Scandinavian Journal of Management (2013) 29, 78—86 Available online at www.sciencedirect.com j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : h t t p : / / w w w. e l s e v i e r. c o m / l o c a t e / s c a m a n Juggling difference and sameness: Rethinking strategies for diversity in organizations Halleh Ghorashi a,1, Ida Sabelis b,* a Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, VU University Amsterdam, De Boelelaan 1081c, 1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands b Department of Organization Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, VU University Amsterdam, De Boelelaan 1081c, 1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands KEYWORDS (Managing) diversity; Inclusiveness; Contiguity; Strategic essentialism; Time—space Summary In this era of omnipresent diversity, we face paradoxical outcomes from practices, policies and the management of diversity in organizations. On the one hand, diversity is supposed to be adopted in terms of social justice and inclusiveness: embracing all talent and reaching out to diverse groups that traditionally were not part of the core of organizations. On the other hand, broad societal discourses of otherness are emerging, which severely limit chances for the inclusion of ‘others’. We propose to re-theorize and contextualize these phenomena; we aim to discuss alternative approaches of dealing with diversity by connecting strategic essentialism, contiguity, and space/time relations to exemplify the often hidden workings of the power dimensions involved. # 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Managing diversity: essentializing sameness and difference Towards the end of the previous century the issue of diversity in organizations gained a prominent place in both academic and societal debates. Yet, management of diversity appears to be ‘‘a Herculean task, requiring much more than managerial enthusiasm, optimism, and good intentions’’ (Prasad & Mills, 1997, p. 5). The taken for granted privilege of dominant groups * Corresponding author. Tel.: +31 20 5986711; fax: +31 20 5986860. E-mail addresses: h.ghorashi@vu.nl (H. Ghorashi), i.sabelis@vu.nl (I. Sabelis). 1 Tel.: +31 20 5986778; fax: +31 20 5986860. (mostly white and male) in organizations makes it almost impossible to value the contribution of women and ethnic minorities (due Billing & Sundin, 2006; Prasad & Mills, 1997), rendering them ‘space invaders’ in the organizational realm (Puwar, 2004) and excluding them from top positions (Essed, 2002). This raises the question of whether or not diversity (management) programmes are merely concealing enduring patterns of exclusion (Prasad & Mills, 1997, pp. 14—15) on the individual level as well as on an institutional or a managerial one. A joint rise in inclusive diversity programmes in organizations and a societal discourse of excluding ‘others’ (that cannot help but influence work contexts), implies that interest in and scepticism of diversity programmes may be growing at a similar pace. Within the discussions over the past decades concerning diversity issues in organizations (Essed, 2002; Liff & Wajcman, 1996; Zanoni, 2011; Zanoni & Janssens, 2003), we 0956-5221/$ — see front matter # 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scaman.2012.11.002 Juggling difference and sameness: Rethinking strategies for diversity in organizations particularly note a struggle in relation to sameness and difference. Holvino and Kamp (2009, p. 398) refer to this struggle as the ‘sameness—difference’ dilemma, in which diversity is either assimilated or essentialized. Both render diversity invisible but not ‘dealt with’. This makes diversity a risk instead of an option, a hidden and ongoing force of exclusion that could emerge in unintended guises and at unexpected times. Ely and Thomas (2001) presented three paradigms in dealing with diversity in organizations. The first focuses on the ways in which discrimination as the source of exclusion in organizations needs to be tackled. Yet, the solution provided was to assimilate the difference into sameness by introducing ‘colour blind policies’ (2001, p. 247). The second paradigm discussed by these authors celebrates diversity to seek access to a more diverse clientele and customers. Within this paradigm difference is included, yet somewhat marginalized within organizations as it solely serves the purpose of promotion to a diverse group of clientele or customers. An example of this is ethnic marketing, which uses people of colour to promote products. Both paradigms are essentialist in their approach; they either essentialize sameness (first paradigm) or difference (second paradigm). The third paradigm, which is the most promising, stresses the need for diversity as a process, as ‘ongoing learning’ in order to overcome or deal with exclusion. This process includes contextual notions such as: the historical development of diversity, organizational culture as symbolically representing diversity (or the lack thereof), and the ongoing and dialectic relationships between individual experiences and intentions, group level translation of these and the organizational—institutional outcomes of diversity and diversity management in everyday practices. Essentialism has a reifying quality to it. Identity components (such as gender, ethnicity, and class) are necessarily seen as static, fixed, timeless, and barely changeable. This position has influenced the debates on diversity from which we draw when looking at the current development of diversity. Essentialism does not allow for contextual and situational ways, in which individual members of groups shape and re-shape their (ethnic, cultural, gender) identity through interactions with other individuals over time. It also renders invisible the need for rethinking concepts of difference vis-àvis current practices of cooperation, experimentation, and change inside and outside organizations. Ultimately, this leads to a lack of focus on the possibility of hybrid positioning in organizations, by which individual members always combine elements from various available (among others cultural and ethnic) resources and repertoires, either strategically (cf. Koot, 1997), or