Can pitch accent type convey information status in yes-no
questions?
M a r t i n e Grice* and M i c h e l i n a Savino*'i"
*Institute of Phonetics, FR 8.7, University of the Saarland,
Postfach 1150, 66041 Saarbrticken, Germany
1-Politecnico di Bari, Italy
mgrice@coli.uni-sb.de, esavino@poliba.it
Abstract
distinction between old and new information
and whether this distinction is reflected in the
choice of intonation pattern used.
This paper analyses the intonation of polar
questions extracted from a corpus of taskoriented dialogues in the Bari variety of
Italian. They are classified using a system
developed for similar dialogues in English
where each question is regarded as an initiating move in a conversational game
(Carletta et al 1995). It was found that there
was no one-to-one correspondence between
move-type and intonation pattern. An alternative classification was carried out taking
A distinction has been made in the analysis
of a dialogue corpus in English (Carletta et al,
1995) where information-seeking questions
are referred to as QUERIES and confirmationseeking questions as CHECKS. In the canonical examples given in English, QUERIES and
CHECKS are syntactically distinct (Kowtko et
al, 1992; Carletta et al, 1995); "Do you have a
rockfall?" and "So you want me to go down
two inches?", respectively. The former uses
interrogative and the latter declarative syntax.
In Italian, on the other hand, where all yes-no
question types have the same syntactic form
as declaratives, the intonation pattern plays a
greater role. "Vado a destra" can be translated
as "I go to the right" (statement), "Do I go to
the fight?" (QUERY) or "(So) I go to the
right?" (CHECK). We therefore investigate
dialogues in Italian where it is possible to
isolate the role of intonation patterns.
into account information status, that is,
whether or not the informationrequested by
the speaker is recoverablefrom the previous
dialogue context. It is found that the degree
of confidencewith which the speaker believes the informationto be shared with the interlocutor is reflected in the choice of pitch
accent and postfocal accentual pattern. Low
confidence polar questions contain a L+H*
focal pitch accent and allow for accents to
follow it, whereas high confidence ones contain a H*+L focal pitch accent, followed by
deaccenting or suppression of accents.
1
Intonation contours can be analysed as
having two types of tonal specification: tones
which have a prominence-lending function,
referred to here as pitch accents, and those
which delimit intonational phrases, referred to
here as boundary tones (Pierrehumbert,1980;
Beckman and Ayers 1994). In Standard Italian
(SI), it is argued that the boundary tone or a
combination of pitch accent and boundary
tone play a role in distinguishing questions
from statements (Avesani, 1990; Chapallaz,
1979; D'Eugenio, 1982; Canepari, 1980;
Agard and di Pietro, 1965). In all cited cases
of SI yes-no questions have a final rising
contour or high boundary tone. In a number of
other varieties of Italian, those spoken in Bari
(Grice and Savino, 1995) and Palermo (Grice
Introduction
In this paper we examine the intonation of
polar questions. Such questions may elicit an
affirmative or negative reply concerning information which is totally new, i.e. where the
speaker believes the information is not recoverable from the dialogue context. These
are often referred to as information-seeking
questions. They may also; however, refer to
old information, i.e. that which the speaker
believes has already been conveyed. These are
often referred to as confirmation-seeking
questions. Using a corpus of task-oriented
dialogues, we investigate how far it is possible
in such questions to make a clear-cut binary
29
1995) for instance, it is solely the pitch accent
which has the distinguishing function. Our
analysis here is based on a corpus of Bari
Italian dialogues, allowing us to concentrate
on the relation between pitch accent type and
question type.
2
Dialogue Corpus
The corpus analysed consists of task-oriented
dialogues between six pairs of Bari Italian
speakers. The task, based on the HCRC Map
Task (Anderson et al, 1991), involves verbal
co-operation (via auditory channel only) between two participants, each having a map,
with the aim of transferring as accurately as
possible a given route from one map to the
other. There are a number of discrepancies in
placement and positioning of the landmarks
on the maps. Since our aim was to examine
intonation contours, the landmark names contained mainly sonorants and were controlled
for word stress pattern.
