Fame, Fortune, and Anomie:
A Social Psychological Analysis of Deviance in
the NFL
Eric M. Carter
Michael V. Carter
Abstract
This study describes and analyzes rapid life change and deviance
among 102 current and former National Football League players.
It examines the factors associated with deviance and the influence
of socialization agents such as early childhood family life,
religious experience or participation, marital status, and
education. The core theoretical framework of this study is Emile
Durkheim’s (1897/1951) conception of anomie. The research
design involves in-depth interviews and personal conversations
along with quantitative analysis of 102 current and former NFL
players. A social psychological scale developed by Leo Srole
(1956) is used to measure levels of anomia (a state of
normlessness/the outcome of sudden life change) in players’
lives. The results of this exploratory research find that rapid
change occurring in the lives of NFL players potentially causes
anomic characteristics that can lead to deviant/unnormative
behavior.
Introduction and Background
This study analyzes 102 current and former National Football
League players regarding the effects of sudden change on their
personal and professional lives. Most professional football
players go from being a non-working college student to what
many would consider to be an overnight success with wealth and
star-power from their first professional contract. By many
standards this is a dream come true, which should bring
60
The Campbellsville Review
prosperity, wealth, security, and ability to see one’s family taken
care of for life. Yet, almost daily, the sports headlines contain
stories of some unfortunate situation or illegal act transpiring in
many professional football players’ lives. These situations defy
common logic. If one can secure a better life through the success
of one’s profession, then why do we see a highly visible segment
of professional sports players in various forms of turmoil and
trouble? What factors influence both the ability to adjust and the
level of satisfaction with this new found lifestyle? Is there a
similarity to other social groups when rapid personal and
professional change takes place? These are but a few of the
obvious questions that arise when considering the adjustment
factors present when individuals make the move from collegiate
to professional play.
Emile Durkheim (1893/1933, 1897/1951, 1925/1961)
first introduced the theoretical and analytical term anomie into
sociology. Anomie represents a real social phenomenon
documented by Durkheim and many others (Parsons, 1937;
Merton, 1938; Srole, 1956; Orru, 1987) since his early research.
In essence, it is the impact of rapid change on human beings. In
Durkheim’s pioneering work he analyzed forms of deviant
behavior brought about by social change. This research will rely
on a Durkheimian framework to assess the change occurring in
the lives of professional football players.
The research design is exploratory in nature. The
methods used incorporate several techniques including a detailed
instrument and the use of Leo Srole’s (1956) anomia scale. The
statistics and analyses are supplemented by a series of in-depth
interviews with current and former NFL players. This research
has implications for assessing ways to promote positive change in
NFL players’ lives and the larger entertainment/sports industry.
While this is an exploratory analysis, this study can help frame
additional questions that have implications for the broader society
and other key social institutions. According to Tim Delaney
(2003),
The sports domain is filled with the same social
constructions that are found in the greater society,
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
61
and sociologists and philosophers can study them in
connection with the greater social institutions,
political and economic. The study of sports helps us
to understand sports as social phenomena but, beyond
that, it often leads to the discovery of problems based
in the structure and organization of the greater
society. (p. 2)
The Problem
“Let me tell you about life in the NFL. N stands for ‘not.’
F stands for ‘for.’ And L stands for ‘long’. . . Lifestyle in the
NFL, if you’re not careful, if you’re not rooted and grounded and
you know who you are, it can consume you,” one NFL player told
us. He went on to say that many NFL players get wild and crazy,
act with abandon, and are ultimately unhappy. Another NFL
player revealed, “I carry five or six thousand dollars in my pocket
at all times. I’ve blown ten thousand dollars in one night at a strip
club because I couldn’t think of anything better to do…and, boy,
let me tell you about the sex…but let me also tell you about how
miserable I was at that time of my life.” So, why would
professional athletes, who have wealth, power, and women, rape,
murder, steal, and abuse alcohol and drugs? One out of five NFL
players has been charged with serious crimes (Benedict &
Yaeger, 1998). What explains their wild, deviant behavior? What
are the significant changes that are taking place in the NFL? Why
are professional athletes paid millions of dollars? Why this
sudden wealth and fame? Put simply, American society has made
football larger than life. NFL players are participants in the
original, ongoing reality show.
Football and the Culture of Sport in America
American football has in recent history replaced the role
that baseball once held as the beloved national past time
(Mihoces, 2002). A Harris poll in 2003 showed that, for the first
time ever, Americans named football as their favorite sport by an
overwhelming two-to-one margin. In 2004 this poll showed that
over forty percent of the population “across all age, gender, race,
62
The Campbellsville Review
and region groups profess to ‘follow the game’” (The Harris Poll,
2004). According to former tight end Jamie Williams in Oliver
Stone’s Any Given Sunday, “Baseball is what America aspires to
be, football is what this country is” (MacCambridge, 2004, p.
454). Even Pierre Bourdieu (1978) suggests that “American
football in the USA has become, through television, a mass
spectacle, transmitted far beyond the circle of present or past
‘practioners’” (p. 829). Gary Mihoces (2002) maintains, “If TV
didn’t have football, it would’ve invented it” (p. 01a). In essence,
it is now extremely hard to decipher this phenomenon adequately
(Bourdieu, 1978).
