The convergence of patterns in the city:
(Isolating) the effects of architectural
morphology on movement and activity
Vinicius NETTO
Renato SABOYA
Julio VARGAS
Lucas FIGUEIREDO
Cássio FREITAS
Maíra PINHEIRO
Universidade Federal Fluminense (NEPHU-UFF)
Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC)
Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS)
Universidade Federal da Paraíba (UFPB)
Escola Nacional de Ciência Estatística (ENCE-IBGE
Universidade Federal Fluminense (NEPHU-UFF), respectively. Brazil.
CNPq sponsors this research.
This research is about the relationships of distinct urban patterns
that constitute the city...
...the city as the result,
a synthesis of pattern relations
We shall approach pattern relations in two ways:
 FIRST, we shall examine how they converge (or diverge)
 SECOND, we shall have a closer look into the effects of a particular
pattern over others – namely, the patterns of urban form constituted by
ARQUITECTURAL FORM
Theoretical
framework
Key geographical and urban theories have approached
cities as relations of patterns
Spatial Economics
Von Thünen (1826) Agricultural location [regional]
A. Weber (1909) Industrial location and distance [regional] time-distance and location
Hansen (1959) "How accessibility shapes land use" [intra-urban]
Alonso (1964) bid-rent model [intra-urban]
retail location theory, etc
Configurational studies
Hillier and Hanson (1984) The social logic of space – encounter, solidarities and spatial
configuration
Hillier et al (1993) Pedestrian movement and urban configuration
Krafta (1994) Acessibility, centrality, distribution of attractors
Hillier (1996) Cities as movement economies, configuration and retail distribution, etc
These approaches imply that cities acquire intrinsic properties
as signs of a successful convergence of patterns.
Spatial Economics
Alonso’s bid-rent model (1964)
Space syntax
Global Integration – Berlin [reunified 1999]
[Desyllas, 2000]
Office location in Berlin [1991-1997]
[Desyllas, 2000]
The convergence of patterns in the form of the city
 Each pattern may be seen
as an emergence in its
own right.
 They have distinct roles,
from the material
conditions of daily actions
in social reproduction to
spatial production.
 they have a dual relation
to each other, being
influenced by them on the
one hand, and changing
and shaping them on the
other.
 Relations look like a
teleological process: cities
seem geared to pattern.
The convergence of patterns in the form of the city: TEMPORALITIES
The production of street networks
internally differentiated into
accessibility patterns – a highly
durable and stable structure
The slow temporality of built form
production and replacement –
Densities which express and support
activities
The occupation of buildings finds its
own distribution pattern: Activity
location. Activities last from days to
years, even centuries
Patterns of actions unfolding in a city
are recognizable as movement
patterns connecting activity places.
Emergence is fast – similar patterns of
pedestrian movement emerge
everyday and adapt quickly to
changes in location, densities or
streets
The convergence of patterns in the form of the city: the CONVERGENCE ASSUMPTION

These theories were successful in bringing to light the convergence of these four patterns.

Theories seem to assume that interrelations and mutual dependences would lead to
progressive convergence in time.

Patterns mutually related in a meta-pattern – emerging in the form of the city itself.
 Spatial studies highlight aspects of convergence … to a point that
convergence is taken for granted…
 Behind theses assumptions lie risks of a non-dynamic understanding of the
different materialities and processes at play in the city creation process.
 The complex tension of mutual dependence and conflict between patterns is
overlooked… differences are rendered unproblematic.
However…
 Does convergence happen all the time for every city or area?
 What if patterns were prevented from full convergence?
 Is there any room for divergence or “dissonance” between
patterns?
…what if we focus on what lies before or beyond convergence…?
Dissonance between accessibility and pedestrian levels
USUAL REASONS FOR SUCH DISSONANCE:
…Weaker densities in areas with high accessibility may reduce movement allowed by the grid.
….specific architectural types could offer poor support for retail activities potentially
demanded by pedestrians.
Growing cities may have shifts in accessibility cores
along with slower changes in density patterns.
Souce: Linconl Institute
these questions provide a framework for further analysis
 We would like to challenge usual theoretical positions.
 Our work addresses the differences between patterns – their
non-correspondence – and aims at explaining which factors may
be active there.
 Our hypothesis is that, despite a potential trend to alignment in
such dimensions, dissonance is always already at work,
preventing full convergence
HYPOTHESIS OF CONVERGENCE / DISSONANCE
We propose a methodology able to indicate the stage of convergence / dissonance
of patterns and allow the analysis of their behaviour in time.