3
Intonation analysis
The intonation analysis employs a modified
version of the ToBI transcription system
(Beckman and Ayers 1994) using two tones,
H (high) and L (low). When they occur in
pitch accents, one tone is starred, indicating
association with a metrically strong syllable
(Pierrehumbert 1980). They may also function
as boundary markers for one of two phrase
types: intermediate (or minor), indicated by
"-" after H or L, and intonation (or major)
phrase, marked with "%". The pitch accents
referred to in this paper are L+H*, which
involves a low pitch target just before a high
accented syllable, H+L*, which involves a
high pitch target immediately preceding a low
accented syllable, and H*+L, a high target
early in the accented syllable followed by a
rapid fall (see Grice and Savino 1995 for a
discussion of peak placement). In addition, H*
and L* involve a high or low target,
respectively, on the accented syllable, with no
specification as to the pitch contour flanking
it. The boundary tones referred to are L- and
the combination L-L%, both of which give a
low pitch value at the end of the phrase, and
the combination L-H% which gives a slight
rise up to the end of the phrase, with a low
starting point at some distance before the
endpoint.
4
Question types
The questions occurring in our corpus are
described with the coding scheme for
conversational games used to describe the
English HCRC Map Task corpus (Kowtko et
al 1992, Carletta et al 1995). Conversational
games are sequences of acts, referred to as
moves, such as the possible sequence of
QUERY-REPLY-ACKNOWLEDGE moves
within a QUERY game. Since each move
within a given game may have a distinct
intonation pattern, we confine our analysis to
individual moves.
The analysis here c o n c e n t r a t e s on
QUERIES and CHECKS as described in 1
above, both of which are initiating moves
within games of the same name. The Map
Task coding scheme has another question-type
where the speaker is attempting to get
evidence that the transfer was successful, so
that s/he can move onto the next game. This is
called an ALIGN. Examples of ALIGNS
might be "Have you drawn it?" or "OK?".
They may seek information about new or old
material within the discourse and may thus
pattern with either of the above-mentioned
question moves. Another move-type found in
our corpus is not categorised in the current
Map Task coding scheme, but may be fitted
into the framework as a responding move
which indicates that the communication has
been unsuccessful. We refer to this move as
OBJECT. It is used to point out that there has
been a break-down in communication, such
that the game cannot continue until common
ground is re-established. OBJECT moves
contrast with A C K N O W L E D G E moves.
These latter indicate that communication has
been successful, and e n c o u r a g e the
interlocutor to proceed with the game.
Examples of OBJECT moves discussed below
are of the type that are categorised elsewhere
as 'echo questions' (inter alia Cruttenden
1986), because they echo, or repeat, all or part
of what has just been said by the interlocutor.
Because these types of OBJECT move are
considered to be a category of question in the
intonation literature, they are analysed here
alongside moves of questioning force. However, since they could be responding within
30
one g a m e as well as initiating another (sub)game, they c a n n o t be classified as s i m p l e
questions, which have only an initiating function (Carletta et al, 1995).
5
context:
F: ... no, aspetta, scusa, la la strada passa da sotto, hai
detto
(...no, wait a minute, sorry, the the path goes
underneath, you said)
G: si°, da sotto l'albergo Malaga
Intonation and moves
(yes, under hotel Malaga)
[pause]
F: ecco, e poi la la il devo questa strada devo farla ehm
tocc.., devo devo
ehm dove dove la faccio terminate?
The intonation contours used for each type of
m o v e will be d i s c u s s e d and e x e m p l i f i e d
below, along with the dialogue context from
which the example has been excised (where G
is the route giver and F the follower). A
nulnber of examples are a c c o m p a n i e d by F0
traces. T h e b a s e n a m e s of the a s s o c i a t e d
s p e e c h and F0 files are g i v e n in a n g l e d
brackets.
Fa un GIRO intorno all'albergo?
