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In recent years global identity has been at the forefront of social-based media studies.
While many view globalization as a means of trading and sharing cultures across new electronic
frontiers, others see the encroachment of globalization as a foreign infringement on their
previously held identities. What this paper seeks to examine is the process by which original
identities use new mediums of global expression to embolden and represent their own cultures.
Although globalized media originally intended to be a vehicle of cross-cultural communication it
quickly became perceived as a bull-dozer like movement forcing western-based homogenization.
The natural response to such a mechanism was and is resistance, thus leading to a situation in
which globalized movements create and bolster counter-acting resistance movements.
To fully understand the implication of globalization on independent identities it is
necessary to trace the roots of globalism, internationalism and in many cases the local responses
to such movements. Globalization in its origin was arguably a purely economic initiative. When
the term was first thrown around by the World Trade Organization in the 1970’s and 80’s it was
presented as a vision of market rule via the restructuring of national policies and social standards
across the nation-state globe.1 What the globalist movement sought to establish was a world
without national barriers, protectionism, or economic conflict2. However what truly came of the
system was an intersection between a market-based global identity and a wider range of sociopolitical identities. By which I mean the pervasive force of market identity not only conflicts
independent markets but in the process attacks individual representations of self and identity.
1
2
(McMichael, 2010 pg.151)
(Croucher, 2004, pg.43)
2
Based on such an understanding it seems that global-managers and trans-national elites
are seeking to facilitate new global interactions purely to privilege corporate rights 3. However in
the process vulnerable local markets and their poverty-stricken societies become subject to
foreign dictation. Global elites in the process of globalizing the world seek to reframe
development in terms of trade and investment while all too often abandoning disadvantaged
citizens who are unable to or cannot afford to participate in the global interactions. Thus leads to
an ultimate criticism of globalization. While it can be agreed that it liberalizes markets and
fosters trade and development it comes at the cost of unique social and economic production.
Instead of worrying about education, social assistance and health care, developing nations that
are targeted instead focus on a liberal de-nationalization of their country.
The approach to de-nationalize markets in preparation for global investment is arguably
one of the direst threats to local and ethnic identity we have ever witnessed. However as
previously mentioned, the globalized world has provided a means of fighting back against transnational imposition. Using the case study of Mexico’s Zapatista movement creates the ability to
discuss how local identities harness forms of global interaction to protect and defend their unique
positions. What will be discussed is how Mexican Zapatistas and indigenous communities
around the globe utilize new mediums of media to express themselves in a polarized world. Yet
as previously mentioned it is also of central importance that the mediums being used to combat
globalization are the very mediums used to spread it.
When globalized mediums begin meshing and conflicting with national identity the
discussion then becomes of a globalized identity opposed to the traditional global market.
Globalized identity arguably took off with the communication satellites and peer-peer internet
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(Nederveen, 2000, pg.43)
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networks that took off in the early 1990’s4. By the modern era the world began playing host to
dozens of new mediums of communication and social involvement. Almost overnight globalist
mind-sets aided the movement by de-regulating national markets and changing communication
policies to theoretically dissolve state borders and ferment a new inter-web identity5. Such rapid
innovation initially led many news corporations to declare that national and local media is now
dead6. Many feared that trans-national world news organizations like CNN, BBC or Skynews
would quickly fill the void. Although in many cases such news organizations did gain a foot-hold
of power they were not extremely popular. For to assume that the accepted global identity being
represented by CNN and other western media sources is representative of the tremendous variety
of world identities is to assume the worlds cultures are all secular, democratic civil societies.
