Published by the Victorian Government Department of Sustainability and Environment Melbourne, September 2011 © The State of Victoria Department of Sustainability and Environment 2011 This publication is copyright. No part may be reproduced by any process except in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. Authorised by the Victorian Government, 8 Nicholson Street, East Melbourne. Print managed by Finsbury Green Printed on recycled paper ISBN 978-1-74287-207-0 (online) For more information contact the DSE Customer Service Centre 136 186 Disclaimer This publication may be of assistance to you but the State of Victoria and its employees do not guarantee that the publication is without flaw of any kind or is wholly appropriate for your particular purposes and therefore disclaims all liability for any error, loss or other consequence which may arise from you relying on any information in this publication. This publication reflects the views of the local governments interviewed and should not be taken to represent the views of the State of Victoria or its employees. Accessibility If you would like to receive this publication in an accessible format, such as large print or audio, please telephone 136 186, or through the National Relay Service (NRS) using a modem or textphone/teletypewriter (TTY) by dialling 1800 555 677, or email customer.service@dse.vic.gov.au This document is also available in PDF format on the internet at www.dse.vic.gov.au Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 2. Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................4 Background ............................................................................................................. 4 The Accord and its advisory committee ................................................................................ 4 The urban trees issue............................................................................................................ 4 VLSAC Urban Trees project and this paper .......................................................................... 4 Policy Context ....................................................................................................................... 5 Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................. 5 Scope and methodology ......................................................................................... 6 2. Understanding why urban tree canopy is important – literature review* ............................................................................................................7 Air pollution ............................................................................................................. 7 Urban climate, temperature and energy use ......................................................... 8 Carbon sequestration and storage ........................................................................ 9 Water run-off and quality ........................................................................................ 9 Social, aesthetic and property values.................................................................. 10 Summary of urban forestry benefits .................................................................... 10 History of tree species in urban Melbourne ........................................................ 11 Understanding the trends in urban tree canopy in Melbourne .......................... 11 Approach to trend analysis .................................................................................................. 11 Tree planting and removal records ..................................................................................... 12 Aerial image analysis .......................................................................................................... 14 Key trends ............................................................................................................. 17 4. Drivers of urban tree canopy trends .......................................................... 18 Trees on council land and private land ............................................................... 18 Council managed land......................................................................................................... 18 Private managed land ......................................................................................................... 19 Key urban forestry barriers .................................................................................. 20 Establishing trees on the western plains ............................................................................. 20 Built environment................................................................................................................. 20 Community perceptions....................................................................................................... 21 Action councils are taking .................................................................................... 21 The bigger picture – the role for state government ............................................ 22 Agreed position on the value of urban trees ....................................................................... 22 State planning ..................................................................................................................... 22 Line clearing regulations ..................................................................................................... 22 5. Conclusion and next steps................................................................................ 23 Summary of findings............................................................................................. 23 Future opportunities ............................................................................................. 23 6. References .................................................................................................................. 24 Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 3. 1. Introduction Background The Accord and its advisory committee The Accord is a partnership agreement between local governments and the state government. It has been successful in gaining the commitment of all 79 councils in Victoria, raising the profile of sustainability issues across local government and building the capacity of smaller regional councils to address environmental sustainability within their communities. The Victorian Local Sustainability Advisory Committee (VLSAC) oversees the implementation of the Accord. The VLSAC was appointed by the Minister for Environment and Climate Change to provide advice to the Minister about local government issues for input into policy making and to act as a forum for strategic discussion and resolution of cross-jurisdictional sustainability and climate change issues between state and local government. To focus its efforts, the VLSAC identified five key issues for priority action. The priority issues were based on input from the Accord partners and extensive consultation with local governments across Victoria. These complex, cross-jurisdictional issues require action by both state and local government to improve sustainability outcomes for local communities, and Victoria as a whole. The VLSAC Urban Trees project looks at the implications for Melbourne’s liveability through changes to public and private urban tree canopy and what steps can be taken to further recognise and take advantage of the benefits urban trees provide. The urban trees issue Trees and urban landscapes emerged as an issue for local governments through consultation processes undertaken by VLSAC. In particular: Urban densification and some water saving initiatives (e.g. the increased use of artificial turf) have lead to a reduction in the amount of vegetation in Melbourne. Fewer trees can increase local temperatures on hot days, leading to increased use of air-conditioning and associated water loss The benefits provided by urban trees and urban landscapes – reduction in runoff, air filtration, shade