The Journey to Homeownership for Chinese Americans in San Francisco
Understanding the key transitional influences for Chinese American home owning
Joyce Slen
February 28, 2012
Senior Research Project
Submitted in partial satisfaction of a BA in
Urban Studies and Planning Program
University of California, San Diego
Abstract:
This proposal outlines a research strategy to examine Chinese Americans in their transition to
homeownership. Current research on Chinese American homeownership suggests that ethnic
identity, access to resources, and lack of integration to American life can be barriers that prevent
Chinese Americans to own a home. This raises the question: How do low-income Chinese
Americans transition from living in affordable or rental housing, to one day owning their own
home? I will argue that class and ethnic ideals, housing assistance from non-profit organizations
and government agencies, and third party influences are the three main influences in the
transition to homeownership for Chinese Americans. Specifically, this study will analyze
scholarly research, and interviews, surveys and observations in the Chinese American
community in San Francisco. This research will contribute to the literature on immigrant housing.
However, it will also be a way to understand the transitional attributes in Chinese
homeownership, and in hope that it will promote immigrant homeownership that will one day
lead to a more diversified political voice in America.
Keywords: affordable housing, Chinese Americans, homeownership, low-income immigrants
Introduction
Buying a home might be one of the biggest purchases and investment a person might
make in their lifetime. In many immigrant communities, homeownership is something to strive
for, to ultimately achieve the American dream. In recent studies, Chinese Americans have
become one of the most prominent ethnic groups to expand into homeownership (Listokin et al.,
2001). However, there has been a lack of study examining why and how Chinese Americans
have become more successful in purchasing their own home. In respects, it is essential to study
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how Chinese Americans transition from being low-income or living in affordable housing, to one
day purchasing their own home. The three key transitional contributions that will be examined
are: class and ethnic values of low-income Chinese Americans, the housing assistance from
government agencies and non-profit community based organizations, and last, third party
influences that vary from other Chinese American homeowners and “cultural brokers” (Listokin
et al., 2001).
Homeownership can be defined in many different ways. Some may see purchasing a
home as an investment to remodel and sell the house for a substantially higher price; also known
as flipping (Depken II et al., 2009). However, in this study, homeownership will be defined as a
Chinese American family purchasing a home to live in. Nevertheless, this research will focus on
recent first generation, Chinese immigrant families, from main land China that moved to the
United States within the past fifty years. These families are more likely to be of low-income
backgrounds, lack proficiency in English, and have minimal job skills and/or education.
However, in these families there may be clashing cultural ideals and values between young
Chinese American adolescents who are more exposed to American culture in school, and their
parents who might be more conservative and invested in their ethnic beliefs (Fuligini et al.,
2002). In this study, I will examine both views and discuss how the complexities of this family
structure might impact the homeownership process.
This study will zone in on Chinese immigrants living San Francisco’s historic ethnic
enclave—Chinatown. I will examine the surrounding sociocultural influences and features in the
neighborhood like community organizations and cultural traditions. Nonetheless, the idea of
owning a home in America seems unrealistic and a far to reach goal for recent Chinese
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immigrants. Working from the bottom up, this paper will signify the crucial influences that have
laid the foundation for Chinese Americans to purchase their first home.
For this research, it is important to examine a community like San Francisco’s Chinatown.
This neighborhood symbolizes more than just decades of Asian American history, but a place for
Chinese immigrants to network and communicate with others of the same cultural background.
Being in such concentrated quarters, Chinatown enables social kinships and bonds that are rooted
from past generations in the old country. Family benevolent associations provide Chinese
migrants with social support, religious services, death benefits, and recreational services (Wong,
1998). To gain membership in a family association, members can share a common surname, be
part of the same village or region, and/or speak the same Chinese dialect (Wong, 1998).
Ultimately, Chinatown allows for this specific sociocultural structure to occur. That is why it is
essential in this study to examine this neighborhood and how it provides a foundation for
Chinese Americans to form a social support network that may lead them to future
homeownership.
This paper will be organized into five different sections: Introduction, Literature Review,
Research Strategy, Findings and Analysis, and Conclusion. This introduction states my argument
on what I believe is the key transitional tools to Chinese American homeownership; along with
background information needed to understand how and why I chose the structure of my study.