What the new trans-national media enterprises do is preach the benefit of cultural
plurality whilst solely broadcasting in a western format. However to assume one media outlet is
representative of the world’s peoples is in essence the embodiment of ignorance. Although new
trends seek to manage the world as single entity, the only way we will truly understand it is to
approach it as a cultural plurality. In doing so it is important to not focus on CNN or BBC but
instead local and regional mediums of representation. What becomes extremely important in the
modern world is the exhibition of regional dialects and tradition through organizations emerging
on the inter-web yet with national groundings. A globally expressive organization emerging
within national or local contexts has now become the most important medium of valid
expression. For once accepting that trans-national news is held with very low regard in the
developing world and largely have no claimed to local representation it becomes important to
4
(Wang, 2000 Pg.7)
(Wang,2000 Pg.11)
6
(Hafez, 2007, Pg.16)
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shift the focus. What should be a priority is the viewing of local events and cultures through
nationally rooted and ethnically authentic mediums of expression.
To epitomize the struggle of representing a local identity in a globalized world it is easy
to view the case study of Mexico’s Zapatistas and their push for local and regional
representation. With evidence from Manuel Castell’s article on informal guerrilla movements the
next section seeks to exemplify how the struggles are physically played out. The Zapatista
movement is excellent in the discussion of global resistance because they are one of the first
movements to physically challenge the imposition of foreign cultural and corporate incursions
into their territory. In the beginning the Zapatista movement was a loose amalgamation of rural
farmers, indigenous communities and impoverished residences of Mexico’s Chipas state7.
The Zapatistas became an important player in the globalized world when in 1994 they
staged simultaneous local-provincial uprisings against what they saw were corrupt politicians
granting global corporations a free hand in the management of the Mexican economy8. The
uprising was largely in part due to Mexico’s admission into the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The example is extremely important case study of encroaching
globalization primarily because those involved represented the polar opposite.
Those primarily involved in the Zapatista uprising were indigenous Mexicans hailing
from several distinctly representative tribes. During the early 1990’s the Chiapas region from
which they came was quickly becoming a case-study for globalization. The region played host to
international oil, telecommunications and hydro-electric companies while at the same time barley
providing modern amenities to the local population. At the time of the uprising 35% of the
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8
(Castell, 1997, pg.72-86)
Ibid
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dwellings lacked electricity, 51% had dirt-floors and 60% of the individuals made less than five
dollars a day9. To understand the inequality faced within Chiapas is in part to understand the
grievances of the Zapatista against a globalized world.
The Zapatista uprising of agrarian producers was the result of farmers viewing NAFTA
as the cumulating of foreign domination of their local and national interests. When the uprisings
initially took place those involved were protesting against the Mexican government. However it
quickly became apparent that there was a great force at play. In May 1995 the Zapatistas
declared “when we rose up against a national government we found it did not exist”10. In reality
the Zapatistas rose up against financial enterprises of global managers. While the uprising was
initially focused at rooting out corruption from politics it became apparent that the corruption
was seeded by global financial institutions like the IMF, World Bank and carried out by
programs like NAFTA. When the uprising began focusing on casting out foreign influence and
establishing a local identity the new leaders searched for a new medium of identification. Within
months the newly emergent inter-web began playing host to new forms of cultural expression
that could exist independently from the indigenous Mexican diaspora.
Emerging along with the inter-web the creative leader of the Zapatistas “commandant
Marco” began conceptualizing the struggle with an online presence. The new “intellectual
revolutionary11” under the alias of “Marcos” was a creative leader well versed in sociology and
communications. With a deep understanding of media functions Marco realized the new
mediums of internet expression could be perfect realms for indigenous organization. What
Marco did was frame the struggle against capitalism, corruption and foreign infringement as a
9
(Nederveen, 2000, pg.168)
(Khasnabish, 2008, pg.99)
11
(Castells, 1997, Pg.81)
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struggle for national identity. This was done largely through two means. The first being the
placement of the struggle in a historical context of colonial rebellion, which in turn places
NAFTA, as the new oppressor12. The second and more important is the expression of purpose
and identity through new mediums of media communication. In doing so the Zapatista’s not only
challenge Mexican corruption, but in a wider sense, globalism and the western-based
assumptions of cultural hegemony discussed above.