“By every indication, America has sufficient appetite for
ingesting its favorite sport in ever-larger quantities. This is the
land of conspicuous consumption, and that extends to football”
(Forde, 2004). Annually the most watched television event in the
U.S. is the Super Bowl, a virtual national holiday (Coakley, 2001;
Eitzen, 1999; MacCambridge, 2004). Even more astounding is
the fact that the ten most watched programs of all time are Super
Bowls (Mihoces, 2002). “Monday Night Football” has become a
cultural institution. Even in Nevada (a state without a pro football
franchise), football tops the charts. Over forty percent of the
sports wagering per year in Nevada is on football, which is far
more than is gambled on any other sport (Isidore, 2002).
Thinking of American culture without football almost
seems unnatural to many people, and a Sunday afternoon without
football is like a Sunday morning without church. We want to
see, taste, feel, touch, and hear the experience of it. Football has
become “truly integrated into the fabric of the nation” (The Harris
Poll, 2004). We want football, we want it in large quantities, and
we want it now. Today football is “our” sport and “our teams are
our warriors” (Nack, 2005).
Football has become so important that many
Philadelphians borrowed against their own homes to attend Super
Bowl XXXIX (Huber, 2005). There is not another institution in
American society, except perhaps religion, that “commands the
same mystique, nostalgia, romantic idealism, and cultural
attachment as sport” (Delaney, 2003, p. 2). According to
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
63
MacCambridge (2004), professional football is now our mass
entertainment.
[Pro football] will reign across the gleaming, twentyfirst-century landscape, as modern as the digital age,
as timeless as the most primal urge for tribal
identification, the quintessential pastime of modern
America. Pro football has become the perfect symbol
for the country’s bustling, modernistic urgency, a
splendid entertainment, a taxing and transforming
profession, and a meaningful metaphor for the most
American pursuit of all, those seemingly mismatched
but inextricably bound ideas of competition and
community. (p. 458)
Sport, especially football, has aroused increasing interest
as a social phenomenon and there is something essentially
untranslatable about America’s obsession with it (Eitzen, 2005;
MacCambridge, 2004). According to George Will (2004), sport is
“a cultural artifact that causes thinkers to commit sociology” (p.
64). Sport sociologist George Sage (1998) notes that “sport is one
of the most popular cultural practices in American society . . .and
. . . is woven into the patterns of all the major social institutions—
politics, economics, education, mass media” (p. xi). Sport is the
original and ultimate reality show and its participants are the
“gladiators of modern culture…and with that come the pluses and
minuses associated with players who are larger than life” (Lowry,
2003, p. 87).
Theoretical Overview
In most of American life, one might believe that wealth and
power would bring happiness, satisfaction with life, and greater
financial and even emotional stability. However, when many NFL
players sign their first contract, their bank accounts become large,
their egos become inflated, and their lives are turned upside
down. Do levels of anomie exist among professional football
64
The Campbellsville Review
players who have experienced sudden wealth? And if so, what are
possible indicators of anomie?
A plausible perspective is that socialization can play a
large role in one’s susceptibility to anomic conditions. According
to McClosky and Schaar (1965), “Indirect support is furnished for
the view that anomy—defined as a sense of normlessness—
results from . . . impaired socialization” (p. 14). Along with
McClosky and Schaar’s argument, there have been numerous
other studies linking socialization factors to anomia (Wirth, 1938;
Killian & Grigg, 1962; Powell, 1970; Fischer, 1973; Lee, 1974;
Simon & Gagnon, 1976; Abrahamson, 1980; Lovell-Troy, 1983;
Mestrovic, 1985; Kanagy & Willits, 1990; Bernburg, 2002).
Thus, how one is raised and where, along with religious
experience/participation, marital status, and education are thought
to influence the likelihood of the presence of anomie in one’s life.
These agents of socialization provide community ties and
traditional structures thus creating boundaries and limits for
behavior. On the other hand, the lack of adequate support that
enhances socialization provides weakened structures and few
boundaries and limits.
Emile Durkheim’s (1897/1951) conception of anomie,
along with Leo Srole’s (1956) social psychological measure, are
used to explore possible levels of anomia in NFL players’ lives
when rapid change occurs. What does this sudden life change
have to do with professional athletes’ propensity for deviance?
One NFL player states,
The biggest change I see is that guys are making
more and more money and what is required of them
is so much less. They think they are bigger than life
and the athletes today think they are above the
law…and when all the cars and women lose their
flavor, misery sets in and the bigger the money gets
the more miserable a lot of these guys are.
Durkheim’s Conception of Anomie
We relate this change (the sudden alteration in status and
increase in power and wealth), this unlimited desire experienced
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
65
by NFL players to what Durkheim (1897/1951) called anomie.
Anomie is an absence, breakdown, confusion, or conflict in the
norms of these athletes’ lives—a state of normlessness and
lawlessness. For Durkheim, anomie is conceived as a “disease of
the infinite,” (Besnard, 1988, p. 93) a “sickness” (Cohen, 1972, p.
