 when I moved to
Spencer Place, in Chapeltown, while a third-year student at Leeds
University. Alan Dawe, Bob Towler and Dennis Warwick made sociology seem worthwhile, and almost commensurate with my revolutionary aspirations. John Rex’s work, and his kind words, inspired me to engage in a study of a multi-ethnic inner city. Bob got me a SSRC grant (1972-4) during which I started research
 and he smiled indulgently when I gave it up, having concluded that sociology was a bourgeois deviation. I had realised, as well, that I could learn little that was worth saying about
Chapeltown within the period of a research grant.
As this book shows, a notion like ‘the people of Chapeltown’ is too woolly for sociology
 but the Preface claims the privileges of everyday life.
It is ‘the people of Chapeltown’ who have to be thanked most of all: without the affection and help from innumerable people this book would never have materialised. Many of those who have criticised me have contributed to my self-knowledge and sociological understanding, and I thank them, too. People who were kind enough to allow me to record interviews are named in the list of primary sources. Some of them, and many others to whom I am indebted, are referred to in the text.
Pseudonyms have been used where the material is personally sensitive. I hope that this book
 despite its jargon and its fairly neutral tone of voice
 betrays my personal, political support for the extraordinary struggles of ordinary people to realise their dream of a better life for all, to attain an earthly paradise. I also hope that it is used by those who wish to develop and extend those struggles in Chapeltown, and elsewhere. That, for me, would justify this enterprise.
Some time in the early 1990s I became a born-again sociologist.
Zygmunt Bauman’s books made the job seem worthwhile again. His work, and that of Paul Gilroy and Stuart Hall confirmed the possibility of a politically relevant sociology. Leeds Polytechnic employed me in
Community Education. Sharing an office with Cal Clothier showed me that there was a zest for life, love, shopping and writing inside the concrete towers, so I began to feel at home. I miss him dearly. We turned into a University and a School of Cultural Studies. A Ph.D. became necessary and, as Chapeltown’s social movements seemed to be disintegrating, I wanted to find a way of summarising my own observation and commitment. For its financial support in fees and grants I offer

xi sincere thanks to the Leeds Metropolitan University Faculty of Cultural and Education Studies. Considering the under-resourcing of the modern universities, its staff development programme has been extremely generous. So this book started life as a Ph.D. thesis. Simon Gunn and
Gordon Johnston were stimulating and supportive as supervisors;
Simon’s detailed notes have made a valued contribution. Without
Zygmun t Bauman’s enthusiastic responses to various articles and chapters I would never have had the confidence to continue. None, of course, can be blamed for the outcome. The penetrating questions and discussion raised at the viva for the Ph.D. by Paul Bagguley, Stuart Hall and Graham Haughton were much appreciated.
My friends Ruth Bundey, Graham Frost, Miranda Miller and Jane Storr did me a huge service by proof-reading early versions of this tome. Joan
Dearnley did the final proofing, and produced the detailed index. Phillipa
Boyce in Leeds Metropolitan University’s Learning Technology Services produced the maps, and Lee Walsh designed the cover. Rachel Evans helped me with the complexities of book-style headers and the admin staff in the School of Cultural Studies helped me keep calm as I grappled with the mysteries of camera-ready page lay-out. Further detailed advice on page lay-out came from Iona Williams at the Edwin Mellen Press. I am very grateful to them all.
My parents, Betty and Don, my brother and sister, Guy and Lucy, and my out-of-laws, Mary, Robert and Athaliah have been more help than they realise. Our children, Rose and John, have watched over this work from the womb, and it provided them with endless ripostes whenever I complained that they hadn’t finished their essays on time. My partner
Jane has been there since before the beginning. Her love and unflagging support at every painstaking stage of its development is the main reason why I have finally been able to draw this work to a (temporary) close.
Leeds
November 2001