For the Zapatistas NAFTA was the cumulating of both those things. It was seen not only
physically as the new foreign force dictating life in Mexican society, but also ethnically as a
western-based movement seeking to amalgamate all of Mexico’s indigenous people into a
homogenized global culture. For the indigenous populations the rebellion was as much about
physically protecting their lands as it was about meta-physical protection of ethnic identity,
tradition and representation13. What made the Zapatista movement so unique is that it uses the
prevailing media-based mechanisms of globalization to combat the wider-pattern of global
amalgamation. As Castells goes to say the success of the Zapatista movement was largely due to
their communication strategy14. The movement was unique in its approach to mass-media
because for the first time ever a resistance organization began utilizing tools of subversion and
control as tools of identity expression and regional communication.
The media-based resistance was largely done through activist videos, internet-based
communication and the use of global networks to diffuse their message beyond local borders.
The notions used by the Zapatistas were to create a worldwide network of solidarity groups and
12
Ibid
(Nederveen, 2000 Pg.168)
14
(Castells 2000, pg.82)
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critics of the western-leaning Mexican government15. By undertaking such action the Zapatistas
effectively harnessed the powerful tools of globalized media and turned them against their
globalized foes. What is interesting about the Zapatistas is that they were amongst the first to
challenge notions of internet based cultural plurality and co-operation. Instead of opening up
their ranks to new, foreign ideas, they used the new mediums of involvement to foster their own
enclave of resistance. This was most notable in the creation of “La-Neta” an alternative computer
communication network in Mexico that linked up the Zapatistas with NGO’s, women’s networks
and other minorities of Mexican society that felt repressed16.
La-Neta is one of the most important and early incidents of new global mediums being
expressed for local purposes. Although the primary intent of mass-communications was to share
and divulge interests the Zapatistas bound the new mediums with local ethnic representation. By
the mid 1990’s La-Neta had established itself as a private internet provider and could then begin
expressing their movement’s objectives and desires independently from Mexican and Global
media17. Use of the new internet as mentioned provided a space for the Zapatistas to not only
organize but thrive. It became a meta-physical enclave of cultural representation and support. In
the process la-neat became a means to express the ethnic identity to the global world and for the
first time to foster a public-identity and perception right from first hand sources. What the
Zapatista’s did was to express images and information around the world from a defensive
standpoint. Unlike global media outlets that tend to sensationalize the otherwise dramatic issues,
along with unfairly grouping civil insurrection as rebellion, the Zapatista media was able to
provide a clear, unfiltered account of the actions on the ground.
15
(Khasnabish,2008, pg.238)
(Castells,2000 Pg.82-83)
17
(Castells, 1997, pg.83)
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What the Zapatistas did was not only seek to express collective identity in the face of
cultural annihilation but they also set an extremely important precedent establishing identity in
the mediums of new media. Although the Zapatistas did not have access to YouTube or Twitter
they laid the foundations for modern movements to emulate upon. Thus when discussing the
future of globalized media-identity the Zapatistas become a fundamental building block but not
the main focus. What now becomes of importance is how emergent identities are using new
mediums of expression in the face of renewed globalism.
What the Zapatista movement left behind was a legacy of anti-capitalist action facing
down globalism in the name of socio-culture representation. Although the movement was
geographically based within Mexico the movements focus the example came to epitomize the
growing trend of cultural identification in the face of pervasive globalism. They did this by using
global means of communication to begin exporting their message. This was done largely through
hosting the “First Intercontinental Encuentro for Humanity against Neoliberalism”18. The
ecuentro was a Zapatista backed conference that sought to rally the oppressed peoples of the
world and consolidate a global movement to fight against neo-liberalism and globalization. What
then becomes interesting is that the Zapatistas use the very means of mass-engagement they are
fighting against, yet for a much more egalitarian purpose. The conference was held in 1996 and
was attended by individuals from over a dozen countries19. What the conference did in return
was provide people inspiration to return home and attempt to create their own electronic
enclaves, their own spaces and practices achieved through rebellion if need be.