329). He pointed out the implications of abrupt changes and
accentuated how anomie could result from improvements in
economic and material conditions. He cautioned, for example, “of
the moral danger involved in every growth of prosperity”
(Durkheim, 1897/1951, p. 254). And, “if change is sudden or
dramatic, it tends to sever both the ties and the commitments
which bind people to the social order” (Abrahamson, 1980, p.
49).
Additionally, rapid life disruptions or abrupt change such
as a sudden increase in wealth and power can tend to reduce the
individual’s sense of belonging. “Wealth…suggests the
possibility of unlimited success” (Durkheim, 1897/1951, p. 254).
According to Harry Cohen (1972):
In the anomic drive for power, prestige, money and
the materialistic things that these can buy…there is
no end, no ultimate satisfaction…There is never
enough because the accumulation of wealth is
external, and the rewards are not internal in terms of
deeper personal and personality gratification and
such. In addition, wealth is always relative; there is
always more to be had…he sees only more ahead,
and keeps running, never reaching his goal. Anomic
people do not know why they strive so, why they still
miss something when they are richer and richer, their
houses bigger and their earnings better…life remains
truly meaningless. (pp. 330-331)
The “boundary-less subculture” of the NFL fosters a
breeding ground for anomic conditions. For Durkheim
(1897/1951, 1925/1961), the anomie of affluence is a result of
rapid and extreme changes in wealth. This type of anomie is what
Durkheim (1897/1951) termed acute anomie. He argued that
acute anomie was especially likely if there was a radical and
66
The Campbellsville Review
sudden improvement in material conditions. “In the case of . . . an
abrupt growth of . . . wealth . . . the scale is upset; but a new scale
cannot be immediately improvised” (Durkheim, 1897/1951, p.
253). He explains affluence as giving rise to an “insufficient
discipline of passions” that eventually leaves individuals empty
and with little (Abrahamson, 1980; Clinard, 1964). Thus, anomie
could be considered a “loss in the infinity of desires” (Besnard,
1988, p. 93). Additionally, he perceives affluence as overstimulating desires by giving individuals “a sense of power and
supremacy that deceives them into believing that they are
answerable only to themselves” (Abrahamson, 1980, p. 50).
In what seems a prescient description that tends to fit the
discussion of the boundary-less subculture of the NFL and the
lifestyle many professional football players lead, Durkheim
(1897/1951) states:
From top to bottom of the ladder, greed is aroused
without knowing where to find an ultimate foothold.
Nothing can calm it, since its goal is far beyond all it
can attain. Reality seems valueless by comparison
with the dreams of fevered imaginations; reality is
therefore abandoned, but so too is possibility
abandoned when it in turn becomes reality. A thirst
arises for novelties: Unfamiliar pleasures, nameless
sensations, all of which lose their savor once known.
Henceforth, one has no strength to endure the least
reverse. The whole fever subsides and the sterility of
all the tumult is apparent, and it is seen that all these
new sensations in their infinite quantity cannot form
a solid foundation of happiness to support one during
days of trial. (p. 255)
Durkheim to Srole: The Social Psychological Level of Anomie
Durkheim (1897/1951) discussed anomie as a macrosociological problem. As he used the concept, it referred to the
traits of a social institution/group or the social structure, and not
necessarily to the traits of individuals (Clinard, 1964). Nikos
Passas (2000) maintains that “the object of analysis may be a
given society . . . as it may be a particular section of society . . . or
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
67
[a] social institution” (p. 106). With the need to look at the social
psychological aspects of anomie, the concept of anomia was
developed (MacIver, 1950; Riesman, Glazor, & Denney, 1956;
Srole, 1956). Robert MacIver (1950) conceptualized anomia as “a
state of mind in which the individual’s sense of social cohesion—
the mainspring of his morale—is broken or fatally weakened” (p.
85), while David Riesman (1956) conceptualized the anomic
individual as “maladjusted.” Thus, as individuals feel more and
more detached, “they lose their motivation to behave morally in
the context of that [social] system” (Cohen, 2000, p. 189).
Leo Srole (1956) developed a social psychological
measure of anomia which “refers to the degree of felt social
connectedness of actors” (Lovell-Troy, 1983, p. 303). From this
individual level position, disruptions such as sudden wealth and
power can lessen the sense of belongingness leading to the
“insatiable appetites” and “fevered imaginations” of many of the
players embedded in the sub-culture of the NFL. This, in turn,
produces anomia at the individual or social psychological level
(Durkheim, 1897/1951; Srole, 1956). Anomia, in this respect,
occurs because of “structural deficiencies at the level of specific
groups” (Marks, 1974, p. 334). For this study, these deficiencies
occur at the individual and sub-cultural level of the NFL. In other
words, regardless of the level of measurement and the different
causes of anomie/anomia, “the concept itself refers to the same
idea/phenomenon: a weakening of the guiding power of social
norms, a loosened social control” (Passas, 2000, pp. 106-107).