in order to structurally and politically develop ‘the organization as a better place for all its members’ (cf. Cox, 1993). The latter refers to the definition of diversity in organizations, in which ethnicity, gender, class background, and other identity issues are related to what presents itself as endlessly unfolding processes of inclusion and exclusion that are forever infused with power and politics (Acker, 2006) and that are hard to grasp or to measure. These processes are tricky in the sense that they are usually felt or sensed rather than collectively observable or assessable. We therefore propose to focus on what we may call a balancing act between sameness and difference in striving for inclusion in organizations. With this we may develop an approach to diversity that goes beyond essentialism and that 79 pays tribute to process (i.e. ongoing change) and power relations. We contend that it is through the situative use of sameness and difference that human interaction in and beyond organizations can be understood. With this dynamic balance as our point of departure, we build our argument. First we present what we consider limitations of current diversity practices; then we address power issues surrounding these practices; and finally, we propose alternative ways to juggle diversity in organizations. Managing diversity backfires With the publication of the Workforce 2000 Report in 1987, which showed the growing heterogeneous mix of the future labour market, the necessity to include others in organizations became more salient, both for policy makers and in organizations (Zanoni, Janssens, Benschop, & Nkomo, 2010). The concept of diversity1 developed as an overarching perspective to combine the problems of ethnicity, gender, and other levels of exclusion. Implied here was the assumption that organizations would (have to) change when others entered. The question is not if this is so, but when and especially how change will come about. At the time, the concern seemed to be more with explaining the advantages and the necessity of ‘diversity’ than with the organizational requirements. Either organizations would change more or less automatically (Loden & Rosener, 1991, pp. 24—27), or diversity would become a managerial responsibility (Thomas, 1991). Metaphors such as the ‘tossed salad’ (Loden & Rosener, 1991) or the ‘blooming tree with deep (different) roots’ (Thomas, 1991) were used to promote the idea that the organization could develop into a ‘better place for all of its members’ (Cox, 1993). However, as it turned out in the early 1990s, the interest in diversity only emerged when economic benefits explicitly became part of the argument; this also changed the discourse of diversity into managing diversity, including the implication that the mere presence of ‘others’ would require managerial intervention (Cox, 1993; Thomas, 1991). The economic benefit argument also stressed the idea of diversity producing ‘added value’ via the inclusion of as many cultural differences as possible. As argued elsewhere (Sabelis, 1996), the culturalist view indeed allows for the empowerment of otherness, but only if there is a direct, preferably measurable benefit for the organization. In turn, this points to a collective attitude in which the willingness for organizational change is not the starting point for diversity programmes. Indeed, as Liff and Wajcman (1996) argued, diversity from this angle develops into a business case. This does not serve to sensitize organizational members to the goals of adopting diversity, i.e. promoting and developing equality in organizations. In fact, including the cultural other from an economic 1 We explicitly address the Dutch/West European situation here. In the Netherlands, diversity grew in the 1980s out of the ‘anti’-sexism/ racism action groups, largely coming forth from the women’s movement. One of the early exponents of this movement (and an early active member of Kantharos) was Philomena Essed who already in 1984 wrote her dissertation on racism drawing parallels to other forms of exclusion (see Essed, 1991). 80 perspective ultimately serves to exploit otherness and enhance the image of the organization irrespective of how diversity is being dealt with in its daily practices. Showcasing corporate efforts to include others often pushes the question of power to the background (Prasad in Prasad, Pringle, & Konrad, 2006, p. 7). In this way inclusion of others becomes ‘‘a precarious one, for they never exist, they are allowed to exist’’ (Hage in Cavanaugh, 1997, p. 43). Translating the business approach to the level of diversity practices, the focus is on developing instruments to reduce institutional exclusion or bias by presenting perceived or assumed advantages of what others can offer. Instruments involved can be affirmative action programmes and cultural consciousness-raising trainings. The problem here is that, ironically, the initial dynamic quality of diversity is rendered static because of the ways organizations work: via co-option, i.e. the inclusion or assimilation of ‘others’ into standardized organizational habits and procedures in which others are perceived and treated as ‘soon-to-be-the-same’, or as ‘exceptional members’. As Joan Acker argues, diversity programmes in this tradition have developed into static measures and sets of regulations, rendering them ‘‘mere bureaucratic paper shuffling in most organizations, undermined by a lack of outside enforcement and inside activism and by legal attack by white men claiming reverse discrimination’’ (Acker, 2006, p. 456). In fact, this kind of instrumental and limited inclusion of others can be considered to have failed for several reasons. First, diversity as a notion ends up being handled mostly on the institutional, or the organizational level. This implies that measures have become solid or rigid, thus restricting improvisation or creative adaptation. Second, the approach avoids any (individual) activism or critique that originally fed the enthusiasm and passion to search for different solutions to gaining equality. And third, despite the different foci with respect to the causes of exclusion, the proposed approaches tackle the issue of diversity