Second, the literature review will offer scholarly support that helps frame my argument. And
later, I will discuss how my research strategy approach of interviews, surveying, and data
collection, led me to my findings. In depth analysis will be discussed further in the findings and
analysis section, following with my conclusion that will have my final thoughts on this research
and how this study relates and contributes to larger national housing issues.
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However, the limitation in this research is that it might not apply to all Chinese
Americans. Closely examining San Francisco’s Chinatown, the specific housing resources and
built environment in this community might differ compared to other Asian American
communities in the United States. New York and Los Angeles, having one of the highest
Chinese American populations in America, might have a distinctive political and community
structure that will approach Chinese homeownership differently (Fong, 2001).
Nonetheless, this paper will contribute to non-profit organizations and government
agencies in their assistance to promote immigrant homeownership. In California, property
owners have a significant role in American urban planning policy (Fulton and Shigley, 2005).
With the lack of Asian American representation in politics, it is essential to find new ways to
promote political diversity. In the housing realm, homeownership rates for Asian American
immigrants are rising, which makes it critical to encourage even more homeownership amongst
immigrant groups (Listokin et al., 2001). This paper will hopefully lay the foundation for others
to encourage more political voice amongst not only the Chinese American community, but also
other ethnic communities. In addition, in hopes to increase immigrant homeownership, it will
influence policy makers to support more transitional homeownership assistance programs, rather
than constructing more affordable housing developments.
Literature Review
Low-Income Perseverance and Cultural Obligations
In The Resilience and Strengths of Low-Income Families, the argument is made that lowincome families are more likely to be resilient and persevere through difficult times (JonesSanpei et al., 2004). Being low-income and having high social capital (more family and friends),
can provide support in a person’s confidence to problem solve (Jones-Sanpei et al., 2004).
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Working under pressure to make monthly bill payments and provide for a family on a limited
income, describes a survival mentality that low-income families have. The instinct to “find a way”
and resolve domestic and financial situations, brings a sense of determination to survive and
persevere. In some ways, this also explains how certain low-income families feel committed to
one another. The contribution of one family member paying for the bills might influence other
family members to want to do the same, and support the rest of their family. Although this study
does not apply to all low-income families, I will apply this theory to low-income Chinese
Americans.
Family obligation is extremely emphasized in Chinese culture. Especially, in Chinese
familism, “Chinese placed a high value on children’s moral responsibility for taking care of elder
parents” (Chiu et al. 2002, 616). This idea of Filial Piety in Chinese communities might imply
that Chinese immigrants’ need to provide a home for their parents to live in. The mentality of
low-income families that was previously discussed can be applied to low-income Chinese
Americans and their obligation to support their family.
I suggest a hybrid theory of these two ideas; that the concept of low-income resilience
and Chinese cultural principles help describe the mentality of low-income Chinese Americans.
The necessity to work hard to survive, and the devotion to cultural beliefs, describes why
Chinese Americans emphasize the need to succeed in life; not just for oneself, but also to provide
for their extensive family. In efforts to purchase a home, Chinese Americans develop this hybrid
attitude, which focuses them to accomplish homeownership and get through the transitional
process to home owning.
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Non-Profit Community Based Organizations and Government Housing Assistance
Non-profit organizations are known to be key actors in community outreach and
advocacy. They can become the voice of the neighborhood in local politics. Chinatown
Community Development Center (CCDC) is a non-profit organization that is “the forefront of
community advocacy, planning, and affordable housing development in the city of San Francisco”
(Chinatown Community Development Center, 2011). This is a community-based organization
oriented to help Chinese Americans and recent immigrants in the Chinatown neighborhood.
Chinatown CDC encourages neighborhood residents to participate in community activities and
introduces them to affordable housing programs. Community based organizations like
Chinatown CDC were created to serve and empower the Chinese American community.
By laying the foundation to assimilate in America for new Chinese immigrants,
Chinatown CDC provides a support system and assistance to find affordable housing for
neighborhood residents. By doing this, Chinatown CDC will advance an immigrant’s quality of
life, by providing the resources to expand them outside Chinatown and into their own home. This
non-profit’s housing and neighborhood programs have transformed lives and empowered lowincome individuals to make their own unique contributions to their own community, but have
long term influences on homeownership.