Hypothesis
This study was conceptualized and designed after numerous
conversations with two former NFL players who are now retired
from the league. It is our hypothesis that rapid change in players’
lives and the sudden acquisition of wealth and power leads a
number of them to seek coping strategies outside of normative
behavior. Many players seek alternative life choices which
include forms of deviance and in many cases unlawful behavior.
These acts, or behaviors, appear to have a relationship to the
sudden increase in wealth, social status, fame, power, and
68
The Campbellsville Review
newfound influence as a result of becoming a professional
football player. The norms of law-abiding people appear to have a
lesser impact as a result of this rapid change in personal status. In
such cases, a state of anomie/anomia appears to be present.
Anomic behavior is more or less affected by a series of
other influences on a player’s life. Early socialization
experiences, degree of norm building influences such as religious
teaching, levels of personal adjustment and happiness, use of
alcohol and/or illegal drugs, prior encounters with law
enforcement, level of education, and available income all appear
to have some level of association to degree of anomia. Hence, we
hypothesize that when anomic behavior is present in professional
football players’ lives, a series of indicators play a key role in
determining the degree of anomia, and then, deviant behavior in
such athletes lives.
Research Methodology
Data were collected via a series of in-depth interviews with
consenting players, both former and current. Interviews were
guided through the use of a survey instrument composed of 60
total variables. Types of variables range from socio-demographic
to Likert-type attitudinal concerning a range of topics generally
thought to be important in assessing normlessness and, in turn,
deviant behavior.
The sample is a non-probability sample of convenience or
a judgmental sample (Babbie, 1986). Random or other probability
formats were not available due to the difficult nature of entrance
into this subculture. Contacts were made through an intricate
network of friendships from the two initial contacts (former
players in the league). Data were collected from 2001 to 2005 via
71 personal interviews that took place in Texas, Ohio, Kentucky,
and Florida, as well as during 31 phone interviews. To date, 102
former and current players have participated in the study.
Our sample is composed of 43 (42%) current NFL
players and 59 (58%) former or retired players. The mean age of
the respondents is 30.85 and ranges from 24-39. There were 39
69
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
(38.2%) Caucasian respondents and 63 (61.8%) African
American respondents. The range for years played in the NFL is
one to eleven, with 4.48 being the average number of years
played for players in this sample. See Tables 1 and 3 for other
descriptive statistics.
Table 1: Summary Descriptive Statistics for Socio-Demographic Variables (N=102)
Characteristic
Sample Data
Frequency
Age
Mean
Standard Deviation
30.85
3.542
Race
%White
% Black
38.2
61.8
39
63
Player Status
%Current
%Former/Retired
42
58
43
59
Mean
Standard Deviation
Range
4.48
1.984
1 to 11
Years Played
in NFL
Limitations to the sample need to be considered since
only those who knew our initial contacts and agreed to the
interviews are contained in our analysis. This limitation must be
considered in reviewing the analysis and findings. This is an
exploratory analysis. It must be noted that we are not making
generalizations about the entire population of the NFL fraternity.
Our findings only represent this non-random convenience sample.
The Operationalization and Measurement of Anomia
The dependent variable is anomia. Anomia is measured
through the development of a scale comprised of six indicators of
normlessness/powerlessness. The five-item Srole (1956) scale
and one item from the Neal and Seeman (1964) powerlessness
scale were combined to measure and assess anomia. In essence,
70
The Campbellsville Review
the Srole scale (see Table 2) is an indicator of normlessness and
“the individual’s integration into society or some segment
thereof” (Lee, 1974, p. 524). Without social integration or a
normative structure, a condition of anomia or normlessness is
possible when rapid life change occurs (Durkheim, 1897/1951;
Srole, 1956).
Table 2: Means and Standard Deviation for Responses to the Anomia Scale (N=102)
Item
1. In spite of what people say, the situation of the
average person is getting worse, not better.
2. It is hardly fair to bring a child into the world
with the way things look for the future.
3. Nowadays, a person has to live pretty much
for today and let tomorrow take care of itself
4. These days people don’t really know who
they can count on.
5. Most public officials are not really interested
in the problems of the average person.
6. More and more I feel helpless in the face of
what is happening in the world today.
Mean
SD
1.58
.849
1.53
.741
1.83
.857
1.82
.801
1.74
.579
1.39
.733
a. All questions are scored 0 for “strongly disagree,” 1 for “disagree,” 2 for “agree,”
and 3 for “strongly agree.”
b. Reliability Coefficient (alpha) = .8873
The reliability of the anomia scale was tested through
correlational analysis and the computation of Chronbach’s alpha.
The scale was found to have an acceptable degree of reliability.
The reliability coefficient of the scale for this sample is 0.8873.
This scale was constructed by assigning scores of 0, 1, 2,
and 3 to the answers “strongly disagree,” “disagree,” “agree,” and
“strongly agree,” respectively, to each question. The scores of the
six items were then summed and divided by six to create a scale
ranging from a low of 0, meaning low anomia, to a high of 3,
meaning high anomia.