(right, and then the the I have to this - path - I have to
erm touch... I have to erm where where do I make it
finish ? Does it go ROUND the hotel?)
G: ecco,
(right,)
Q U E R Y M o v e s - Q U E R I E S have a risingfalling i n t o n a t i o n pattern, rising up to the
accented syllable and d o w n f r o m it, transcribed as L + H * L-L%. T h e final boundary
tone m a y be H% instead of L%. An initial H*
pitch accent (PA) is optional; it is not present
in all examples of Q U E R Y move.
The above case involves what appears to be
r e a c c e n t i n g , as d i s c u s s e d by C r u t t e n d e n
(1993), on the word a l b e r g o (hotel), w h i c h is
given in the dialogue context. In cases where
the subject occupies sentence-final position, it
also constitutes a s u b o r d i n a t e i n t e r m e d i a t e
phrase with its o w n accent, the focal P A being
in the first ip, as in 3.
1. Hai aGNELlo?
H* L+H* L-L%
3. era numeRAto questo perCORso?
L+H* LL+H* L-L%
context:
context:
G oh adesso segna la croce alia sinistra del lago
Anomalo e siamo arrivati
G: hal agnello?
(do you have lamb?)
(Oh now put the cross on the left of lake Anomalo and
we're there)
F era numerato questo pereorso?
(was it numbered, this path?)
F: no
If the accented syllable is final in the phrase,
the fall on that s y l l a b l e is c u r t a i l e d
substantially, as illustrated in Grice et al
(1995). If the focus (see e.g. G u s s e n h o v e n
1983 for a definition of focus) is not on the
final lexical item in the phrase (henceforth
referred to as non-final), the P A on the focussed item is followed by an intermediate phrase
(ip) boundary. The rest of the question constitutes another ip which has a reduced range
and has an identical PA and boundary tone.
That second ip is similar to what has been described by Crystal (1969) as a s u b o r d i n a t e
tone group. For a theoretical a c c o u n t see
Grice (1995) which refers to analogous cases
in Palermo Italian ~
G no
CHECK Moves
- The intonation of
C H E C K S is i n f l u e n c e d by the d e g r e e o f
speaker confidence as to the correctness of the
inferred material it contains, that is, the degree
of speaker confidence that the material is old.
C H E C K S which are tentative m a y have an
intonation contour which is indistinguishable
f r o m t h a t of Q U E R I E S ; in t e r m s o f
information structure, neither contain
information which is confidently d e e m e d by
the current speaker to be old. A n example of a
tentative C H E C K is in 4 below.
4. <curvR>
2. <un-giro> fa un Glro (foc) intorno all'alBERgo?
L+H* LL+H* L-L%
QUINdi anche QUI (foc)c'e'una leggeraCURva?
H* LL+H*LL+H* L-L%
(So there's a gentle curve even HERE?)
1 The interrogative PA in Palermo Italian is L*+H, not
L+H* as in Bari Italian.
31
Confident C H E C K S have a different pitch
accent: H * + L . M o r e o v e r , there is no
reaccenting of post-focal material. Where the
focus is non-final, the focussed pitch accent is
f o l l o w e d by a w o r d receiving a strong
p r o m i n e n c e without a pitch excursion (in
British School terms, the appropriate syllable
in the word is stressed but not accented;
Crystal 1969). We refer to such a prominence
as a suppressed accent. In example 5 below,
there is an accent on "devo" and a suppressed
accent on "scritta".
A L I G N M o v e s - ALIGNS of the type "Va
bene?" or "Ci sei?" (Are you with me?) are
realised with the same intonation pattern as
for QUERIES. Although example 7 below has
a L% boundary tone, they may have either L%
or H%.
7. <va-bene> va BEne?
L+H* L-L%
context:
G: allora quindi il percorso lo facciamo al contrario.
Va bene?
5. <non-devo> non DEvo andare verso la scritta
H*+L
L%
(well so we'll do the route backwards.
Alright?)
context:
G: ... continua sempre come grossa curva intorno tutto
al lago Anomalo fino a un certo punto. Ci sei con la
mente?