Affordable housing is key to low-income Chinese Americans. This offers stability during
the transitional phase to owning a home. Affordable living would have never been created
without legislation from the federal government. Without national support to create affordable
housing developments and policies, new immigrants and other low-income households would
not be able to rent a home. Subsidized housing programs like Section 8, public housing, and
housing choice vouchers, are a variety of ways low-income immigrants can live affordably. With
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this example of government assistance, we can see how immigrants can utilize these programs to
help them in their transition to homeownership. Having rent affordable provides a chance for
immigrants to cumulate a savings for their first down payment for their first home.
Third Party Influences: Chinese American Homeowners and “Cultural Brokers”
Through much of my research, I have encountered an article that described the different
contributors in the advancement of Chinese American homeownership. Ethnic enclaves can play
a vital role to new immigrants in America. These communities provide a support system and a
network for immigrants to adapt to American society (Painter et al., 2004). On the other hand, a
new type of immigrant neighborhood is “ethnoburbs”, a “suburban ethnic community” (Painter
et al. 2004, 7). The socioeconomic ties between immigrants in ethnic enclaves are now carried
onto a new immigrant development. “Ethnoburbs” illustrate the influences from other
immigrants. In efforts to purchase a home, ethnic social networks play a significant role in the
transition to homeownership. By encouraging this new sense of “ethnoburb” community from
current Chinese homeowners, this can inspire future Chinese immigrant homeowners to also join
the neighborhood. Through sharing their transition to homeownership experience, showing
support, and giving guidance to future homebuyers, Chinese homeowners can be influential in
advancing immigrant homeownership.
Another significant third party influence that arose in Chinese homeownership was
“cultural brokers” (Listokin et al., 2001). These individuals are real estate or mortgage agents
“who both understand how credit agencies and underwriters think and also understand the
applicant’s language, culture, and situation” (Ratner 1996, 126). Once again, this is another way
future Chinese homebuyers can receive technical support regarding financial and credit issues in
home purchasing. “Cultural brokers” can be key contributors to Chinese immigrants that lack
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proficiency in English (Listokin et al., 2001). As a translator, their crucial role can affect a future
Chinese homebuyer’s opinion about investing in a new home.
How Does All of This Tie Together?
Overall, this paper will provide insight to how Chinese American homeownership can be
reached through cultural and class implications, community resources from different
organizations and agencies, and third party influences. These three influences are key in the steps
to homeownership. To begin, first generation, low-income Chinese Americans have the right
mindset that they must work hard and survive, but also strive to provide for their family. After
this phase, non-profit organizations and government agencies provide the housing resources and
assistance to lay the foundation for low-income Chinese Americans to have an affordable and
stable home. And last in the transitioning phase, third party influences provide technical and
social support for future Chinese homebuyers. These three factors in the transitioning phase
provide a step-by-step approach to Chinese American homeownership. I hope that these three
supporting ideas will illustrate a broader picture of the Chinese American home owning process.
Nonetheless, the different concepts that I have found in my research do connect to this
project. For example, the idea that cultural support for future homebuyers can come from all
aspects of life; like your neighbor, community organization, or “cultural broker” (Listokin et al.,
2001). However, some scholars address the cultural and language constraints that Chinese
Americans face when purchasing a home, but does not thoroughly discuss the resolution to this
problem. That is why my paper examines the key transitional features in the Chinese American
home purchasing process.
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Research Strategy: Understanding All Actors in the Transition to Homeownership
The geographical focus of my research is San Francisco. I chose this municipality
because I am from San Francisco and have proficient knowledge of the political and housing
structure of the city. I gained access to the different actors in my study and conducted interviews
and surveys with them. Through the Chinatown Community Development Center (CCDC) in
San Francisco’s Chinatown, I gained access to community-housing data and conducted one-onone interviews with Chinatown CDC employees. I used these interviews to gain more insight on
specific strategies and responsibilities that these actors have in the Chinese American housing
transition process.
I have met with a Chinese oriented real estate business (“cultural brokers”) and Chinese
homeowners and conducted one-on-one interviews with them about their experiences and
interactions in the housing sector. I interviewed Chinese homeowners and a Chinese real estate
agent that live and work in the Sunset district. Since studies have shown a high population of
Chinese homeowners in the Richmond and Sunset neighborhoods, I conducted interviews with
homeowners specifically from one of these districts (Fong, 2001). This interview with a “cultural
broker” and Chinese homeowners provides a better understanding on how third party influences
interact and affect other Chinese Americans that are transitioning to homeownership in San
Francisco.