Anomia scores are interpreted as follows: (a) scores of 0–
1.59 represent a low level of anomia, (b) scores of 1.6–1.99
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
71
represent a moderate level of anomia, and (c) scores of 2.00–3.00
represent a high level of anomia.
The Operationalization and Measurement of Independent
Variables
In addition to anomia, other factors that were likely to
have an influence on normlessness were examined. Measures of
the following variables were incorporated into the analysis.
Indicators of socialization that were utilized include measures of
education, types of early socialization location, marital status,
family life, and religiosity.
Additionally, indicators of deviance were used. These
include measures of drug use, criminal activity, and
rehabilitation. Also, indicators of well-being that were employed
include measures of level of happiness and income. Moreover,
age, race, and years played in the NFL were examined.
These single items were incorporated in the questionnaire
to measure: (a) if the respondent had graduated from college; (b)
where the respondent lived for the first ten years of life; (c)
whether the respondent is married; (d) who the respondent was
raised by; (e) whether the respondent attends church/worship
services of some kind; (f) whether the respondent believes there is
nothing wrong with marijuana use; (g) whether the respondent
has been arrested; (h) whether the respondent has ever received
counseling or inpatient rehabilitation; (i) how the respondent feels
about life; and (j) what the respondent’s yearly income was after
entering the NFL. These single item measures were chosen for
purposes of conceptualizing constructs that may help prevent or
reduce anomia (agents of socialization) and constructs that may
be influenced by anomia (deviant and unlawful behavior).
72
The Campbellsville Review
Table 3: Summary Statistics for Independent Variables (N=102)
Characteristic
Education:
Graduate
from college.
% graduated
% not graduated
Location:
How would you
describe where you % rural
lived for the first 10 % urban
years of your life?
Sample
Data
Frequency
35.3%
64.7%
36
66
38.2%
61.8%
39
63
Marital Status:
I am married.
% married
% not married
48.0%
52.0%
49
53
Family Life:
Who were you
raised by?
2 parent/guardian
1 parent/guardian
Other
38.2%
52.0%
9.8%
39
53
10
Religion:
I attend church/
worship service
of some kind.
1/week
Occasionally
Never
13.7%
48.0%
38.2%
14
49
39
Drug Use:
I believe there is
nothing wrong with
using marijuana.
% disagree
% agree
73.5%
26.5%
75
27
Criminal Activity:
I have been arrested. % arrested
% not arrested
47.1%
52.9%
48
54
Rehabilitation:
Have you ever
received counseling
or in-patient
rehabilitation?
% received
% not received
25.5%
74.5%
26
76
% happy
% unhappy
54.9%
45.1%
56
46
$0-$500,000
$500,001-$1 mil.
$1,000,001-$5 mil.
Above $ 5mil.
41.2%
23.5%
30.4%
4.9%
42
24
31
5
Level of Happiness: Which statement
best describes the
way you feel about
your life?
Income:
My approximate
yearly salary after
entering the NFL.
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
73
Analyses
Correlation and step-wise regression analyses were used
in order to determine which variables are predictive of anomia.
Correlation analyses were used to test significance and to
determine the direction of the relationships between independent
variables and the dependent variable. Multiple regression analysis
was performed to determine the explanatory power of the
independent variables when all variables were considered at the
same time. In order to use parametric analyses, the assumption
was made that Likert-type scale scores met the requirements of
ordered metric measures (Labovitz, 1967, 1970; Abelson &
Tukey, 1970). According to Labovitz (1970), “Empirical
evidence supports the treatment of ordinal variables as if they
conform to interval scales. Although some small error may
accompany the treatment of ordinal variables as interval, this is
offset by the use of more powerful, more sensitive, better
developed, and more clearly interpretable statistics with known
sampling error” (p. 515). In essence, it has been demonstrated
that ordered metric scales can be meaningfully analyzed by the
use of parametric statistics (ibid).
Correlation and regression statistics were chosen to
examine the relationships among the variables of anomia,
education, location, marital status, family life, religiosity, drug
use, criminal activity, rehabilitation, level of happiness, income,
age, race, and years played in the NFL.
Findings
The total sample mean of the dependent variable, anomia, for the
102 NFL players is 1.6486, with a standard deviation of 0.6126.
This sample mean of 1.6486 represents a moderate level of
anomia among the sample of NFL players. There were 46 players
who fell in the low anomia category, nine who are located in the
moderate anomia category, and an astounding 47 NFL players are
interpreted to have high levels of anomia.
74
The Campbellsville Review
Looking at the independent variables (see Table 3), an
interesting theme appears to be present. Nearly half of the study
group reported being unhappy with life. Theory and qualitative
data would lead us to believe that those unhappy with life may be
likely to experience anomic states. It is evident from many of
these responses that money did not bring happiness and stability.
One may be materially successful; however, there is usually never
enough. Many of these athletes can become “disillusioned, weary
for the search for real happiness and fulfillment which [they may
never find] despite the riches and other success-symbols
accumulated. Hence [they are] prone to manifestations of
anomia” (Cohen, 1972, p. 331).
