August 11,1956
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
Social Effects of Industrialization
Walter C Neale
IN
discussions of economic g r o w t h
perhaps most a t t e n t i o n is paid
to measurable quantities, a n d the
problem, quite r i g h t l y , is treated as
one of creating more of the m a t e r i a l
means of s a t i s f y i n g h u m a n w a n t s .
The great a i m of programmes of
i n d u s t r i a l development is to provide
more and more of the goods a n d the
good things of l i f e . W h i l e this a i m
is quite proper, in f a c t essential to
n a t i o n a l well-being and social s t a b i l i t y in the modern w o r l d , the process
of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n has side-effects,
by-products w h i c h change the whole
tenor o f life a n d t h o u g h t . I n d u s t r i a l
society is I n e v i t a b l y different f r o m
p r e - i n d u s t r i a l society, and the differences are not merely differences in
the quantities a n d
kinds of goods
a n d services available. The citizens
of an industrialized community w i l l
have different values, different ways
of thought, and different ways of
l i v i n g their everyday lives.
Generally,
these
non-economic
effects of development cannot be measured in a m e a n i n g f u l way, a l t h o u g h
it is possible t h a t some aspects or
frends can be measured, such as the
number of people
in a new social
class, the disappearance of an old
group in the society, or the number
of people l i v i n g permanently in an
area other t h a n the area in w h i c h
they were born. It is not possible,
however, to a t t a c h quantities to new
modes of thought, or new attitudes
t o w a r d the f a m i l y , yet such changes
are of the greatest importance to the
people i n v o l v e d and can give in the
w e s t have given—rise
to tensions
and conflict.
Often Regretted
These changes in the ways of life
a n d t h o u g h t are often unforeseen a n d
as often regretted. People w h o were
b o r n and bred in a different atmosphere w i l l never be completely happy
In a changed society, a n d there is
m u c h h a r k i n g back t o the ' g o o d old
days". I n its
extreme f o r m this
h a r k i n g back takes the f o r m o f
r o m a n t i c i z i n g the past u n t i l the, rea c t i o n a r y picture of the "good old
days'' w o u l d never be recognized by
those w h o l i v e d t h e m , A danger to,
a n d a measure of the success of,
p l a n n e d i n d u s t r i a l development is the
society's a b i l i t y to adjust to a n d accept the q u a l i t a t i v e changes w h i c h
f o l l o w it the w a k e of a new economic
system and to relieve and control
the tensions and conflicts w h i c h arise
because of these changes.
The w o r l d ' s experience of indust r i a l i z a t i o n has been r a t h e r l i m i t e d ,
and so one hesitates to read the past
of C h r i s t i a n Europe i n t o the future
of civilizations resting upon a v e r y
different past.
There are enough
differences between the societies of
the U n i t e d States, Great B r i t a i n , and
Germany to w a r n us t h a t an industrialized I n d i a w i l l look very different from
an industrialized B r i t a i n . However,
despite our expectation
t h a t the
process of
industrialization w i l l affect different
societies differently, one can perceive
in the process certain essential elements w h i c h must have s i m i l a r
effects, no m a t t e r w h a t the social
context in w h i c h they operate.
Way of Thinking
These common
effects w i l l stem
f r o m the scientific a n d mechanistic
character of i n d u s t r i a l operations,
f r o m the technical requirements of
o r g a n i z a t i o n a l techniques used to
keep an i n d u s t r i a l society r u n n i n g .
L e t us t a k e first, the effect, of i n d u s t r i a l development on the w a y of
t h i n k i n g . The i n d u s t r i a l process is
mechanical, and the t h i n k i n g needed
to set up and manage a f a c t o r y is
scientific. It has been said t h a t the
man who works
in an industrial
establishment lives in a " w o r l d of
m a t t e r - o f - f a c t " or of cause and
effect. H i s daily a c t i v i t y , whether
on a f a i r l y simple level of m a n u a l
operations or on a much higher level
of design and organization, puts h i m
face to face at a l l times w i t h the
results of his actions. Frequently
a l m o s t no time elapses between the
t a k i n g of an action and the result.