Due to my location, I conducted an online survey with a group of thirty first generation
low-income Chinese American college students from San Francisco. I chose to interview college
students because they have a better understanding of the cultural traditions from their childhood,
but are also in the transition into adulthood, and have future dreams to one day purchase their
own home. The format of my survey was composed of ten statements, where surveyors would
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rank how much they agreed with the statements—one being “highly disagree” and five being
“highly agree”. My statements are concerned with my hybrid theory of low-income resilience
and cultural obligations. Through this survey, I tried to see if there was any strong correlation
with these two ideas. The survey results will help justify my supporting evidence that there is a
certain mentality low-income Chinese Americans may have in the transition to homeownership.
However, due to my location and resource restraints, my limited amount of surveys,
interviews, and data that I collected might not apply or suffice to other Chinese American
communities in California or in the United States. Furthermore, the minimal time that I spent in
San Francisco may have prevented me from sufficiently collecting housing data and conducting
cohesive interviews for my supporting evidence about non-profit organizations and third party
influences.
Through the different methods of my data collection and research, I tried to structure my
questions and surveys in a direct and understandable manner. I hope that the different research
approaches to the specific sub-topics of my study, provide the most conclusive explanation to my
supportive evidence and argument. Ultimately, this research strategy offers a variety of different
voices from significant actors that play in the transitional stage of Chinese American
homeownership. This research design makes my argument more coherent and well rounded
because I considered all aspects of the ongoing conversation in Chinese American
homeownership.
Findings and Analysis
Hybrid Theory - Cultural Obligation and Low-Income Resilience
The hybrid theory that I infer in this project concerns Chinese cultural obligation and
low-income resilience that have been tested through my ten-statement survey. Proving this
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theory will describe that low-income Chinese Americans do consider their extensive family in
homeownership and future plans. Being that this is the first stage of the transitional period, this
specific mentality describes the extensive lifetime goals and considerations that low-income
Chinese Americans have. The resilience of low-income families to work hard and survive, also
persists from deep-rooted cultural values to be responsible for their family’s well being.
The impact of family obligation to a first generation Chinese American can ultimately
shape their lives and understanding of their distinctions between ethnic cultural practices and
American culture. Known as Acculturative stress, the psychological effects of adapting to a new
culture impacts a person’s well being (Smart et al., 1995). Especially when exposed to this stress
at a young age, Chinese adolescents are forced to find their social and psychological fit in
American society (Fuligini et al., 2002). However, with adult responsibilities (due to financial
and cultural assistance to immediate family), young first generation Chinese Americans learn
what to expect in future financial and adult situations.
This hybrid theory explains how low-income Chinese Americans have a mentality that
ultimately shapes their life goals. Being exposed to more mature situations at a young age creates
a foundational attitude, which helps them become more prepared for future adult situations and
responsibilities, like home buying. Nevertheless, surveying from a group of low-income Chinese
American college students, describes how Acculturative stress have shaped their lives and
lifetime goals.
Below, I used the bar chart to display my findings for my “Hybrid Theory” survey. It
displays the total responses from the entire survey. Since one survey had 10 statements, and I had
30 surveyors participating in this project, I received a total of 300 responses: 10 survey
statements x 30 surveyors = 300 responses. I took the selected rating from each statement and
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tallied it up. With the specific structure of the survey, I believe that this was the best way to
sufficiently show all responses fairly and accurately. In the appendix, you will find the 10
statements that were in my survey. There was variation between each statement, where some
statements were geared toward the idea of cultural obligation or low-income resilience. However,
in a few of the survey statements, I combined both concepts, which represented the “Hybrid
Theory”.
Responses
"Hybrid Theory" Survey Response
180
160
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
"Hybrid Theory" Survey
Response
1 Highly
Disagree
2 Disagree
3 Neutral
4 Agree
5 Highly
Agree
7
14
35
77
167
As seen in the bar graph, a total of negative (1 Highly Disagree & 2 Disagree) and neutral
responses were 56. When summed up, 18.7% of the total responses either did not support or felt
neutral about the survey statements. However, in many cases, this disaggregate can be outliers in
the survey. Although I aimed towards low-income Chinese Americans, each surveyor might have
different situations in their lives. For example, a surveyor’s parents may be more assimilated into
American society and does not need the assistance of their children. In addition, we have to
consider the variation in the survey statements, which might have played a part in why some
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surveyors responded negative and/or neutral. These outliers can affect the overall accuracy of the
survey, but I do not believe it plays a drastic impact.