These constitute the majority of ALIGNS.
However, they may also involve seeking confirmation of inferred material. The intonation
pattern used in these cases depends on the
speaker's degree of confidence as to the correctness of his/her inferral, as in the C H E C K
category above.
(...keep going in a big curve around lake Anomalo until
a certain point. Are you with me ?)
F: No. Altora, il lago Anomalo devo ehm praticamente
non D E V O a n d a r e verso la scritta
(No. So, lake Anomalo, I have to erm practically...
I don "t HA VE to go towards the wriang)
OBJECT moves
In Bari Italian, the
OBJECT moves we have examined have the
same tonal analysis as QUERIES of the yesno kind. It is not the tonal analysis but rather
other parameters which appear to distinguish
O B J E C T S from Q U E R I E S , viz. "breathy"
voice quality and/or expanded range, both of
w h i c h can signal incredulity. A n example
from the corpus is in 8.
An equivalent syntactic structure to that in
example 3, where the subject is sentence-final,
is in 6 below. In both examples 5 and 6, the
choice of H * + L pitch accent is motivated by
the perceptual impression of a sharp fall on
the accented syllable. In fact, the F0 peak
occurs very early in the accented syllable in
contrast to the F0 peak on L+H* pitch accents
which generally occurs in the second half of
the syllable.
8. <anima-mia>
Anima rnla
(L+)H* L+H* L-L%
context:
G: C'e l'hai il ristorante Anima mia?
It is unclear whether the analysis should
include a L- boundary after "devo", with the
implication that what follows is an ip with no
pitch accent, a c o m b i n a t i o n so far only
postulated for tags. Since without further
analysis, for example of duration data, there is
no obvious way of distinguishing between the
two transcriptions, we opt provisionally for
the analysis without an ip boundary.
(Do you have it, restaurant "Anima Mia"?)
F: A n i m a M i a ? !
It might be argued that although the actual
lexical material in OBJECT moves is old, the
d e g r e e of s p e a k e r c o n f i d e n c e that the
information is shared is low. In example 8, the
speaker is, amongst other things, conveying
the fact that the interlocutor's assumption that
the information is shared is incorrect.
6. <tutto-sommato>
Quindi sono tutto sommato viCIni (foc)
H*+L
banane e meloni e lago anomalo.
L-L%
A s u m m a r y of the moves and their pitch
accents is in table 1. It is clear that in two
types of m o v e either L + H * or H * + L can be
used, thus precluding a one-to-one corresp o n d e n c e b e t w e e n m o v e - t y p e and pitch
accent.
(So, all in all, they are close, bananas and melons
and lake anomalo. )
32
Move
QUERY
CHECK
ALIGN
OBJECT
i
L+H*
H*+L
+
+
+
+
+
that material is old. Further research using
perceptual testing is planned to confirm this
hypohesis.
+
Table 1 Nuclear Pitch Accents in question moves
6
References
Non-finality
Agard, F.B. and R.J. di Pietro. 1965. The
sounds of English and Italian. University
of Chicago Press.
Anderson, A.H., M. Bader, E.G. Bard, E.
Boyle, G Doherty, S Garrod, S. Isard, J.
Kowtko, J. McAllister, J. Miller, C.
Sottillo, H Thompson, and R. Weinert.
1991. The HCRC Map Task Corpus,
Language andSpeech, 34, 4, pp. 351-366.
Avesani, C. 1990. A contribution to the
synthesis of Italian intonation. Proc. ICSPL
90, vol 1, pp. 833-836.
Beckman M. and G. Ayers. 1994. Guidelines
for ToBI transcription, version 2. Ohio
State University.
Canepari, L. 1980. Italiano standard e
pronunce regionali.. Padova:Cleup.
Carletta, J. A. Isard, S. Isard, J Kowtko, G.
Doherty-Sneddon, and A. Anderson. 1995.
The coding of dialogue structure in a
corpus. Twente Workshop on Language
For completeness, example 9 is given below
of a command, referred to as an INSTRUCT
move, which is non-final in a list of
commands.