Even w h e n the t i m e lapse is appreciable, there are not l i k e l y to be m a n y
extraneous circumstances i n t e r r u p t i n g the process. This constant rea l i z a t i o n t h a t certain actions lead
i n e v i t a b l y to particular results, a n d
that particular
results cannot be
achieved except by specific actions
creates a habit of t h o u g h t w h i c h can
be called scientific, mechanistic, or
matter-of-fact,
a n d this h a b i t o f
t h o u g h t is n a t u r a l l y c a r r i e d over toother spheres of l i f e . In fact, the
m a n w h o has r u n a die press or set
up a production line w i l l never t h i n k
in the same m a n n e r a g a i n .
T h e p o i n t can be made by compari n g the i n d u s t r i a l process w i t h the
k i n d of life led by men engaged in
a g r i c u l t u r a l pursuits. Whereas the
cycle of events in a f a c t o r y m a y t a k e
only moments, the cycle of events in
the countryside takes at least a season, and in some respects extends
over the years. In the f a c t o r y m o s t
elements of the productive process
are directly under the c o n t r o l of t h e
people w o r k i n g in the factory. In
f a r m i n g very few of the processed
are completely controlled by the f a r mer. The g r o w t h of plants is a b o t anical m a t t e r . The f a r m e r can help
nature along, b u t m u c h of the burden
is hers, n o t his. F u r t h e r m o r e , m a n y
events can intervene to upset expectations. I n I n d i a the q u a n t i t y a n d
t i m i n g of r a i n f a l l is extremely important. Other elements, such as the
f e r t i l i t y of the soil, are p a r t l y under'
the c o n t r o l of the farmer, but the
period over w h i c h f e r t i l i t y deteriorates m a y be so l o n g t h a t cause a n a
effect are never b r o u g h t home to the
farmer.
It is easy to understand
w h y the i n d u s t r i a l m a n says t h a t
"this causes t h a t " while the f a r m e r
regards events as the w i l l of God.
Industrial Worker Vs Rural
Craftsman
One m a y ask w h y the attitude of
the i n d u s t r i a l w o r k e r is not also the
a t t i t u d e of the r u r a l craftsman, a n d
to an extent they
no doubt have
something in common. The craftsm a n k n o w s his m a t e r i a l s a n d cont r o l s them directly, so t h a t he k n o w s
whem he starts the product w h i c h he
w i l l have when he is finished. Nevertheless, it remains true t h a t the
c r a f t s m a n is n o t made so f u l l y conscious of the cause a n d effect character o f his w o r k .
The craftsman
goes t h r o u g h a series of
operations w h i c h
could m a k e h i m
look at the w o r l d as a l l cause a n d
effect b u t for t w o facets of his l i f e .
On the one h a n d he lives a m o n g a
vast m a j o r i t y w h i c h do n o t have the
i m m e d i a t e m a t t e r - o f - f a c t experience
of controlled p r o d u c t i o n — a n d neighbour's thoughts are our thoughts, and
on the other h a n d his c r a f t is apt to
be t r a d i t i o n a l a n d h i g h l y stable.
This s t a b i l i t y means t h a t he does n o t
have to w o r r y about w h a t he does;
he k n o w s a l l about it to begin w i t h .
But the i n d u s t r i a l w o r k e r is constant*
ly seeing changes in the productive
process t a k i n g place. T h i s used to
be done w i t h such-and-such results.
N o w a new process is introduced, a n d
August
11,1956
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
August 11, 1956
the results are somewhat different,
or he is called upon to do a somew h a t different j o b . I n consequence
he is made aware t h a t the w o r l d - o f m a t t e r - o f - f a c t can be changed a n d
directed.
Of course, if he is a
technologist m u c h of, his effort is
devoted to j u s t this problem of
scientific c o n t r o l a n d change.
Matter-of-fact Attitude
I n p r e - i n d u s t r i a l society the dom i n a n t mode of t h o u g h t is t h a t of
the a g r i c u l t u r i s t a w o r l d in w h i c h
prayer m a y seem as
efficacious as
fencing, and' in
some years more
efficacious, in w h i c h the cycle of the
seasons a n d the mysteries of nature
are a l w a y s before h i m . I n i n d u s t r i a l
society the d o m i n a n t mode of t h o u g h t
is t h a t of the technologist—a
w o r l d in w h i c h prayer is obviously
less effective t h a n l u b r i c a t i o n and
tensile s t r e n g t h ; in which each day
is m u c h l i k e any other and in w h i c h
there are far fewer mysteries and
he k n o w s how to manage them.