provision and local biodiversity and habitat – are not being recognised in urban planning and land use decisions The need for better metrics and understanding of the economic value of these services provided by urban trees and landscapes. An Accord funded project ‘Valuing Urban Trees’ is currently underway. The project aims to put a financial value on the environmental, health and amenity benefits of urban trees to provide future guidance for urban decision makers such as urban designers, planners and policy makers. This project includes customising an American methodology and software (I-tree) to Australian species for creating a value (price) on the amenity attributed to urban trees such as shade/cooling effects, UV protection and carbon sequestration. VLSAC Urban Trees project and this paper The purpose of the VLSAC Urban Trees project is to: Understand the degree to which Melbourne’s urban tree canopy has changed over the last 10 years Investigate the drivers of changes in urban tree canopy through council interviews Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 4. Engage with, and bring together, local governments and subject matter experts to tap into their first hand experience of the impacts of changes in urban tree canopy on their local communities Provide evidence for key decisions makers in local (and state) governments about the extent of the changes in urban tree canopy and the impacts of these changes, to inspire effective action. The urban trees project will have two outcomes: An issues paper addressing the trends, drivers benefits and barriers in urban trees across Melbourne An event aimed at senior decision makers across local and state government to explore possible solutions and opportunities to the barriers and issues identified in the research for the paper. Policy Context The VLSAC Urban Trees project is consistent with a number of the Victorian Government’s policy commitments, in particular: Living Melbourne, Living Victoria Roadmap which aims to establish Melbourne as a world leader in liveable cities and integrated water cycle management and provide a vision for a liveable, sustainable and productive Melbourne that supports green landscapes that significantly enhance urban amenity and help combat the impacts of the urban heat island effect Whole-of-government liveability audit of metropolitan Melbourne to identify gaps in physical and community infrastructure The $5m Living Victoria green roof plan to reduce energy use and cool city buildings and offices The planting plan to build a green future across Victoria (1.5million trees to be planted across metropolitan Melbourne) – restoring urban spaces; better utilising trees effectiveness in reducing pollution and cooling our towns and cities (heat island effect); preservation of biodiversity. Local governments have a clear role to play in these policy areas. Reductions in urban tree canopy (and related permeable surfaces) impact on Melbourne’s liveability and ‘greeness’ by way of increasing heat island effect, less carbon emissions being absorbed, greater pressure on storm water management facilities and infrastructure and loss of biodiversity. Acknowledgments In the Accord spirit of connecting across and between levels of government, many people and organisations need to be acknowledged for their contribution to this project as reference and working group members, interview subjects and subject matter experts. In alphabetical order, the VLSAC would like to acknowledge: Brimbank City Council City of Bayside City of Boroondara City West Water DPCD DSE Hobsons Bay City Council Hume City Council Judy Bush Maribyrnong City Council Maroondah City Council Municipal Association of Victoria Melbourne City Council Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 5. Melbourne University School of Land and Environment Moonee Valley City Council Rob Gell Yarra Ranges Council Scope and methodology This discussion paper is focused on the trends in urban tree canopy across metropolitan Melbourne. It is acknowledged that some issues (benefits and barriers) addressed in this paper are relevant to a wider audience, in particular regional centres such as Geelong, Ballarat and Bendigo. A combination of sources were utilised in undertaking the research for this discussion paper. Nine councils were interviewed across Melbourne. Council staff interviewed included arborists, open space managers, tree managers, landscape architects, biodiversity officers, environmental planning managers and sustainability officers and managers. Each council was asked what trends it saw in its municipality on both council-managed and private land; the drivers of those trends; activities council were undertaking around trees; barriers faced; and what role, if any, councils saw for the state government to take around urban trees. The paper also includes a literature review, based on the work of Thomas Fairman in his 2010 Master’s paper ‘Using STRATUM to Estimate the Benefits of Street Trees in Melbourne, Victoria’. To determine the trends in urban tree canopy across metropolitan Melbourne, two methods were employed. The first involved using council-sourced data to interpret the changes in trees planted and removed, in addition to the total size of the urban tree asset. Using this information it was possible to estimate if there has been a net increase (or decrease) in trees within metropolitan Melbourne. The second method was more directly tied to analysing the trends in the presence of tree cover. Aerial photos owned by the Department of Sustainability & Environment were analysed for change in tree canopy cover over time using spatial software (ArcMap 9.3.1) over a variety of different suburbs within different councils. These suburbs were: St. Albans (Brimbank) Balwyn (Boroondara) Carlton (Melbourne) North Melbourne (Melbourne) Broadmeadows (Hume). The suburbs used in this analysis are broadly representative of different parts of Melbourne. The selection of these five suburbs allows a broad west-to-east, north-to-central selection of suburbs within metropolitan Melbourne. They are also characterised by differing establishment histories, as well as land uses and suburb characteristics. A series of fixed points was overlaid across aerial photographs of the different suburbs. For a given year, each of these points was then assessed by eye as to whether it intersected a tree or its canopy or not (identified as ‘Tree’ or ‘Non-tree’ accordingly). Aerial photographs dated 2000 and 2009 were analysed for all suburbs except St Albans where data was available for 1989 and 2009. It is acknowledged that this analysis is relatively coarse, however it does provide indication in the trends in tree canopy cover in the urban landscape. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 6. 2. Understanding why urban tree canopy is important – literature review* Australia is a highly urbanised nation, with an estimated 75% - 82% of the population (compared to 55% of the American population) living in urban areas (ABS, 2006a; Sutton et al, 2010). In Victoria, greater Melbourne has absorbed 80% of the increase in the State’s total population since 2001, with the population percentage residing in urban Melbourne slowly, but steadily, increasing in the same period (ABS, 2010) (Figure 1.) Figure 1. Change in Melbourne population Accordingly, the ecology of ecosystems within urban areas is increasingly being examined (Cooke et al, 2002; Garden et al, 2006) and valued (Bolund & Hunhammar, 1999). It is generally considered that the proper management of cities, including their ecological management, will ensure that they are reasonable places to live in the future (Pickett et al, 2001) through the provision of a healthy and resilient environment. For scientists, councils, resource managers and the general public, the roles of trees in an urban landscape are increasingly being scrutinised, with a keen eye on any potential benefits. The numerous benefits of urban forests, and in particular street trees, have been frequently cited in numerous reports over the past few decades, including: reduced particulate air pollution; reduced energy use through increased shade, reduced air conditioner use and subsequent mitigation of urban heat island effects; the storage/sequestration of carbon; improved water quality and retention (Brack, 2002; Donovan & Butry, 2009). Street trees have also been observed to provide more ‘intangible’ benefits such as aesthetic/visual amenity and psychological benefits to the community, including stress reduction, improved work attitudes, reduced domestic violence, and ‘consumer-friendly’ retail environments (Treiman & Gartner, 2006). Despite these benefits being identified in academia, little quantitative data exists to demonstrate the full benefits provided by urban trees. Air pollution It is generally accepted that there are four ways that urban trees affect the levels of air pollution in a city (Nowak, 2000a): Temperature reduction and other microclimate effects Removal of air pollutants Emission of volatile organic compounds and emissions from tree maintenance programs Energy effect on buildings. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 7. In terms of the actual removal of air pollutants, trees can use two methods: gaseous pollution can be absorbed via leaf uptake and diffusion; trees can also intercept airborne particles, which can then either be absorbed into the tree or retained on the tree surface (Nowak et al, 2006). For this latter case, the tree only serves as a temporary retention site for airborne particles. Ultimately, the ‘success’ of urban trees in removing pollution depends on the amount of air pollution, the length of the ‘in-leaf’ season, precipitation and other meteorological variables. Furthermore, it has been suggested large, healthy trees – generally those with a diameter at breast height (DBH) of >77cm – remove approximately 70 times more air pollution annually than small, healthy trees (<8cm DBH) (Nowak, 2002). With this in mind, it is of little surprise that studies based in the United States assessing the extent of pollution reduction by urban forests have found a large degree of variability – for example, the urban forests of New York City annually remove an estimated 1,821 tons of air pollution citywide, where as those in Baltimore remove 499 tons (Nowak, 2000a). However, the benefits of trees in reducing air pollution are not always necessarily clear cut. For example, in certain urban environments, street trees can create a ‘blockage effect’ on the escape of air pollution, potentially lowering local air quality (Salim et al, 2009). Certain tree species also emit chemical compounds known as “biogenic volatile organic compounds” (BVOCs), which play a role in the formation of photochemical smog, especially in the presence of other urban pollutants (Penuelas & Staudt, 2010). The genus Eucalyptus is a particularly high emitter of BVOCs (Nowak, 2000a), which could therefore potentially alter local air quality. However, there is a current lack of research into this area of urban air pollution (Penuelas & Staudt, 2010). * Based on ‘Using STRATUM to Estimate the Benefits of Street Trees in Melbourne, Victoria’ by Thomas Fairman, 2010 Urban climate, temperature and energy use With increased urban density and extreme heat events, parks and other trees areas such as nature strips and roadsides will help counter increased temperatures resulting from heat absorbed by roads, buildings and footpaths (VEAC 2011). The shade of a tree can provide energy savings and cuts in carbon dioxide emissions. The shade from a street tree cast on a house with a street frontage can reduce the local ambient temperature, through evapotranspiration and shading of the house, paved street and sidewalks, which in turn reduces the need for energy expenditure through air conditioning use. The reductions in energy use are discernible – for example, in the city of Adelaide, South Australia, it has been estimated that all street trees city wide are responsible for a 0.5°C - 2°C reduction in summer temperatures, and an estimated per year saving of $AU20 per household, equivalent to 57 million kWh (Stringer, 2007). In Sacramento, California, trees located within 20m of houses were found to provide reductions in summer time electricity use equivalent to household savings of $US25.16 and a per household power-use reduction of 185kWh (Donovan & Butry, 2009). Furthermore, the decrease in power consumption correlates to a reduction in carbon dioxide emissions from power plants that supply households with their energy. This reduction in emissions occurs alongside localised uptake of carbon dioxide through tree growth, via the process of photosynthesis. In the case of Sacramento, it was found that a single London Plane Tree (Platanus x acerifolia) correctly placed near a house and well-maintained for 100 years, could reduce annual summertime carbon emissions from electricity use by 31% – equal to roughly 298kg of carbon dioxide per year (Donovan & Butry, 2009) through avoided carbon dioxide release and sequestration. This is very much location and species specific, however. In the case of Australia, it has been observed that the sequestration of street trees in Adelaide is matched by the trees respiration, and therefore there is no net change in this regard – aside from the indirect avoided carbon emissions due to lowered power consumption (Stringer, 2007). The need for greater detailed measurement in Australia is acknowledged. However, a significant finding of the Victorian Environmental Assessment Council’s (VEAC) Melbourne Metropolitan Investigation was the importance of treed areas for ameliorating the urban heat island effect (VCEC 2011). Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 8. Carbon sequestration and storage The sequestration of carbon in trees and forests (carbon sinks) has frequently been cited as one way of assisting in the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions. Urban vegetation is not currently considered under the framework of the Kyoto protocol for carbon sink or sequestration purposes, primarily due to issues regarding the verification of data, in addition to the relatively small scale of urban plantings compared to forest stands or plantations (Moore, 2006). However, given the close proximity of urban vegetation to emission sources, the carbon storage potential of urban forests, and street trees, should not be disregarded (Nowak, 2000b). Studies in the US and UK suggest that urban forests are able to hold an average 25.1 to 31.6 tonnes of carbon per hectare (tC/ha) - a relatively significant amount compared to the average of 53.5 tC/ha in US traditional forests (Nowak & Crane, 2002; Davies et al, 2011). A similar UK study found 31.6 tC/ha in the urban vegetation of Leicester. However, this value of tons per hectare of urban vegetation has a fair degree of variability – in the US the figure can vary between 3.3 tC/ha to 51.2 tC/ha (Nowak & Crane, 2002). Below-ground organic carbon stored in urban soils (typically with a large sequestration potential due to general lack of disturbance), estimated at roughly 5-8 kg/m2 in certain US cities (Pouyat et al, 2006) can also be considered. Given that urban areas are generally increasing in size, the carbon stock of urban vegetation will become larger and more relevant. However, the vegetation being cleared at the expense of urban expansion will ultimately determine whether there is a net-gain, or loss, in carbon stocks per hectare of urban land Water run-off and quality The large impermeable surface associated with urban areas allows a great magnitude and volume of run-off after rainfall events efficiently – however, it also efficiently transports many pollutants generated from urban activities (Wettenhall, 2006). Traditionally, the management of stormwater in cities such as Melbourne has focused on rapid collection and rapid discharge into nearby waterways (Denham, 2006). However, the aquatic ecosystems of these waterways can be negatively affected by the quality and quantity of the water discharge from urban areas. This