Bivariate Correlation Analysis
Pearson product moment correlations (see Table 4 & 4a)
were calculated for all combinations of variables included in the
study. The level of significance chosen for hypothesis testing was
the 0.05 alpha level. The results of the correlation analysis
demonstrate that 11 of the 13 independent variables were
significantly correlated with anomia at the 0.05 level. Each of the
variables shown to be significantly correlated with anomia were
correlated in the hypothesized direction, while only two variables,
age and years played in the NFL, were found to have very low
correlations with anomia.
Table 4: Correlation Matrix for Anomia (N=102)
Amomia
Anomia
Edu.
Loca.
Mari.
Status
Fam.
Life
Relig.
Drug
Use
1.00
-.691**
.667**
-.557**
.500**
.394**
-.493**
*Significant at the .05 level
**Significant at the .01 level
75
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
Table 4a: Correlation Matrix for Anomia (N=102)
Anomia
Crim.
Act.
Rehab.
Lev.
Happ.
Income
Age
Race
Yrs.
NFL
.522**
.386**
-.679**
.589**
-.026
.390**
.019
*Significant at the .05 level
**Significant at the .01 level
The results of the correlation findings for anomia reveal:
(a) those NFL players that have not graduated from college; (b)
who were raised in an urban location; (c) who are not married; (d)
who were raised in a single parent/guardian household; (e) who
do not attend church or worship services of some kind; (f) who do
not feel there is anything wrong with illegal drug use; (g) who
have been arrested; (e) who have received some sort of
counseling or rehabilitation; (f) who report being unhappy with
life; and (g) who earn a higher salary, tend to display anomic
characteristics.
Regression Analysis
Step-wise multiple regression analyses (see Table 5) were
conducted on the data in order to determine the explanatory
power of the independent variables when all were considered at
the same time. The variance in the anomia scale scores was
regressed against the 13 independent variables chosen from
theory for the purpose of building the best explanatory model.
Ultimately, the goal is to maximize the explained variance.
Six variables were shown to be significant in reducing the
unexplained variance in the dependent variable. The six-variable
model explained 69.7 percent of the variance in the anomia scale
variable. The six variables included in the model are as follows:
(a) education; (b) level of happiness; (c) location; (d) marital
status; (e) drug use; and (f) income.
76
The Campbellsville Review
Table 5: Step-Wise Regression Analysis for Anomia (N=102)
Step
Number
Edu.
Lev.
Happ.
Loc.
Mari.
Status
Drug
Use
Income
Adjusted
F-Ratio of
Coefficient Entering
of
Variable
Determination
Step 1
-.691**
.472
91.325**
Step 2
-.467** -.433**
.616
82.026**
Step 3
-.378** -.336** .257**
.650
63.546**
Step 4
-.311** -.314** .236** -.172**
.668
51.771**
Step 5
-.220** -.312** .234** -.175** -.171**
.686
45.187**
Step 6
-.207** -.233** .205** -.182** -.171** .155**
.697
39.707**
*Significant at the .05 level
**Significant at the .01 level
Overview of Findings
The responses to the dependent variable, anomia, indicate
that an alarming 55 percent of the respondents can be considered
to exhibit anomic characteristics. The descriptive statistics appear
to indicate that agents of socialization play an important role in
being able to combat anomia. It also appears that anomia tends to
have an influence on deviance behavior/acting out of the norm.
Overall, the descriptive findings indicate that deviance produced
by anomia appears to be a real issue for NFL players in our
sample.
The bivariate statistics indicate that the sociodemographic variables of age and number of years played in the
NFL were, for the most part, poor predictors of anomia. The other
11 variables appear to be important predicting variables of
anomia. Overall, there appears to be a relationship between
socialization and anomia and deviance and anomia.
The multivariate statistics indicate that the independent
variables of family life, religiosity, criminal activity,
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
77
rehabilitation, and race were generally poor predictors of anomia.
The most important variables associated with anomia for this
study were education (graduated college), location (raised in
urban or rural locality), marital status, drug use, level of
happiness, and income. Overall, it appears that socialization plays
a major role in predicting athlete’s chances of becoming anomic.
Also, whether or not a player is happy with life, a player’s
attitude toward drug use, and a player’s earnings appear to be
good predictors of anomia, as well.
Summary and Conclusions
Understanding the phenomenon of rapid lifestyle change in
professional football players is important to the understanding of
professional athletes and their ability to cope with this change.
The role that leisure and sport such as football, along with its
heroes and villains, plays in nearly every aspect of American
culture and our chief social institutions is really quite
phenomenal. The influence of professional football has a major
impact on our economy, polity, mass media, religion, education,
and many other important social institutions (Sage, 1998). The
impact is so large that the NFL was able to persuade New York
City to shut down Times Square during rush hour on a workday
for a kickoff concert featuring the popular band Bon Jovi, and
over half a million people turned out (Lowry, 2003). Taking all
that into account, we would argue that is why we need to form a
better sociological understanding of the NFL, its players, and
their actions. This study can be one step in that direction.