N o w , this mode of matter-of-fact
t h o u g h t carries over into the rest of
the industrial workers life.
He is
apt to become un-religious. By this
I do not mean
that he becomes
irreligious. Rather he no longer regards religious observances as i m p o r t a n t in m a n y of the t h i n g s he
undertakes. He develops in the
social sphere attitudes of doubt and
i n q u i r y which are satisfied only by
a mechanistic answer. As he shapes
a. p a r t w i t h his machine, so he begins to feel t h a t he can shape bis
life. As he asks " w h y " about the
amount of power used for an indust r i a l operation, so he asks w h y about
the rest of his l i f e : w h y should he
support his ne'er-do-well brother, or
w h y should he not smoke. A n s w e r s
l i k e d u t y and m o r a l o b l i g a t i o n
c a r r y less weight, unless he can be
shown t h a t there is a p r a c t i c a l advantage, or t h a t his acts of omission or commission w i l l have effects
he does not w a n t . A n d the breakdown of the old
standards comes
w h e n he says
to himself t h a t he
doesn't care about t h a t brother, a n d
doesn't in the least m i n d the results
of his o w n w i t h h o l d i n g of help.
t r i a l establishments t o f i n d the r i g h t t h e m a r g i n between efficiency a n d
is
and
the
extra
m a n f o r the j o b
regardless o f h i sefficiency
of
maintaining
traditional
status i n society.
I n I n d i a today cost
there is s t i l l a strong tendency to standards does n o t seem w o r t h w h i l e .
hire a m a n of ones o w n f a m i l y or The i n d u s t r i a l m a n a g e r w h o w a n t s
caste, a n d one would h a r d l y expect to hire only members of his o w n community m a y find t h a t there are not
the t r a d i t i o n a l values to b r e a k d o w n
a n d disappear as soon as factories enough of them to m a n his p l a n t , a n d
are erected. However, there m u s t be so perforce the old values pass. Once
constant pressure
on managers to the break is made it becomes difficult
pass over brothers-in-law w h o k n o w to re-establish the old f o r m s .
n o t h i n g o f the technology i n f a v o u r
Demarcation Blurred
of strangers w h o r a n get the j o b done
In a f a i r l y stable society clear
properly, a n d one expects t h a t these
lines of demarcation can be d r a w n
pressures w i l l become m o r e acute as
between various functions, a n d these
the need f o r technical competence befunctions assigned to specific social
comes increasingly clear.
groups.
In i n d u s t r i a l society the
The size and complexity of f a c t o r y lines are not so clear; the content of
establishments also
tend to break jobs fluctuates; new functions arise
down the lines of f a m i l y a n d caste. unci o l d ones disappear. If the proW h e n o n l y a few people are needed, cess takes l o n g
enough the class
it is a f a i r l y simple m a t t e r to keep structure can adapt, but it is comthe establishment in the hands of the m o n l y the case in an i n d u s t r i a l so"in-group", b u t when hundreds are ciety t h a t the changes take place too
needed it becomes increasingly diffi- r a p i d l y to a l l o w for such adjustment.
cult. I n
i n d u s t r i a l establishments Locomotive firemen are displaced by
diesels; airline hostesses a n d chemical engineers suddenly arise; a decade
or t w o can eliminate the w h e e l w r i g h t .
J u r i s d i c t i o n a l disputes a m o n g unions
in the west, m a y be in p a r t efforts to
m a i n t a i n s t a b i l i t y in the s t r u c t u r e
ol the w o r k force ("they are c e r t a i n l y
efforts to gain monopoly r e t u r n s ) ,
but. no union has m a i n t a i n e d its
character against changes in productive techniques.
Perhaps the most
i m p o r t a n t organizational technique, so far as this
discussion is concerned, is the payment of wages. Regular payment
of wages in cash can be expected to
have definite effects in b r e a k i n g down
the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y structure. I t
is not t h a t twelve chips a week
makes a m a n more selfish, or causes
h i m to love his m o t h e r less. Rather,
it is that it gives h i m new o p p o r t u n i ties to be independent. In a closely
k n i t a g r i c u l t u r a l society the son is
dependent upon the father, the brothers upon each other. The w o m e n
of the f a m i l y have no means of supp o r t except in the cooperative venture
of the f a m i l y . But wages end these
dependencies. The son is as capable
of e a r n i n g a l i v i n g as the father; the
sister as the brother. An u n m a r r i e d
or childless w o m a n can leave home
to w o r k if she doesn't like the home
atmosphere.