effect, in terms of all human impacts on stream ecosystems, is considered one of the most damaging and long lasting - changing channel flow regimes, channel stability, impairing water quality and reducing biological diversity (Miller & Boulton, 2005). Water sensitive urban design (WSUD) attempts to integrate urban design into the treatment of run-off on-site, in an effort to reduce contaminant load, the volume of run-off and the resulting negative impacts on ecosystems (Wong, 2006). Urban trees are an important element of WSUD as they capture water through their canopy and in the permeable soil layer that surrounds their root zone, allowing a reduction in the quantity of water that would otherwise be discharged into waterways. The quality of urban water run-off is also important. Reducing nutrients such as nitrogen in run-off is important given the role these nutrients play in algal blooms and eutrophication in waterways. It has been observed that certain species in Australia (Eucalyptus polyanthemos, Lophostemon confertus and Platanus orientalis) can assist in the bioretention of nitrogen through uptake from their soil root zones (Denham, 2006). Furthermore, it was also shown that increased growth rates prevail under stormwater treatment compared to regular water treatment. In terms of the value this benefit represents, in Adelaide the storm water savings per tree is estimated at $AUS6.50 (Stringer, 2007), while in studies of street tree benefits citywide in Berkeley, which has a climate zone somewhat similar to Melbourne, the total value of stormwater benefits was USD $215,648 – which equates to about USD $7 per tree (McPherson et al, 2005). Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 9. Social, aesthetic and property values Trees close to a house increases the price of the house by an average of seven percent, though this varies depending on the age of the trees (mature tree >23cm dbh, house price rise of 2%), the location of the tree (front of house/yard, 3-5%), the amount of tree cover in the neighbourhood (good tree cover, 6-9%), or the economic status of the neighbourhood (mature tree in high-income neighbourhood, 1015%) (Wolf, 2007). There are also a variety of other intangible benefits offered by street trees – the creation of an appealing consumer environment and positive consumer behaviour (Wolf, 2003; Wolf 2009); positive social, psychological and spiritual benefits in terms of community health (Maller, 2005; Tarran, 2006); and even increased driver awareness and safety (Naderi et al, 2008). In their investigation into the contribution of public land (including council owned land) to Melbourne’s liveability the Victorian Environmental Assessment Council (VEAC) identified open space as contributing to physical and mental health by providing opportunities for physical and social activities (VEAC 2011). A key finding of the VEAC investigation was a projected decrease in public open space per capita, exacerbated in established municipalities where limited scope to create additional open space exists. To combat this, the report recommends the government consider a review of the open space contribution policy and provisions in the Victorian Planning Provisions and Subdivision Act 1988 and that a new metropolitan open space strategy be developed (VEAC 2011). Summary of urban forestry benefits In summary, the literature on urban forestry has identified a range of benefits attributed to urban trees: Trees affect levels of pollution. Large, healthy trees remove approximately 70 times more air pollution annually than small, healthy trees (Nowak, 2002) Shade provided by trees can reduce building energy use and carbon emissions Carbon sequestration and storage by urban trees is a potentially significant opportunity for urban areas Urban forests play an important role in managing storm water nutrient run-off into our waterways Trees have aesthetic, social and health benefits. Despite these benefits being identified in academia little quantitative data exists to demonstrate the full benefits provided by urban trees. Worth noting are a number of models that have been developed by research bodies that try to provide encompassing assessments of the benefits of urban forests, aimed for use not by scientists, but by councils and community resource managers. These models have been primarily developed in the USA, and include titles such as CITYgreen (from the American Forests group), the Urban Forest Effects Model and the iTree program, both of which are developed by the United States Department of Agriculture Forest Service). These programs can assist in understanding the complete range of benefits provided by urban trees to assist in placing a comprehensive monetary value on them. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 10. 3. Trends in urban tree canopy across metropolitan Melbourne History of tree species in urban Melbourne The species selected for planting in Melbourne’s long established suburbs and street scapes (and regional centres) usually date back to the late 19th century, largely from the 1870s onwards. In this era (until around 1910), street planting sought to mimic those found in Europe and North America, and consequently species from those regions were selected – the most common being the London plane tree (Platanus x acerifolia) and elms (Ulmus sp.) (Spenneman & Marcar, 1999). Evergreens, and consequently the majority of native Australian species, were derided as a choice for street tree use – in the late 1800s it was observed that evergreens were “too gloomy, dirty and dense,” and the generic eucalypt was “too towering and ragged, their leaves being narrow and verticle [sic], giving little shade” (Spencer, 1986). The evolution of tree planting has resulted in differing regimes being adopted. Since World War II, there has been a general acceptance of native species, mainly due to the rise of ecological consciousness and the sentiment to maintain native ecosystems, preserve the Australian flora and attract native birdlife (Spencer, 1986). As a consequence, ‘newer’ suburbs tend to have a greater prevalence of native species, such as eucalypts - Eucalyptus nicholii, E. Leucoxylon, E. sideroxylon, E. Citriodora and the former Eucalyptus maculata (now Corymbia maculata) all being popular – callistemons, and melaleucas (Spencer, 1986). This chronological change in species selection can be observed as one travels outwards from the city centre of Melbourne to the more recently established outer suburbs. Understanding the trends in urban tree canopy in Melbourne Approach to trend analysis The question of the changes in urban tree canopy in metropolitan Melbourne seems at first a simple question, however accurate answers are not readily accessible. Some councils have investigated the extent of canopy cover of certain components of their urban tree assets (such as Brimbank City Council, Figure 2.). While this information is informative – Brimbank clearly having a tree canopy skewed towards smaller canopy rather than larger – single point-in-time analysis does not allow us to infer trends. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 11. Figure 2. Brimbank City Council’s 2009 assessment of the number of trees that fall within certain intervals for canopy extent. More than 80% of both street and open space trees have a canopy extent between 0 - 6m. To therefore ascertain trends in the canopy cover over urban Melbourne, this paper makes use of a variety of available datasets. Two types of data were interrogated, and each represented a different ‘scale’ of analysis – local government area scale, and suburb scale. The first dataset analysed was sourced from council records (where available) of the number of trees the council removes and plants over a wide as possible timescale, across their municipality. This information was used given the understanding that the trends in tree planting can be considered broadly analogous to potential changes in tree canopy cover. The second source of information around the change in tree canopy entailed the use of a sequence of aerial images from a cross-section of suburbs across metropolitan Melbourne. A grid of points at fixed intervals was laid over the photographs. Each point was then assessed if it intersected a ‘tree’ or ‘nontree’ on the aerial image. Nine councils across Melbourne were interviewed to gain a better understanding of what might be driving the canopy trends identified in the two sets of data. A summary of the key findings from the interviews completes the high-level trend analysis in this paper. Tree planting and removal records The recording of tree planting and removal of council managed trees is a fairly recent phenomena for most councils and as such, obtaining accurate and historic records (beyond the last few years) proved to be quite challenging. Data was available for a selection of councils across metropolitan Melbourne, including the number, type and health of the trees that they manage. Table 1 shows the average number of trees planted per year for a variety of different councils. Table 1. A variety of local government areas and their characteristics compared to the number of trees planted per year. Population information sourced from Australian Bureau of Statistics (2010). COUNCIL POPULATION (2009) STATISTICAL SUB LGA SIZE DIVISION (HA) AVERAGE COUNCIL TREES Bayside Southern Melbourne 3,718 96,329 2,100 Boroondara Boroondara City 6,016 168,090 2,658 Brimbank Western Melbourne 12,368 185,890 18,357 Hobson’s Bay Western Melbourne 6,461 87,486 1,396* Melbourne Inner Melbourne 3,755 93,105 1,798 PLANTED/YEAR *street trees only As shown, there are significant numbers of trees on average being planted across metropolitan Melbourne. However, to make this data more meaningful, the number of trees being removed also needs to be considered. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 12. All councils interviewed indicated that, anecdotally, they were planting more trees than they were removing. This trend is backed up by the data supplied by a number of the interviewed councils whose records included tree removal. This can be most clearly shown by comparing the number of trees planted per year on council land (streets and parks) to the number of trees removed per year on council land. Using this information, we can ascertain a ratio of trees planted/removed, where positive values indicate net planting and negative indicate net removal – see figure 3. Figure 3. The ratio of planted trees to tree removals. The positive figures indicate that since 2009 all councils who supplied data have planted more trees than removed on council land. Figure 3 may also provide clues about the nature of the street tree population. With more trees being planted than removed in recent years the limited data indicates that there has been a general ‘renewal’ in the street tree population since 2009. As the population generally ages, one would expect the number of trees being removed to increase. There are, however, issues with this form of analysis. Most importantly, it does not tell us much, if at all, about what happens to these urban trees once they are planted. It would be erroneous to assume that all trees planted will survive – vandalism, water stress, soil compaction and species suitability are all factors that play a part in the successful establishment of trees in urban areas. Therefore, the number of trees planted may provide an ‘idea’ of potential tree cover, there are many factors that stand in the way of this becoming reality. Therefore, the following method of analysis – occurring at the finer suburb scale – is an attempt to make a more accurate assessment of this. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 13. Aerial image analysis Figure 4. Comparison between a section of St. Albans in the Brimbank City council over a 20-year period The Department of Sustainability and Environment has access to a satellite and aerial imagery taken over a number of years as part of its corporate database. This data was utilised to analyse the changes in canopy over as long a period of time as possible. To off-set the limited time available to undertake the analysis and the particularly time-consuming nature of this task, a selection of five suburbs across metropolitan Melbourne were selected – Balwyn, Carlton, North Melbourne, St Albans and Broadmeadows. Their location is shown in Figure 5, and information about their area and population and dwellings dynamics is included in Table 2. Figure 5 Suburbs studied for tree cover Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 14. Table 2. Each of the five study suburbs, with information about their size, relative to the entire LGA, in addition to information about the changes in the number of private dwellings and population between 2001 and 2006, drawn from Census information (ABS, 2001; ABS, 2006b). SUBURB LGA SUBURB AREA (HA) SUBURB AREA AS % OF LGA AREA ∆ DWELLINGS/ HECTARE, 2001-2006 ∆ POPULATION/ HECTARE, 2001-2006 Balwyn Boroondara 438 7% 0.5% 2.1% Carlton Melbourne 175 5% 10.0% 11.9% North Melbourne Melbourne 237 6% 2.9% 3.3% St. Albans Brimbank 1304 11% 0.3% -1.4% Broadmeadows Hume 841 2% 0.2% 0.0% A grid of points at fixed intervals was laid over the extent of each suburb for a given year. Each point was then assessed as to whether the point fell on a ‘tree’ or ‘non-tree’ area of the suburb. This analysis was complete across each suburb for two points in time – the year 2000 (1989 for St Albans) and 2009. It is important to note that these points represent a ‘present/absent’ analysis of canopy cover at that one point – as opposed to an assessment of canopy cover for the whole suburb. In general, the aerial images available to the DSE have high resolution (50cm) to at least the year 2000. For Balwyn, Carlton, North Melbourne and Broadmeadows, the aerial maps studied compared tree cover in March 2000 with tree cover in January 2009. For St. Albans, however, aerial imagery of more than satisfactory resolution (15cm) was also available for February 1989. This allowed a 20 year comparison and a 9 year comparison for differing suburbs. From this gridded analysis, we were able to estimate high-level changes in the tree canopy presence or absence across the suburbs. The suburb-wide summary can be found below in Table 3. It is very important again to note that this represents the percentage change in the number of points identified as ‘tree’. Table 3. Percentage change in points defined as ‘tree’ in each suburb. SUBURB LGA ANALYSIS PERIOD % CHANGE IN TREE COVER POINTS Balwyn Boroondara 2000-2009 -3% Carlton Melbourne 2000-2009 1% North Melbourne Melbourne 2000-2009 -6% St. Albans Brimbank 1989-2009 -1% Broadmeadows Hume 2000-2009 2% Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 15. Table 4. % Change in tree presence, using the initial year of aerial observation as a baseline. SUBURB LGA ANALYSIS PERIOD % CHANGE FOR PUBLIC TREES % CHANGE FOR PRIVATE TREES Balwyn Boroondara 2000-2009 0% -16% Carlton Melbourne 2000-2009 0% 20% North Melbourne Melbourne 2000-2009 -18% -55% St. Albans Brimbank 1989-2009 N/A N/A Broadmeadows Hume 2000-2009 38% -4% Table 3 indicates that the change, on a suburb-wide scale for the points analysed, has not been discernibly large. To gain a better understanding of the change that has occurred, the point data for the suburbs can be divided into private and public (council) land. All but two councils interviewed believed the number of trees on private land was in general decline. Maroondah and Bayside both have stringent controls on tree removal on private land and, as a result, felt there was a generally stable to increasing trend in private trees in their municipality. Revising these above figures in terms of public and private, we are able to see where the changes do occur. These figures are shown in Table 4. Figure 6. Increases in area of suburbs in St. Albans 1989 (left) and 2009 (right). For the City of Melbourne sites, we see that for Carlton the number of tree points across both public and private divisions is broadly stable. In North Melbourne, however, a slight decrease in the number of public tree points is matched by a dramatic decrease in the number of private tree points. Balwyn also demonstrates stability in terms of their public trees too, the change being shown in private land only. Continuing this theme, in Broadmeadows, we see an increase in the number of public tree cover, and a slight decrease in the cover of private trees. In general, we can conclude that the changes we see in tree canopy cover points – in terms of decline – has primarily been observed on private land within this selection of suburbs. This distinction, between the change in tree cover on public and private land, is broadly consistent with other observations of change in canopy cover in other small scale studies in canopy cover (Mullaly, 2000) and other Australia-wide studies into the loss of the ‘Australian backyard’ (Hall, 2010). Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 16. It is interesting to compare this to the trends seen in the changes in the numbers of dwellings and population (Table 2). All suburbs show an increase in the number in dwellings per hectare – however, the suburb that has, by and large, seen the greatest percentage increase in both population and number of private dwellings is Carlton – yet this is also the suburb that shows generally static or increasing tree cover points. This may be explained by the increased density and urban infill seen in Carlton over other suburbs analysed. Another issue to consider in regards to tree cover is the expansion of suburbs – in the Western suburbs, for example – into areas that have previously been treeless (grasslands). This was demonstrated in our example of St. Albans, where the change from 1989 to 2009 saw an increase in approximately 140 hectares of buildings and roads. This presents an opportunity to rethink how green-field sites are developed to maintain permeability, integrating features such as water sensitive urban design more prominently. Despite the general coarseness of our analysis, we were able to discern a trend in these newer suburbs – tree point cover increasing by nearly threefold. While it is arguably a desirable outcome that these areas of expanding suburbs do demonstrate increasing tree cover, it is important to realise that the landscape being traded off – pervious grasslands – are being replaced with an impervious, sparsely treed landscape. This has implications for heat island affect (young canopy, lack of shade, increase in heat absorbing surfaces) and storm water management and is worth due consideration. Key trends Our three-tiers of analysis, while having relative benefits and shortcomings, allow us to determine some high-level trends in metropolitan Melbourne’s tree canopy cover. Councils are generally planting more trees than they are removing on council land. However, the records around this information are somewhat disjointed, and extrapolating this out to long term trends is difficult. Different suburbs exhibit different tree canopy change. Some suburbs are seeing an increase in tree canopy, while others are seeing a decrease. Decrease in tree canopy cover is occurring primarily on private land within urban areas. This can be considered to be broadly consistent with prior observations around the changes in the Australian backyard (for example, Hall, 2010). It is important to be aware of the landscape being replaced by a change in character of suburbs. An increase in urban trees may still be demonstrated, but there are other factors worth considering. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 17. 4. Drivers of urban tree canopy trends Nine councils were interviewed across Melbourne to gain a better understanding about the drivers of the trends being seen in Melbourne’s urban tree canopy. The councils were Moonee Valley, Maribyrnong, Hobsons Bay, Boroondara, Brimbank, Bayside, Yarra Ranges and Maroondah. Council staff interviewed included arborists, open space managers, tree managers, landscape architects, biodiversity officers, environmental planning managers and sustainability officers and managers. Each council was asked: What trends they were seeing in their municipality on both council managed and private land The drivers of those trends Activities council were undertaking around trees Barriers they were facing What role, if any, they saw for the state government to take around urban trees. Trees on council land and private land Consistent with the analysis undertaken, all councils interviewed believed they were planting more trees than they were removing on council managed land. Further, seven of the nine councils believed there was a decrease in trees on private land. However, of more interest is the reason why councils believe this trend is occurring. Council managed land Key drivers of the net increase on council managed land included: Community consultation – most councils mentioned undertaking community consultation within the past 3-5 years where residents consistently said they wanted more trees/green spaces Council leadership – a CEO or Mayor who influenced the council towards planting (or not) or a general ‘pro-tree’ culture of a council Inheritance of trees from developers – for example, Hume is currently inheriting 8,000-10,000 street trees a year from developers Planning laws – many single dwelling developments do not need a planning permit (no overlay, large block size) and therefore council is not able to influence the impact to trees on private land or the nature strip Management of heat island effect – several councils in the west of Melbourne talked about a desire to address exposure to extreme heat by planting more shade-bearing trees Aesthetics – building and protecting ‘green leafy suburbs’. A number of councils interviewed talked about the council making a significant change in their attitude towards trees due to the influence of a particular Mayor or CEO. Hume gave the example of a previous Mayor who was very supportive of council tree planting, having grown up in the area himself. He had become a councillor after losing several battles with fellow residents petitioning to have street trees removed. On becoming Mayor he set out to influence the CEO and other Councillors to support council’s urban forest budget, setting the precedent for the importance and investment the council now makes in their trees. Hume council estimates it now has so many trees established it would cost approximately $70m to replace them. Hume also continued to plant 5,000 trees a year during the recent drought, building adequate budget in for recycled waterto establish new plantings. Hobson Bay mentioned a similar example where a new CEO, who walks and cycles regularly around the municipality, has placed an increased emphasis on the aesthetic value of trees on the liveability of the area, changing the council’s approach to the management of street trees and parks. While not necessarily driven by any one individual, Bayside and Maroondah councils also talked about Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 18. having a strong conservation culture, reflected in their local planning laws driving the protection and management of trees both on public and private land. Bayside talked about the influence of the local conservation society historically on their now stringent approach to street trees and trees on private land. Residents wanting street trees removed for development are guided by the council’s own tree valuation software. If a street tree is valued at having less than $5000 amenity value then the council will enter negotiations with residents around its removal. If the tree is allowed to be removed, the resident must pay the cost of removal, amenity value and cost to replace with two trees. If the amenity value of the street trees is calculated to be more than $5000 the tree cannot be removed. Residents requesting the removal of street trees was also an issue identified Boroondara. In many instances, single dwelling development does not trigger the need for a planning permit (block is over a certain size, no heritage