Overwhelmingly, there is a strong correlation to low-income resilience and family
obligation. More than half of the survey responses were ranked as a 5 for highly agree. And
when the total positive responses (4 Agree & 5 Highly Agree) are added up, there is an 81.3%
support on the survey statements. This combined aggregate response to the “Hybrid Theory”,
adequately describes how low-income resilience and Chinese cultural values are associated to be
a collaborative mentality for low-income Chinese Americans. Although there was variation to
the survey statements, the combined aggregate should be considered as validating the “Hybrid
Theory” to be true.
Overall, the results of this survey, established an adequate argument that low-income
Chinese Americans and family obligations coalesce. By proving the “Hybrid Theory,” it
validates the first transitional stage of the Chinese American homeownership process. Having
considered family obligation, exposure to adult responsibility, and personal goals to achieve
economic prosperity, are distinctive mentality features low-income Chinese Americans have that
will lead them to homeownership.
Non-Profit Organization and Government Agencies
The second step for Chinese Americans’ transition to homeownership, are the roles and
impacts of non-profit organizations and government agencies. These housing providers can be
the social and structural tools to help Chinese Americans into homeownership. Previously
discussed, Chinatown CDC offers the Chinese American community housing and neighborhood
resources, along with government agencies that provide affordable housing opportunities for
low-income residents. Not only does non-profit organizations and government agencies
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contribute to the wider accessibility of affordable housing and social guidance for first
generation Chinese Americans, but they also expose this group to programs that will ultimately
enhance their quality of life.
I interviewed three different actors that are essential in Chinese American advancement
to homeownership. First, Angelina Yu, Chinatown CDC’s very own Youth Organizer, provides a
basis on how this community based organization reaches out to Chinese American families and
youth in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood. Second, I met with Whitney Jones, the
Director of Housing Development at Chinatown CDC that offers a different perspective on how
affordable housing is developed in the non-profit sector and the affects it has on immigrant
communities. And last, Malcolm Yeung, a senior advisor to San Francisco’s Mayor Ed Lee on
land use policies, affordable housing, and tenant rights, will provide insight on how local
government tries to find financially responsible ways to create partnerships for affordable
housing.
As a youth organizer, Angelina guides Chinatown’s youth to implement and initiate
campaigns that will help beautify and empower their community. Through a more hands on
approach, Chinatown youth creates service projects to engage seniors and families in the
neighborhood. Events like Super Sunday are held every month to allow resident organizations
like Community Tenants Association (CTA) to come together and discuss present neighborhood
issues. Youth for SROs are another organization formed by Chinatown’s youth to assist and
build broader coalitions with seniors and families living in single room occupancy (SROs)
buildings in Chinatown. Not only has Chinatown CDC created youth led programs to enhance
community participation, but it also provides housing resources for individuals.
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When asked what was the main issue that Chinatown residence have when coming to
their main office, Angelina said, without any hesitation said--housing counseling. With a hotline
that residents can contact for landlord/tenant issues and personal assistance with filling out
housing forms, Chinatown residents are offered different resources to assist them through the
legal system. Whether it is reporting housing complaints, translating housing documents, or
helping to fill out an application to an affordable housing complex, the Chinese American
community has direct access to housing assistance. Ultimately, Chinatown CDC provides a
supportive network for Chinese Americans and immigrants to enhance their community
involvement and living situation.
To go further in depth about Chinatown CDC’s involvement and influence with
affordable housing in San Francisco, I will discuss my interview with Whitney Jones. Being
Director of Housing Development at Chinatown CDC, Whitney identifies and oversees the
production of affordable housing made by Chinatown CDC. Having mostly worked on senior
and family housing developments, Whitney and his housing team are obligated to market their
new developments to people that are least likely to apply. This might be people that may have
difficulty finding or accessing affordable housing information like immigrant families, disabled
individuals, and seniors.
