In Search of Sensitive Ethnography of Change: Tracing the Invisible HandOffs from Technology Developers to Users A paper presented in the symposium “Dealing with marginality: Tracing the partial and the fragile in coordinating the social practices of diverse collaborators”, held in the ISCRAT Fifth Congress of the International Society for Cultural Research and Activity Theory, ‘Dealing with Diversity – Tools and Resources for Human Development in Social Practices, 18-22, June, 2002, Amsterdam Mervi Hasu University of Helsinki Center for Activity Theory and Developmental Work Research P.O.Box 47, 00014 University of Helsinki, Finland e-mail: mervi.hasu@helsinki.fi Extended abstract It is suggested that to understand the processes of exclusion of women from technical practice, feminist scholars need to get inside the “black box” of technology production. This paper draws on the work of Susan Leigh Star (Star & Strauss, 1999; Star, 1991) and Lucy Suchman (2001) proposing that the prevailing form of technology adoption and stabilization through the “handing-off” of technologies across multiple, discontinuous worlds relies upon articulation work that is largely invisible. The paper discusses the problem of opening the black box, that is, how the “invisible” in technology production and use can be traced in practice. I introduce a research methodology that is sensitive not only to the processes of exclusion but also to the emerging interactions and innovative efforts among technology developers and users regardless of their gender. The challenge of such dynamic methodology is to trace on-line the emerging new pattern of activity when it does not have as yet any discernible center or clear material entity. The context of my doctoral research, the early implementation of an innovation, is a prominent example of such an activity. It is a collaborative and potentially expansive endeavor in which both the innovation and the user activity are transformed in the process of adopting the innovation into use. Such a setting is a theoretical and methodological challenge for research. It has emerged as one of the major interests among activity theorists in the field of work and organization (Engeström, 2000; Engeström & al., 1998) and has also attracted growing interest among organizational research (e.g., Weick, 2000; Orlikowski, 1999). Compared to more conventional research approaches that use such methods as performance measures before and after implementation or “intended change”, the activity-theoretical approach that I applied uses ethnography for tracing the embryonic and bottom-up change efforts in the actual local processes of the given work practice. Thus, I focused my ethnography on those local, mundane processes of implementation and use of the new medical device, following within an innovation network how the new pattern of clinical use emerged within the established pattern of basic research use. Compared to traditional laboratory studies (e.g., Knorr-Cetina, 1981), my ethnography covered multiple rather than a single site, and it was focused on transformation and diffusion rather than stabilization and closure. I call this research practice, informed by activity theory, as the “ethnography of change”. I found it problematic that simultaneously with the intense application of activitytheoretically informed ethnography to explore transformative organizational processes and their discoordinations, the methodological reflection of ethnography in terms of interactive process between the researcher and those researched has remained limited. In this respect, I wonder whether activitytheoretical ethnography is sensitive enough to certain kinds of qualities of participation that are related to the subjective position of the people involved in collaborative endeavors, including the researcher. Traditionally, in activity-theoretical research on work and organizations (Engeström, 1987, 1993), ethnography has been directed from the historical analysis of the given work activity. Special analytical means have been developed to discover, record and analyze the systemic disturbances within a single activity system (e.g., a general practitioners’ activity system in the health care center) as manifestations of inherent contradictions embedded in the activity. The development and application of the theory, rather than the ethnographer’s practice or position, emerged as the key issue in the pioneering phase of this research specialization. In activity-theoretically informed ethnography, reflection on the researcher role has been somewhat weak when compared to other ethnographic traditions that have addressed the reflection of the interactive research relationship (e.g. Wylie, 1994). Accordingly, in most activity-theoretical studies, the ethnographer remains invisible (see also Forsythe, 1999). Although the question of methodological sensitivity may have appeared a challenge for activity-theoretical research before, I have found it increasingly important in such new contexts of research of which my own research is an illustrative example: a trajectory, an emerging new pattern of work and interaction without a clear center or location. More recently, when the focus of activity-theoretical ethnography has been moved from single activity systems to cover several interacting activity systems and their networks (e.g., Engeström & al., 1999; Hasu, 2001; Saari, forthcoming), a need to reassess the use of ethnography and ethnographer’s practice has emerged. One indication of this need is that while the outcomes of intense, multisite ethnography are increasingly valued, at the same time, the reflection on the researcher’s experiences and subjectivity has not been encouraged or practiced systematically. I will argue that directing ethnography solely on the basis of historical hypothesis of contradictions, and focusing it exclusively on visible breakdowns and their straightforward recording may not capture in essence the multiple identities and voices of diverse participants and their fragile, intersecting trajectories that are also instrumental in bringing about effects. I suggest that if the activity-theoretical analysis is further developed as an ethnography of change able to reveal multi-voicedness that exceeds the expected or hypothetical categories, more attention needs to be paid to the sensitivity of ethnography and the interactive processes of data collection among those researched. I will elaborate upon part of my doctoral research in which the ethnographer’s sensitivity about the subjects’ marginality helped enrich the activity-theoretical analysis and demonstrated a need for further elaboration on a few key activity-theoretical concepts used in the study. Assumed neutrality to such marginalities as gender, age or ethnicity, can make the ethnographer blind to the initiatives and voices of those people. Also the other dimension, fragility and vulnerability of their potentially expansive efforts, may never come to the eyes and ears of the researcher. It seems to me that the activity-theoretical analysis would benefit from the opening for inclusion of this subjective partiality and marginality inherent in every collective activity (Star, 1991). This is not a matter of intensifying the practices of ethnography by adding more field workers or video-recorders. Inspired by the recent work of Vera JohnSteiner, I propose that more sensitivity to peoples’ lives and voices - not only as workers/practitioners but also as persons, including position and the identity that they attribute to themselves - are called for (John-Steiner, 2000; Dreier, 1999). I will discuss the emerging of shared identities, intersubjectivity between the researcher and the research subjects as a source for mutual trust and dialogue in delicate field situations. My study showed that while expansive endeavors are empowering, they can also be fragile. 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