The obverse of the
coin is t h a t the f a m i l y dependent upon earnings in i n d u s t r y is no more
secure t h a n its i n d i v i d u a l members.
On an a g r i c u l t u r a l h o l d i n g there is,
b a r r i n g disasters, always w o r k a n d
food f o r the f a m i l y ,
but i f f a t h e r
loses his j o b at the m i l l , the f a m i l y ' s
Class and family Structure
The technical requirements of i n d u s t r y also affect the class a n d
f a m i l y structure of a p r e - i n d u s t r i a l
society. I n each b r a n c h a n d i n each
Job i n d u s t r y requires technical competence. There is no substitute f o r
k n o w i n g h o w to do y o u r Job w e l l .
T h i s means t h a t there i s constant
pressure on the managers of indus953
August 11, 1956
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
means of support is gone a n d
the.
f a m i l y w i l l very
l i k e l y look w i t h
f a v o u r on those of its members w h o
decide to move out. and off.
Greater Mobility
An i n d u s t r i a l
.society requires
greater m o b i l i t y , b o t h occupational
and .spatial. As people m o v e up ana
down a n d across the frame of occupations and .skills, t h e lines dem a r c a t i n g caste or c o m m u n i t y begin
to go. It becomes h a r d e r and barder to keep t r a c k of a man's social
position. F u r t h e r m o r e , the social
position begins to correspond less and
less w i t h a man's income and his i m portance in the economy. As incomes
a n d economic status become scrambled, it becomes increasingly difficult
to t a k e seriously the ancestral posit i o n of the citizens of the i n d u s t r i a l
world.
W h e n movement
f r o m place to
place is slow or infrequent, the society can keep t r a c k of each person's
t r a d i t i o n a l position, bid when movem e n t is r a p i d and
widespread the
fine g r a d a t i o n s tend to disappear. In
I n d i a today in the large cities the
caste postion of each person is s t i l l
definitely recognized, but I have the
definite impression that the caste
blocks in the cities are far larger
a n d more inclusive than they are in
the villages, a n d the importance of
sub-castes m u c h less.
In addition,
the castes are to a large extent local.
The process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n j u m bles castes f r o m different, localities
together' .so that
it is not easy to
establish
the essential
hierarchy
a m o n g t h e m . W h e n it is impossible
to establish the h i e r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n ships a m o n g the castes one of their
m a j o r functions in o r g a n i z i n g the
social relationships between people
ceases, and there is t h a t m u c h less
purpose in m a i n t a i n i n g the distinctions.
Smaller Family Unit
It can also be. seen t h a t movement
about the c o u n t r y w i l l tend to break
d o w n the larger f a m i l y units. W i t h
each m a n l i v i n g in a different locality
a n d receiving his own pay packet,
t h e n a t u r a l unit becomes the biological f a m i l y of
man. woman, and
m i n o r c h i l d r e n . By no means does
t h i s i m p l y t h a t that there w i l l be any
lessening of the bonds of love bet w e e n parents and
chuden
and
b r o t h e r s a n d sisters (perhaps it
w i l l be easier to love, domestic
tensions
being
less),
nor t h a t
mutual
support
and
aid
will
die out. W h e n I say t h a t it is l i k e l y
t h a t the l a r g e r f a m i l y w i l l break
down, I mean that
w i t h separate
means o f m a i n t e n a n c e a n d separate
households
the d a i l y a n d i n fact
most of the m a j o r decisions w i l l come
to be taken in the smaller households
of m a n and w i f e . Certainly today
one can see this happening in the
cities a m o n g professional and business people whose parents' and
g r a n d parents' families were not so
broken up i n t o smaller units.
The policy of the Government of
India is to e l i m i n a t e the differentials
based upon h e r e d i t a r y caste, so t h a t
it is encouraging to feel t h a t the
movement towards an i n d u s t r i a l society w i l l of its own accord move in
step w i t h the policy of the g o v e r n ment. It is not so clear chat the other
effects of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n upon the
attitudes! and ways of l i v i n g w i l l be
so widely welcomed. B u t changes
of the kinds o u t l i n e d above seem
l i k e l y to occur simply as a result of
the creation of an i n d u s t r i a l society.