9. <legger>
aDESso PIEga verso il BASso leggerMENte
H* L- H*
!H*
L* L-H%
(Now turn slightly downwards,)
This pattern is similar to that given for
'questions' in Standard Italian, but is distinct
from any of the patterns found for the
questions examined here for Bail Italian. Another non-final pattern (H* H-H%) is
discussed in Grice et al (1995).
7
Conclusion
In this dialogue corpus study, we have observed that conversational game move types
do not necessarily have a specific intonation
contour; CHECKS and ALIGNS may have
either of two distinct types of pitch accent.
QUERIES and OBJECTS have the same pitch
accent, but differ in other parameters. However, we have found that pitch accent type retlects the degree to which the speaker believes
whether the current question contains shared
material. Where the speaker is lacking in confidence as to whether the material is old or
not, the same pitch accent, L+H*, accompanied by reaccenting of post-focal material, is
used as when it is totally new. The fact that
OBJECTS contain repeated lexical material,
although they pattern with utterances referring
to new information, is explained by the fact
that this repeated material is considered to be
erroneously regarded as shared with the interlocutor.
Technology on Corpus-Based Approaches
to Dialogue Modelling, Twente, The
Netherlands.
Chapallaz, M. 1979. The Pronunciation of
Italian: A practical introduction. London:
Bell and Hyman.
Cruttenden, A. 1986. Intonation. Cambridge:
CUP.
Cruttenden, A. 1993. The Deaccenting and
Reaccenting of Repeated Lexical Items.
ESCA
Workshop on Prosody
1993,
Working Papers 41, Dept. Linguistics,
University of Lund, Sweden.
Crystal, D. 1969. Prosodic Systems and
Intonation in English, Cambridge: CUP.
D'Eugenio, A. 1982. Major problems in
English phonology with special reference
to Italian-speaking learners, Foggia:
It therefore appears that speakers do not use
pitch accent type to distinguish between
totally new and possibly new material, but
that they do distinguish between those cases
and ones where they are reasonably confident
Atlantica.
33
Kowtko, J., S. Nard, and G. Doherty-Sneddon.
Grice, M. 1995. The intonation of interrogation in Palermo Italian; implication for
intonation theory. Niemeyer, L.A. series.
Grice, M. and M. Savino. 1995. Low tone
versus "sag" in Bari Italian intonation; a
perceptual experiment. Proc. ICPhS 95 ,
Stockholm, Sweden.
Grice, M., R. Benzmtiller, M. Savino, B .
Andreeva. 1995. The intonation of queries
and checks across languages: data from
Map Task dialogues. Proc. ICPhS 95,,
Stockholm, Sweden.
Gussenhoven, C. 1983. Focus, mode and the
nucleus. Journal of Linguistics, vol 19,
377-417.
1992. Conversational Games within Dialogues. HCRC research paper, Edinburgh.
Pierrehumbert, J.B. 1980. The phonetics and
phonology of English Intonation. Doctoral
dissertation. MIT.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Steve Isard and Jean
Carletta for generously making time for
discussion of the categories of move treated in
this paper. Thank you also to Ralf Benzmtiller
for his input to the discussion of moves in a
multilingual context and to Elisabeth Maier
for comments on the manuscript.
hai
I,I~"["ok4-i"!
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I
i
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•
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Example 1. <agnellod>: Hai agnello ?
34
L+H~
f~ u,, [
L+H'~
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• T7"T
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•
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Example 2. <un-giro>: Faun giro intorno all ~tlbergo ?
--"qi ,-r~r-~7.
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TI" FliT'"--'i
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Example 3. <percorsod>: Era numerato questo percorso ?
35
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.... I+! r'! i i'+ "t;/
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1
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Example 4. <curva>: Quindi anche qui c ~" una leggera curva ?
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........................... ~7i7
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.
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Example 5. <non-devo>: Non devo andare verso la scritta.
36
:J.L.._~.~
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