Coordinating with community service agencies and the San Francisco Chronicle
newspaper, Chinatown CDC tries their best to publically advertise their open housing
developments, so everyone has an opportunity to apply. By having applications translated into
various languages by volunteers, it allows immigrant families a chance to apply for a spot in the
affordable housing community. This just goes to show how non-profit organizations like
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Chinatown CDC are in efforts to try and expand diversity and equity in the affordable housing
market, by finding new ways to welcome different demographics.
Whitney further explained how families that live in their affordable housing and seek
future homeownership opportunities, have a safe place to establish and build their asset savings.
With stable rent control, it provides breathing room for low-income families to build their assets.
In some cases, staff at their affordable housing community can help connect the families to
training and asset building organizations that will assist them with their transition to
homeownership. Nevertheless, establishing equity in affordable housing and promoting asset
building, are some of the key ways Chinatown CDC is taking initiative to encourage immigrant
groups like Chinese Americans, to further their homeownership motives.
The last actor in the second transitional stage is government agencies. To see broader
impacts and influences of local government in affordable housing policies, I spoke with senior
advisor to the mayor, Malcolm Yeung. In my interview with Malcolm, he tries to provide a
wider outlook on the collaborations and roles of non-profit organizations and the local
government in affordable housing initiatives and development. He goes on to say that it is
essential that the two entities work well together in large urban areas like San Francisco.
Coordination to do community outreach and efforts to target housing programs and services to
disadvantages groups, are essential values to abide by when creating financially responsible,
affordable housing.
Overall, non-profit organizations like Chinatown CDC and local government agencies are
significant in the stages to homeownership. This just goes to show how different institutions are
in efforts to find ways to create affordable living. For minority groups like Chinese Americans, it
provides an opportunity to be one step closer to homeownership. With the “Hybrid Theory” in
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tact, and having assistance in housing, it gives low-income Chinese Americans more experience
in a wider, more affordable housing market. This provides them with a chance to learn and
understand the legal system independently. And when ready to take the next step and purchase a
home, third party influences will play an enormous role in helping them get through the last
stage of this journey.
Third Party Influences: Chinese Homeowners and Chinese Real Estate Businesses
Previously discussed, Chinese American homeowners and real estate businesses can be
the greatest influences in the Chinese home buying process. The establishment of “ethnoburbs”
can be rooted from the sociocultural basis of ethnic enclaves like Chinatown. These strong social
networks that were formed in Chinatown, can be carried on into “ethnoburbs”; ultimately
recreating the ethnic community on a middle/upper class level. The Sunset and the Richmond
neighborhood, in the western part of San Francisco, have been reconstructed throughout the
decades to become an “ethnoburb”. Mostly composed of single-family homes, these
neighborhoods are considered to be the “suburbs” of San Francisco. Chinese American
homeownership has drastically increased in these neighborhoods, ultimately changing the
demographics of the area (Wong, 1998).
I connected with Chinese homeowners--Judy and Kai Tang living in the Sunset district.
Married for over thirty years, their humble beginnings in America started in San Francisco’s
Chinatown. Living in a small two-bedroom apartment with ten people, their kitchen and
bathroom was shared by the entire apartment complex. After twenty years of working seven days
a week with no vacation, the Tangs were able to purchase a three story multi-family house for
them and their extended family. Coming from the bottom up, the Tangs said they dealt with
concentrated living conditions to be able to live comfortably today. This just goes to show that
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the journey to homeownership may not be easy, but the couple goes onto explaining that this
approach was the only way for them to become homeowners; because their lack of the English
language and understanding of the American real estate market.
When asked what kind of advice they give to friends and family about home buying, they
said it was their recommendation to Chinese relators. Through their social network of friends and
co-workers in Chinatown, the Tangs were able to get connected with a Chinese-speaking realtor
that assisted them with their home buying process. Judy said that she felt like she only trusted
Chinese realtors because her and her husband were only able to understand them when they
explained the home buying application process. That is why when they help future Chinese
homebuyers, the Tangs always recommended the Chinese realtor that assisted them with their
home. As you can see from Jude and Kai’s journey to homeownership, their housing experience
was used as advice for their future home buying friends. The strong social network that they built
in Chinatown also played a significant part in their final stage to homeownership.