18
19
(Kashanabish, 2008 pg.235)
(Kashanbish, 2008 pg.239-41)
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The main reason behind exporting the Zapatista model was not to create new connections
but to solidify them. Prior to the internet-age developing communities felt connection with their
counterparts but only on a spiritual or theoretical basis. When approached with the dilemma, the
Zapatista conferences called for a conglomeration of developing interests to face down westernbacked globalization. What emerged from the conferences was the “Peoples Global Action
Organization” or PGA20. With the advent of global communication new organizations like the
“PGA” are able to solidify the once conceptual connections into a fibre-optic inter-web reality.
The PGA is theoretically the next step in local representation in a globalized world. In its
origin its mission statement is to bring together diverse groups and struggles together in a
common anti-capitalist push. The “organization” furthermore seeks to distance itself from
traditional globalized entities, it has no hierarchy or leadership just communal discussion, no
membership only involvement21. What the PGA has done is taken a centralized global approach
and turned it around to be a representative force. It took the borderless notions of the inter-web
and fostered a new community solely based on the opposition of such a force. The organization
in itself is a paradigm of the global world for it does not represent NGO’s or political parties or
even any form of organized power for that matter. On the contrary PGA coordinates autonomous
grassroots movements from across the globe. Furthermore by coordinating them via new
mediums of modern social media the PGA has opened up a new political space that encourages
local and regional expression while at the same time provides international projection and
significant coverage to the struggles of such movements.
20
21
Ibid
(McMichael,2010 pg.188)
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What then becomes interesting is how the global south takes such a pervasive force as
globalization and uniquely formats it to represent and defend the very local identities that
globalization was initially poised to threaten. Seen through the case-study of Mexico’s Zapatistas
it becomes apparent how quickly innovative responses to globalization can almost overnight
redefine its purpose. The Zapatistas unwillingly contributed to the emergence of an inter-web
based global-justice campaign by physically and electronically disassembling the structures of
globalized media to suit their purposes. Thus begging the question, is globalization really a
destructive force? Throughout research for this report many social-scientists referred to
globalization as “a cultural bulldozer” or a “cultural annihilation machine”22. However the
opposite can also be said. The process of dissolving borders creates theoretical space for new
cultural representation, especially via modern mediums like the internet. What this paper seeks to
examine and explain is the process by which the infringement of globalized media helped to
create a venue for resistance. By seeking to overwhelm local identities and cultures with globalmedia new internationalists are merely granting cultural-struggles a new avenue in which to
conduct dissent and rebellion.
In closing globalized mass media is a dangerous force that far too often prevails over
local and regional identities. However with the assistance of modern media grass-roots
organizations like the Zapatistas can use the new spheres to create and express their own identity.
What becomes extremely interesting is that the prevailing forces of globalization are being used
against it. Instead of opening up national borders it is helping solidify them, instead of acting as a
vehicle for cross-cultural communication the inter-web is now making minorities more
protectionist and reclusive. However in the end it can be agreed that globalization as a
22
(Hardy, 2010 Pg.5)
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hegemonic force has failed. What it has left behind is a medium for unique expression, a realm
of cultural differences to be debated and explored but never conquered. Instead of creating an allencompassing global or regional identity programs like NAFTA ended up dividing society and
giving them a reason to express their individuality. Concluding in the fact that the interaction
between globalization and mass-media is a paradigm whereby the very efforts to dissolve
national identities creates and emboldens them.
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Works Cited:
Castells. (1997). Mexico's Zapatistas, New York, Wiley Blackwell Press.
Croucher, (2004) Globalization and Belonging, New York, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc
Hardy, (2010) “Muslim Revolt”, Columbia University Press,
Khasnabish, A. (2008). Zapatismo Beyond Borders. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
McMichael (2010) Development & Social Change, New York, Pine Forge Press
Nederveen, J. (2000). Global futures shaping globalization. New York: Zed Publishing.
Wang, G. (2000). Research in Cultural and Media Studies. (Vol. 7). New York: Rutledge Press.