The results of this study find that rapid change occurring
in the lives of NFL players potentially causes anomic
characteristics that can lead to deviant/unnormative behavior. The
aforementioned can ultimately occur when agents of socialization
are inadequate or perceived as inadequate. The concept of anomie
is useful in explaining the sudden life change and deviance in the
NFL (Clinard, 1964). Using a quantitative approach along with
excerpts of in-depth interviews, this study links anomie/anomia
with players in the NFL. The 102 NFL players that responded to
78
The Campbellsville Review
or completed questionnaires, as well as other players whom we
have talked to of this type, are real-life examples of what happens
when rapid life change occurs.
This change causes a disruption that can lead to
“insatiable appetites” and “fevered imaginations” in those players
who are embedded in the sub-culture of the NFL. These
characteristics of normlessness point to a breakdown of the social
control and traditional structures (if there had been any already in
place) that have been familiar to most NFL players since early
socialization and childhood. Anomia can result in few perceived
rules and regulations. There tends to be no limits to behavior, no
boundaries. The economic change is so rapid that there is little
time to learn how to deal with this newly acquired lifestyle. From
the results of this study, it appears that early socialization with
traditional structure is one of the possible factors that may be able
to combat it. With no boundaries and an enormous amount of
sudden wealth, fame, and power, deviant or unnormative
behavior will likely occur. It is hypothesized that several
indicators play a key role in determining the degree of anomia
present in these players’ lives. In other words, higher levels of
anomia should mean: (a) less constructive/productive agents of
socialization in the lives of these athletes; (b) an extremely high
income; and (c) the presence of deviant behavior.
This study warrants further investigation due to the fact
that key variables show significant strong relationships to anomia
among NFL players. From the data analyses, it can be concluded
that anomia plays a major role in whether NFL players fall victim
to anomic circumstances and, ultimately, deviant behavior. Of
course, the anomia scale (Srole, 1956) cannot explain anomie and
deviance by itself; however, we would argue, from the results of
this study, that its indicators are significant components of the
social phenomenon that Durkheim (1897/1951) conceptualized as
anomie.
Also, additional study of other possible indicators of
anomia, sudden life change, and deviance in the NFL should be
undertaken. As one player stated, “We need to combat this
change. The League or somebody’s got to do something. In order
to combat this change, we need to give these guys something
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
79
positive that’s bigger than themselves to be a part of because
things are just getting worse in the League.” Another former
player added, “We need to get these young men to realize that
they don’t need five Hummers and all that ‘bling’ ‘bling’ cause
that ain’t life. That ain’t reality forever. We have to get them to
realize this before it’s too late—before they get consumed,
because their careers and that lifestyle won’t last forever.” Just as
Durkheim (1897/1951) stated so vividly, there is no true
happiness in material things. All the pleasures and sensations
(e.g., fancy cars, drugs, multiple women, sex) lose their savor
once they have been had. We believe one player sums it up when
he said, “If you’re not rooted and grounded and let change take a
hold of you and you buy into the myth, the big lie, and let the
NFL lifestyle consume you, eventually, great will be your fall.”
While this study focuses on NFL players, there is a larger
phenomenon here that Durkheim (1897/1951) pointed out to us
over 100 years ago. When the rules of life change rapidly, people
have difficulty adjusting. If people do not have structure and
become confused about what the rules are, normlessness and
deviance can result. This normative breakdown can be present in
much more than professional football. There is something much
deeper, something of high significance, within the larger
phenomenon of anomie and deviant behavior that is not just about
pro football. There should be a fresh discovery of Durkheim’s
(1897/1951) insight on sudden economic change. We argue that
anomie should be viewed as a very important perspective to
explore and apply in new and emerging instances in the 21st
century. It is our hope that this study can help reignite the inquiry
of rapid life change, anomie/anomia, and deviance.
80
The Campbellsville Review
References
Abelson, R. P., & Tukey, J. W. (1970). Efficient conversion of
non-metric information into metric information. In
E.R.Tufte (Ed.), The Quantitative Analysis of Social
Problems, (pp. 407-417). Reading, MA: Addison Wesley.
Abrahamson, M. (1980). Sudden wealth, gratification and
attainment:
Durkheim’s
anomie
of
affluence
reconsidered. American Sociological Review 45, 49-57.
Babbie, E. (1986). The practice of social research. (4th ed.).
Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co.
Benedict, J., & Yaeger, D. (1998). Pros and cons: The criminals
who play in the NFL. New York: Warner Books.
Bernburg, J. G. (2002). Anomie, social change and crime: A
theoretical examination of institutional-anomie theory.
The British Journal of Sociology 42, 729-742.
Besnard, P. (1988). The true nature of anomie. Sociological
Theory 6, 91-95.
Bourdieu, P. (1978). Sport and social class. Social Science
Information 17, 819-840.
Clinard, M. B. (1964). Anomie and deviant behavior. New York:
Free Press.
Coakley, J. (2001). Sport in Society. New York: McGraw Hill.
Cohen, D. V. (2000). Ethics and crime in business firms:
Organizational culture and the impact of anomie. In F.
Adler & W. S. Laufer (Eds.), The legacy of anomie
theory (pp. 183-206). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction
Publishers.