Now, to understand the other side of the story, I interviewed a Chinese real estate agent
that is geared to help the Chinese American community. Stacy Chin is a Cantonese-speaking real
estate agent that works in the Sunset neighborhood in San Francisco. Her twenty years of
experience in the real estate business is geared toward working with Chinese-speaking home
seekers. Stacy explains how she knows how it feels to be in the shoes of first-time Chinese
American homebuyers, because she is an immigrant herself. She goes onto say that when she is
with Chinese clients, she tries to address questions and concerns that she would have asked when
purchasing a home. This allows Chinese American homebuyers to feel more comfortable
because they have the assistance and guidance from an experienced agent in this technical
process.
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With extensive knowledge of what to look for in a home and how to follow real estate
procedures, Stacy says she chose to work with the Chinese American clientele. She believes that
she plays an influential role in the Chinese American homeownership process because her ability
to relate and speak to her clients. This just goes to show how important a “cultural broker” is in
this last transition stage to homeownership. Their ability to translate and explain the technical
issues of home purchasing can be their sole interpretation to Chinese Americans. These realtors
ultimately have the full trust of Chinese Americans when explaining the technical side of home
buying.
Furthermore, through my observation of the Sunset and Richmond neighborhood, there
are a prominent number of Chinese real estate businesses in these areas. With that being said, it
describes how these businesses have influenced the demographic of San Francisco’s “suburbs,”
turning these single-family neighborhoods into “ethnoburbs”. Ultimately, Chinese homeowners
and real estate businesses are third party influences that help bridge the gap between first time
homebuyers and the American real estate market. Through experience, guidance, and technical
support, third party influences are essential in the last transition stage to homeownership.
Conclusion
Owning a home has given a sense of native pride and accomplishment to citizens in the
United States; it has been a symbolic notion of “making it in America”. This is an idea that lowincome immigrant families strive towards; they see homeownership, “as their ticket out of
poverty” (DeFilippis et al. 2008, 271). In this paper, implications of advancement in Chinese
American homeownership can signify “immigrant success” in America (Lee et al. 1998, 596).
That is why the need to encourage immigrant homeownership is fundamental in American
society.
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In my research, I examined the three key transitional influences and stages in the journey
to Chinese American homeownership. The validation of my hybrid theory, the different ways
Chinatown CDC and government agencies assist in affordable housing, and the guidance from
third party influences, are the three features that help transition Chinese Americans into
homeownership. Through each transitional stage, Chinese Americans are able to advance
themselves because they have the right mentality and gain access to valuable housing networks
and resources. In many ways, each of these stages represents a stepping-stone for Chinese
Americans to understand the homeownership process, and the overall legal system. This study
highlights the importance of the various actors in this progressive journey and how their roles
compliment one another to be a full community effort. The utilization of all spectrums in a
sociopolitical network, makes it essential to understand the many different community bonds and
kinships that impacts a Chinese American’s transition to homeownership.
Housing policy in the United States has been too focused on creating more affordable
housing. My paper examines the key actors in the transitional stage to homeownership. This
study implies that investing in programs to assist in the transitional state to homeownership for
immigrants will have a better success rate than creating more affordable housing. This
investment will keep the ongoing cycle of new low-income Americans in affordable housing
programs, to later have the support and network to transition out of public assistance programs
and become homeowners.
To get to this goal, the influences and encouragements in the transitional process to
immigrant homeownership, must be taken into consideration. Chinese Americans living in ethnic
enclaves are more likely to be influenced by cultural practices, non-profit and government
programs, and third party influences. Without these influential attributes, the transition process to
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home owning for immigrants would be very difficult. Hopefully through the years, immigrant
homeownership will increase, and the political voice of diverse home owners will be heard in
future political and urban planning policies.
Appendix
Survey Statements:
1. I want to be successful for my family.
2. I feel obligated to take care of my parents in the future.
3. Because of my financial constraint in my family, I work hard in school to gain access to
future opportunities.
4. I feel that I have to support and assist my family because of my better understanding of the
customs and cultures in America.
5. I feel different from other college students because I have different priorities and goals to
provide for my family in the future.
6. Because my family’s financial constraint and my parents’ lack of English proficiency, they
were not as involved in my academic and personal life.
7. I feel obligated to learn quickly about larger life responsibilities because of my parent’s lack
of English proficiency.
8. The idea of the “American Dream” motivates me to work hard and provide for my family in
the future.
9. I feel that being from a low-income family, I want to be able to build a savings to buy a home.
10. I feel that I must succeed in life, so I can support my parents when they are older.
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