overlay, etc). Therefore, the council has no interaction with the development and is unable to influence the removal of trees on private land or the re-positioning of driveways. Boroondara (and a number of other councils) spoke of receiving phone calls from builders or residents to have a street tree removed so they could install a new driveway, having moved it from one side of the property to the other during the redevelopment of the single dwelling. Both Boroondara and Bayside mentioned they did not automatically remove trees in this situation. Compared to the tree-rich suburbs in the east of Melbourne, councils interviewed in Melbourne’s western suburbs – suburbs generally built on natural grasslands with very few trees – talked much more about planting trees to address the impacts of the summer heat. Brimbank was particularly concerned about the doubling of heat-related death in the elderly the municipality experiences during days over 33 degrees. Hume talked about the impact the heat exposure in the west has on tree species and their experimentation with both introduced and native species to find the best trees for different situations. The municipality experiences more evaporation than rain, making challenging growing conditions for trees, which means the same species of tree in the west will rarely get as big as if it were planted in the east. Private managed land While seven of the nine councils interviewed felt there was a decline in trees on private land, Bayside and Maroondah’s stringent local laws guiding the maintenance and removal of trees on public land meant the councils believed there was a stable or increasing trend. The key trends driving the decline in trees on private land were: Planning laws & single dwellings getting bigger (relative to block size) – many single dwelling developments do not need a planning permit (no overlay, large block size) means councils are not able to influence the impact to large trees on private land Bush fire risk – clearing for bush fire risk reduction around houses and along fence lines was seen to be having some impact in Yarra Ranges Urban infill – while planning guidelines require multi-dwelling infill to have some landscaped spaces, some of the councils interviewed felt this sometimes meant mature trees were removed and replaced with small scale vegetation, not providing the same benefits Community perceptions about trees – some communities not having a strong connection with living in a green environment, a general fear of native trees dropping limbs, and notions of trees being ‘messy’. An association of native trees with fire was also noted. Both Baydside and Maroondah have in place local laws that heavily regulate what can and can’t be done to trees on private land. Bayside residents cannot touch any tree on their property (over a certain diameter), even to prune, unless they have a permit. The Council does not support cutting down of trees under any circumstances and there have been instances where residents have been made to keep dead trees for biodiversity value. Bayside receives about 2000 applications a year from residents to do tree maintenance and employs 3 people full time to inspect permit requests and monitor private trees. It was noted that a key risk of such a law was an overall aging population of mature trees in the municipality. There was also a concern that as old trees come to the end of their lives there might not be many younger trees as some residents had taken to removing trees before they got to a certain size to avoid being locked in by the local laws. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 19. Maroondah also has high levels of control over public and private land with an additional landscape overlay in the council’s planning scheme. This overlay responded to its communities wanting a ‘green leafy environment’. Maroondah’s environmental planning unit processes about 500-550 applications for tree removal works on private land (in addition to 330 applications per year for development-related clearing). Key urban forestry barriers Establishing trees on the western plains All the western councils interviewed identified environmental conditions in the west – prevailing northerly winds and low rainfall – as being harsh on trees. Hume talked about working to improve their relationship with developers to ensure appropriate and adequate planting suitable to the western climate. Brimbank also commented on the challenges of influencing development plantings and managing the ‘mish-mash’ of species it has inherited in the past. Built environment One of the most significant barriers to urban tree management identified by all councils interviewed was the change to the line clearing regulations that came into force in 2010. Councils (and distribution businesses) are required to manage street trees for risk to security of supply as well as fire and electrocution. While this has essentially always been the case, the interpretation of the regulations has been tightened and more heavily enforced, which will mean increased costs for councils associated with tree pruning and maintenance. Pruning to meet regulations is likely to see many establish street trees with their canopy significantly modified or removed completely for the lines to pass through. Also, no trees are to be planted within 7m of powerlines. The Municipal Association of Victoria is working with Energy Safe Victoria to find a more manageable solution and have commissioned consultants to prepare a risk management strategy approach councils can use. A key issue of the regulation changes raised by the councils interviewed was the perceived lack of data around the risk that trees pose to electricity line safety. The changes to the regulations may have implications for heat island effect and the energy efficiency of houses if street trees are to be trimmed in a way that reduces shading of buildings and roads. VicRoads’ guidelines on planting of trees over 100mm diameter within 7m of a roadside (on VicRoads managed roads) to manage for road accident risk were identified as another issue for urban tree management by many of the councils interviewed. The guidelines also prevent the replacement of medium strip trees if the tree dies or is damaged. Councils, while acknowledging VicRoads’ concerns over safety, felt the guidelines were too restrictive (very few roads that have a roadside verge over 7m) and in conflict with community requests for more planting. The built environment also provides councils with tree planting challenges due to: Cars parking on nature strips – outer suburbs, poorly serviced by public transport and have multiple cars in households Retrofitting narrow streets with no off-street parking or nature strips – some residents are not happy to lose car parking space on the street to trees Underground and overhead services not designed to work with trees Land contamination – Moonee Valley noted they had several sites that could be more heavily vegetated but couldn’t afford to rehabilitate contaminated soil Understanding the full value of a tree (benefits around energy efficiency and health) so business cases for trees can be considered more equally with other council asset proposals. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 20. Community perceptions Community perceptions towards trees have already been discussed briefly as a trend driver however, a number of councils also saw these perceptions as barriers. Maribyrnong talked about community perceptions around council expenditure on trees, residents challenging why council is spending money on trees when not all the roads are in good condition. They identified the on-going need to explain to the community that the council can’t spend all its money addressing one issue; that it needs to do a variety of things progressively over time. Managing community perceptions towards ageing heritage trees was also a challenge for a number of councils. Interviewees talked about the need to plan better for tree replacement and speak to residents about the lifespan of trees and their need to be replaced for future generations. Moonee Valley noted that prevailing myths were a barrier for them working with the community and that more education was needed. For example, myths around trees near buildings; no hard and fast rule that you can’t put a tree right next to a house (depends on species, root system, etc.). Myths and perceptions about native trees was also identified as a barrier by many of the councils interviewed. Action councils are taking The councils interviewed were undertaking a variety of actions to improve the tree canopy cover in their municipalities. All councils are planting trees on council-managed land and several councils also have stringent local laws protecting trees on private land. All councils were also developing or updating databases / asset registers of council-managed trees. A range of actions being undertaken by the nine councils interviewed included: Filling in gaps – street trees. Some councils have more spaces than others, however, all councils talked about filling in identified gaps Valuing Urban Trees project (Victorian Local Sustainability Accord funded) – Moonee Valley, along with several other metropolitan councils, is updating American valuation software i-Tree with Australian species Leading by example through demonstration projects – many councils are integrating water sensitive urban design into their urban design and landscaping projects to demonstrate the important role trees play. Hume’s rainwater garden in Dallas Drive, Broadmeadows is one such example. Brimbank is also working with industrial developments to demonstrate how native plants and trees can be used effectively in landscape design Installing wire rope barriers on main roads to allow for planting on VicRoads managed roads, where funding allows Working with developers to improve planting standards and quality before a council inherits the trees. Hobsons Bay has been doing some of the planting for developers (for a fee) to ensure it inherits appropriate species and quality plantings. Other councils talked about asking developers not to prune the trees they plant in the first two years before they hand them over to the council Developing asset registers for all council-managed trees. Many councils are using GIS to map their trees and build databases capturing information including condition, size and age Community-based programs. Examples include sustainable gardening guides, Moonee Valley’s My Smart Garden program and Brimbank’s two educators who have been appointed to work with local schools and community. Maroondah also talked about working with the community over the years to better understand it’s local tree laws, resulting in an increased level of compliance Enforcing local laws. And being stringent in the interpretation of bush fire laws Building relationships with key stakeholders – Yarra Ranges talked about working closely with VicRoads and local distribution businesses to build good relationships to ensure roadside trees are preserved while managing risks to trees from the new line clearing regulations. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 21. The bigger picture – the role for state government While many issues impacting urban trees can be tackled at the local government level, each council interviewed also acknowledged there was a role for the state government. Agreed position on the value of urban trees A number of councils strongly believed there was a need to establish a partnership with the state government to form a position on the value of urban trees, acknowledging them as a valuable asset for the liveability of metropolitan Melbourne. By forming this partnership, councils were looking to have greater influence on authorities such as Energy Safe Victoria and VicRoads, encouraging them to rethink how roadside trees can be kept while maintaining safety standards. The councils interviewed identified the need to undertake further research into valuing and identifying benefits provided by trees in an Australian context, critical to informing Victoria’s position on urban trees. State planning It was proposed by some of the councils interviewed that there was a need for a whole-of-Melbourne vision around urban forestry, linking green spaces across Melbourne (especially important when considering population growth). This vision would also include consideration of the amount of (green) space allocated to trees in housing and commercial developments. Councils saw an opportunity to partner with the Department of Planning and Community Development and other relevant agencies to develop this vision. It was also felt there was a need for greater integration between planning and transport. Lack of public transport available when new developments are first established drives households to have more cars. Hume acknowledged one of the greatest threats to street trees in the newer suburbs they manage is cars parking on nature strips due to households having 2-4 cars each. Line clearing regulations The new line clearing regulations were top of mind for many councils when interviewed. It was felt the former state government could have done more to influence the regulations to ensure a greater emphasis on risk management and to negotiate a longer transition time for the regulations to be adopted. It was also suggested the State could provide funding to assist councils to transition powerlines underground or to bundled cabling. Yarra Ranges acknowledged that bundled cabling was a cheap and better option for them as there is no need to touch the root systems of mature trees and only requires minimal pruning. Victorian Local Sustainability Accord Urban Forestry Background Issues Paper 22. 5. Conclusion and next steps Summary of findings An increasing body of literature exists about the benefits provided by trees in an urban environment. These benefits include providing shade to reduce the impacts of the heat island effect and energy consumption, improving air quality, storm water management, aesthetic and health impacts. However, this research has shown that there is a need for stronger, local evidence around the benefits associated with urban trees and an agreed methodology for valuing those benefits beyond the cost to remove and replace the tree. Overall, councils are planting more trees than they are removing but there is a slight declining trend in trees on private urban property. It is important to note not only the change in the number of trees, but also the amount of trees versus the built form in both new suburbs and infill in existing suburbs. The changes in urban tree canopy across metropolitan Melbourne are being driven primarily by council policies, community desire for ‘green leafy environments’ (despite some dislike of native vegetation), urban infill and, in particular, single-dwelling development. Barriers to establishing trees in an urban context include climate factors in western metropolitan Melbourne, working around the built environment, state government authority policies (line clearing regulations, roadside planting) and community perceptions. Future opportunities This report has highlighted a number of gaps in research and opportunities that could help advance the issues around urban forestry, including: Build a local body of evidence and methodology for valuing trees and all their benefits Building accurate and regularly updated inventories of urban forests (canopy cover, health, age, etc) at a local government scale to enable better informed management and understanding of the benefits provided by urban trees. High resolution satellite imagery is key to this inventory, as are council records While the number of trees in a suburb may increase, further research needs to happen to better understand the right proportion of trees and vegetation to offset the amount of built form in the same area to maximise the benefits provided by the trees A vision for a green Melbourne, particularly in light of population growth and growth in the western suburbs of Melbourne. 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