Cohen, H. (1972). The anomia of success and the anomia of
failure: A study of similarities in opposites. The British
Journal of Sociology 23, 329-343.
Delaney, T. (2003). Sports and deviant behavior. Philosophy Now
41.
Retrieved
Feburary
7,
2005
from
http://www.philosophynow.org/issue41/41delaney.htm
Durkheim, E. (1933). The division of labor in society. (G.
Simpson, Trans.) New York: Free Press. (Original work
published 1893)
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
81
Durkheim, E. (1951). Suicide. (J. A. Spaulding & G. Simpson,
Trans.) New York: Free Press. (Original work published
1897)
Durkheim, E. (1961). Moral education. (E. K. Wilson & H.
Schnurer, Trans.) New York: Free Press. (Original
work published 1925)
Eitzen, S. D. (1999). Fair and foul: The myths and paradoxes of
sport. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
Eitzen, S. D. (Ed.). 2005. Sport in contemporary society. Boulder,
CO: Paradigm Publishers.
Fischer, C. S. (1973). On urban alienation and anomie:
Powerlessness
and
social
isolation.
American
Sociological Review 38, 311-326.
Forde, P. (2004). Red, white and pigskin. ESPN.com. Retrieved
October 29, 2004 from
http://sports.espn.go.com/ncf/feature/featureStory?page=f
ootballinamerica
The Harris Poll. (2004, November 23). Green Bay Packers and
Dallas Cowboys still nation’s favorite NFL teams.
Retrieved
February
7,
2005
from
http://www.harrisinteractive.com/harris_poll/index.asp?P
ID=523
Huber, R. (2005, February 7). Philly stakes its claim. Lexington
Herald-Leader, p. D7.
Isidore, C. (2002). Football success a good bet. CNNMoney.
Retrieved
February
7,
2005
from
http://money.cnn.com/2002/01/news/column_sportsbiz/
Kanagy, C. L., & Willits, F. K. (1990). Anomia and religiosity:
Data from a panel of middle-aged subjects. Journal for
the Scientific Study of Religion 29, 226-235.
Killian, L. M., & Grigg, C. M. (1962). Urbanism, race, and
anomia. The American Journal of Sociology 67, 661-665.
Labovitz, S. (1967). Some observations on measurement and
statistics. Social Forces 46, 151-160.
Labovitz, S. (1970). The assignment of numbers to rank order
categories. American SociologicalReview 35, 515-524.
Lee, G. R. (1974). Marriage and anomie: A causal argument.
Journal of Marriage and the Family 36, 523-532.
82
The Campbellsville Review
Lovell-Troy, L. A. (1983). Anomia among employed wives and
housewives: An exploratory analysis. Journal of
Marriage and the Family 45, 301-310.
Lowry, T. (2003, January 27). The NFL machine. Business Week,
86-91, 94.
MacCambridge, M. (2004). America’s game: The epic story of
how pro football captured a nation. New York: Random
House.
MacIver, R. M. (1950). The ramparts we guard. New York:
Macmillian Co.
Marks, S. R. (1974). Durkheim’s theory of anomie. American
Journal of Sociology 80, 329-363.
McClosky, H., & Schaar, J. H. (1965). Psychological dimensions
of anomy. American Sociological Review 30, 14-40.
Merton, R. K. (1938). Social structure and anomie. American
Sociological Review 3, 672-682.
Mestrovic, S. G. (1985). Anomia and sin in Durkheim’s thought.
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24, 119-236.
Mihoces, G. (2002, August 30). Football is king—now more than
ever. USA Today, p. 01a.
Nack, W. S. (2005, January 17). Behind the thrill of victory.
Time, p. A44-A45.
Neal, A. G., & Seeman, M. (1964). Organizations and
powerlessness. American Sociological Review 29, 216226.
Orru, M. (1987). Anomie: History and meanings. Boston: George
Allen &Unwin.
Parsons, T. (1951). The social system. New York: Free Press.
Passas, N. (2000). Continuities in the anomie tradition. In F.
Adler & W. S. Laufer (Eds.), The legacy of anomie
theory (pp. 91-112). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction
Publishers.
Powell, E. H. (Ed.). (1970). The design of discord: Studies of
anomie. New York: Oxford University Press.
Riesman, D., Glazer, N., & Denney, R. (1956). The lonely crowd:
A study in the changing American character. New York:
Doubleday & Company.
Fame, Fortune, and Anomie
83
Sage, G. H. (1998). Power and ideology in American sport: A
critical perspective (2nd ed.). Champaign, IL: Human
Kinetics.
Simon, W., & Gagnon, J. H. (1976). The anomie of affluence: A
post-Mertonian conception. American Journal of
Sociology 82, 356-378.
Srole, L. (1956). Social integration and certain corollaries: An
exploratory study. American Sociological Review 21,
709-716.
Will, G. F. (2004, October 11). Modern life in NFL nation.
Newsweek, p. 64.
Wirth, L. (1938). Urbanism as a way of life. The American
Journal of Sociology 44, 1-24.