a thought experiment on convergence bringing the relation between time of
urbanization and urban patterns in a theoretical city.

Hypothesis examined through sets of correlations between distributions of accessibility
(Acc), densities (Dens), pedestrian movement (PM), activities (Act) along with Age of
different areas.

correlations could help clarifying states of pattern convergence.
HYPOTHESIS OF CONVERGENCE / DISSONANCE

Quantifying normalized levels of Acc, Act, PM and Dens in an urban system allows
comparison of patterns and assessment of STATES OF CONVERGENCE / DISSONANCE
distance
IN SPACE


IN TIME
Results may show whether convergence is or is not an evolutionary process.
process may happen in cycles, consistent with descriptions of self-organized criticality
convergence is likely to increase and fall in cycles in time, without ever becoming complete
HYPOTHESIS OF CONVERGENCE / DISSONANCE
CONVERGENCE IN SPACE:
Distributions normalized in intensity indexes [0-1]
as a function of decreasing accessibility in three levels
distance
Visible forms of dissonance
Distinct curves amounting into different patterns
 Different intensities: similar curves, different peaks.
Convergence / Dissonance of Urban Pa erns
50
ssonance of Urban Pa erns
100
ACC
RETAIL
ECON DENS
distance 150
ARCH DENS
PM
ACC
RETAIL
ECON
200
EMPIRICAL CASE:
1. Overall strong dissonance between accessibility and other
patterns.
2. Areas within the first range have higher dissonance (low
densities and high accessibility). Reversion in the third range
Convergence / Dissonance of Urban Pa erns
1
ACC
RETAIL
ECON DENS
ARCH DENS
PM
0.9
0.8
0.7
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
0
50
100
150
200
250
distance
HYPOTHESIS OF CONVERGENCE / DISSONANCE
CONVERGENCE / DISSONANCE IN TIME:
Correlations of patterns varying as cities or urban areas age
The problem of Time and Convergence
 Pearson’s correlations between pairs of urban patterns show a complex tendency to increase as urban
areas age. Correlations peak in Copacabana, with decrease in areas around 120 years…
 …Dissonance perhaps due to accessibility levels higher than density, changing or approaching criticality.
ZONE
West Rio
North Rio
North Rio
South Rio
Central Rio
South Rio
AREA
recreio
barra
joá
grajaú
anil
freguesia 1
freguesia 2
pechincha
taquara
pilares
riachuelo
madureira
méier
tijuca
ipanema
leblon
copacabana
gávea
urca
porto
stereza
humaitá
botafogo
flamengo
URBANIZATION
TIME
20
30
30
30
30
30
30
30
30
50
50
50
50
50
60
60
80
90
90
110
130
130
150
160
The city as convergence of patterns: observations
 dissonance X convergence: complex interplay
 intraurban densification X peripheral growth
 areas reach stability and others decay;
 areas or whole cities may go through fast change.
The city as convergence of patterns: observations
A perfect overlapping of patterns could only be the case if:
 SOCIALLY: agents were capable of complete coordination of collective actions,
and capable of shaping the physical world accordingly.
 COGNITIVELLY: agents were capable of perfect diffusion of information
(omniscient agents) and optimal distribution in urban space.
 SPATIALLY: spaces were able to change continuously as the arrangements of
practice and urban activities changed and demanded changes in location and
density.
Of course each of these conditions is ontologically impossible.
It could only be possible in a liquid world, where materially different systems
could shape one another all the time.
The city as convergence of patterns: observations
Distinct urban processes fail to fully project themselves into each other – inexorably.
Full convergence is never completely achievable:
complex social-spatial interactions
collisions of materialities and temporalities of distinct urban processes
Contextual contingencies [geographical constrains, culture]
The city as convergence of patterns: observations
In different cities:
Convergence asserts similarities among cities.
Dissonance, on the other hand, emerges from contingencies of
misinformation, decisions about architectural form, land uses; it relies
on lesser or greater coordination.
Emergent dissonances are related to whatever prevents cities from
looking alike; they produce idiosyncrasies we identify in every city
DISSONANCE BRINGS ABOUT DIFFERENCES
– IT IS KEY TO THE IDENTITIES OF CITIES
The city as convergence of patterns: observations
 This method analyses relations of patterns in the city and
explores possibilities in modelling and isolating them
 It raises questions about major axioms of spatial approaches:
 Looking at the empty spaces in between patterns, we suggest
that dissonances are as important as the unproblematically
assumed telos of convergence.
rather than seen unproblematically,
the relationship between patterns in the city creating process
should be held as a key theoretical problem.
examining dissonances:
a particular set of relations of patterns
examining dissonances:
a particular set of relations of patterns
We intend to address a classic question in architecture
and urban studies and design:
 can buildings affect what happens around them?
 Would distinct architectural morphologies have
distinct effects over local social and economic
processes?
 Or more broadly: does architecture matter to the
vitality of streets and public life in the city?
[Rio de Janeiro: Centre
[Rio de Janeiro: Barra da Tijuca
Fonte: Google Street View
HYPOTHESES
The dissolutions of pattern of urban and architectural form
Similar thinning out of streets’ social uses
(pedestrian movement, microeconomic activities)
Potential undesirable consequences to the city
(vehicular dependence, empty streets, spatial segregation, insecurity])
Rio de Janeiro: Centro, Jardim Oceânico,Barra da Tijuca
Fonte: Google earth
HYPOTHESES
Different typologies have different effects on the urban vitality of
public spaces
(a) Contiguous buildings
Local positive effects:
• Nearer interface
relationships among
pedestrians and
microeconomic
activities.
(b) Detached buildings
Local negative effects
• Increase in distances
between buildings:
• Dispersion of ground floor
retail and services.
(c) Hybrid buildings
Local effects:
• Promotion of
retail activities;
• Interface with
street weaker
than (a)
HYPOTHESES
 More specifically, our hypothesis is that,
properties like accessibility and density being
equal, type (a) would respond more
adequately to both social and microeconomic
life at the local scale.
 Our hypothesis also points to the possibility
that type (b) would have opposite effects to
(a) as a function of how large are the setbacks
from the plot’s limits, distances between
buildings and from buildings to the sidewalks.
Method
Architectural, economic and social variables
METHOD
 KEY: In order to test these hypotheses, we needed a
way of disentangling the effects of accessibility on
local socioeconomic variatbles from those of the
architectural typology.
 Some alternative methods were considered:
(a) Differential of accessibility
(b) Analysis of aggregated effects
(c) Accessibility ranges
(d) Statistical variance
METHOD
CONTROLLING ACCESSIBILITY
We try to maintain accessibility as constant as possible in our
samples in order to minimize the effects of the grid…
….while examining distributions of typologies and
socioeconomic variables [correlations].
METHOD
 Nevertheless, controlling for the influence of accessibility in
urban vitality features is not an easy task:
Accessibility is a complex property
active on a number of scales
and can be measured in several different ways.
 Space syntax measures seem adequate as proxy for
accessibility at the fine scale we are interested in.
 But which measure, radius and spatial unit should be used?
METHOD
Choice
Integration RR
METHOD
 Local integration ranges were more scattered over
the system than global ones.
Integration RR
Integration R3
METHOD
 three dilemmas shared a same underlying issue: the degree of
clustering of spatial units within one given accessibility range.
 Hypothesis included synergies of architectural form, acessibility
and local socioeconomic events – a certain degree of clustering
was desirable.
 We opted for:
Measure:
Entity:
Radius:
Integration
Axial line
RR
 Local radii was explicitly considered as an independent variable
and statistically tested.
FIXING ACCESSIBILITYLEVEL
Integration values sliced in 20 levels from which we chose three
different and nearly constant levels (high, medium and low).
 Which accessibility range(s)?:
 Which accessibility range(s)?:
Rio de Janeiro
Accessibility Ranges Population
Rio de Janeiro
 Control for density: each accessibility range was
subdivided into three (broad) ranges of density.
High
Range 7
Medium
Range 11
Low
Range 17
Rio de Janeiro:
assessing the effects of architectural form on urban vitality
In order to define the set of
axial lines to be analysed
empirically, we divided areas
defined through accessibility
ranges in sectors with a
minimum number of
segments, and picked
randomly a sample
statistically appropriate.
Our study involves twentyfour areas in Rio de Janeiro.
A number of segments should
be analysed in each
combination of accessibility
and density ranges
9 Setups:
3 Accessibility Ranges x 3 Density Ranges
Rio de Janeiro
RANGE 7
104 segments
1574 plots
RANGE 11
101 segments
1772 plots
RANGE 17
44 segments
828 plots
Effects of building typology on local
socioeconomic processes
PRELIMINARY RESULTS
Accessibility
range 7 – Pearson’s correlation coefficient for 101 segments.
Accessibility
range 11 – Pearson’s correlation coefficient for 104 segments.
Accessibility
range 17 – Pearson’s correlation coefficient for 44 segments.
All accessibility ranges – Pearson’s correlation coefficient for 249 segments
PRELIMINARY RESULTS
 Three variables seem to contribute most positively with
movement, controlling for accessibility:
 retail on the ground level
 window density
 open plot
 Other strong variables are:




retail plus services
economic unit density
building height
diversity in upper floors
Mostly associated with the Contiguous building type
PRELIMINARY RESULTS
 The most negative variables in relation to movement,
controlling for accessibility:




residential activity on the ground level
Front walls
Low window density
garage door density
Mostly associated with the Detached building type
PRELIMINARY RESULTS
 Correlations of architectural types to social dependent variables
decrease in higher accessibility levels.
 However, there is the problem of dissonance: in Rio, the core of
higher accessibility changed due to recent expansion towards
north and west.
 So we can neither assert that distinct levels of accessibility are
forces at play in reducing the effects of types, nor that
dissonance is an exclusive factor in lowering correlations.
 We need to analyse more cities.
conclusions
 We attempted to “collide” – statistically – a large number of urban
components in order to see what combinations may correspond to the
chemistry of urban vitality.
 Although analysis is still ongoing, preliminary results seem to point to
consistencies in the relation of certain architectural features and local
socioeconomic variables.
 different architectural types tend to have nearly reversed effects
 Results suggest that the contiguous type is not an exclusive factor of
urban vitality, as it may support both commercial and residential
activities (the latter has strong negative correlations with dependent
variables), but it is a condition for architectural features that matter.
conclusions
 severe implications for current trends in cities in Brazil and elsewhere,
where architectural types poorly related to urban life become
dominating
 Whole areas in our cities become less walkable due to growing
distances and the progressive disappearance of local activities that
support daily life.
 Our work hopes to contribute to the diagnosis of problems in urban
performance, i.e. the relation of urban processes to architectural form…
...in other words, which architectural types are more efficient in supporting
the diversity of activities and uses of public spaces – key issues in the
urban sustainability debate.
FURTHER EMPIRICAL WORK
João Pessoa
Rio de Janeiro
Florianópolis
Porto Alegre