in a short-term manner. There is no attention for the meaning of diversity for organizations as a whole from a long-term, and a bottom-up, practice-based perspective. Obviously, affirmative action was invented as a temporary measure, promoting ‘other’ groups to catch up (in numbers) in order to develop a diverse workforce. As Kanter (1977) has shown, when the number of minorities within an organization is relatively small, they are treated as tokens. Tokens become highly visible and are often seen as representative of their groups rather than as individuals. Following this path, Benschop and Doorewaard (1998) argue that tokens often carry a heavy burden. Because of their visibility, they are not supposed to make mistakes and have to work hard to reverse a set image by presenting ‘the’ good example. In summary, when a member of the organization is seen as a token, this magnifies the problem of continuously explaining and justifying one’s role and position as other. Being an object of diversity measurements therefore can be quite unattractive over time. Another problem with temporary policies that develop into rigid rules and regulations is that ‘others’ entering an organization through target group policies encounter negative signals from within the organization, despite instrumental attempts such as courses, and training (Ghorashi & van Tilburg, 2006; Glastra, Meerman, Schedler, & de Vries, 2000). Therefore, even if the target group policies lead to the H. Ghorashi, I. Sabelis desired increase of ethnic minorities, their circulation within the organization is often not realized. In addition, they are not prevented from leaving the organization. While affirmative action is necessary to give different groups equal chances to find work, it can only be successful if it is placed within a long-term perspective with an integral approach to diversity (Cox, 1993). This implies ongoing attention, not only to the position of others in the organization, but also to the cultural and structural changes implied by the processes that pervade it. Siebers, Verweel, and de Ruijter (2002) make a distinction between a limited and a broad approach to managing diversity. The limited approach to managing diversity is one that primarily focuses on human resources and personnel management. The broader perspective refers to an integral approach to diversity with the focus on all levels within organizations and including interaction with societal forces as well as internal struggles, encounters, and hybrid solutions. In order to develop a long-term analysis of processes of inclusion and exclusion, we need to adopt this integral approach to observe and trace processes of power, cultural interaction, and incremental change at all levels; organizational culture (mission, vision, norm and values, symbols/rituals, etc.), structure (rules and regulations, promotion plans, policies), informal networks (social movements, subcultures), inter-group relations, and individual performances (Cox, 1993; Zanoni, Nilsson, Janssens, & Wahlin, 2010). This prevents the emergence of blind spots in understanding how the cultural, structural (managerial), individual, and informal processes produce and reinforce taken-for-granted power processes. The production and reinforcement of old and new habits of exclusion and isolation along the lines of ethnicity, gender, class, age, and other dimensions, are mainly a case of power dynamics. This then gives new meaning to the importance of ‘outside enforcement and inside activism’ (Acker, 2006) as essential, but usually not valued very much when it comes to organizational policies. Inspired by critical diversity literature (Dick & Cassell, 2002; Ostendorp & Steyaert, 2009; Zanoni, Janssens, et al., 2010), in this study we explicitly address the relationship between the power dynamics underlying diversity management and the effects of essentialist constructions of otherness in organizations. Power in context While the initial focus of the literature on diversity and inclusion in organizations shifted from a social justice approach to a more managerial one, since the mid-1990s we have witnessed a move towards a more critical approach (Foldy, 2002; Prasad & Mills, 1997; Zanoni, Janssens, et al., 2010). This approach places the notion of power at the centre of discussions about diversity in organizations. In these studies we observe, generally, two approaches of power: a critical or domination approach versus a Foucauldian2 or 2 Although we realize that Foucault’s definition of power has had different translations in various studies, here we follow the most dominant definition which is used in the critical studies mentioned in the text. Juggling difference and sameness: Rethinking strategies for diversity in organizations discursive approach (Foldy, 2002; Hardy & Clegg, 1999). The critical approach was first inspired by Marx, later by Gramsci and has heavily influenced contemporary organization and management studies, in which power is mainly seen and approached as domination. While Marx approached domination as class-based and visible suppression related to the means of production, Gramsci’s focus was on invisible and taken-for-granted processes of domination, or hegemonies. It is then assumed that a dominant group consolidates its hegemony through creating systems of ideas and practices referred to as common sense (Foldy, 2002, p. 95). The fundamental aspect of the critical approach is that power is seen as the cause of injustice and suppression — be it manifest or latent — and calls for resistance. Additionally, ruling groups (for example managers in organizations) have the power to impose their interests because of their position within the hierarchical structures; this enables the elite (or managers) to maintain their position of dominance (Foldy, 2002, p. 95; Hardy & Clegg, 1999, p. 629). In this way, critical or domination theory became a fundament for various kinds of emancipatory movements outside and inside organizations (Alvesson and Willmott, 2003, pp. 15, 16). Foucauldian or discursive power is not about the domination or resistance of groups, but about routinization, formalization, and legalization of everyday practices. Power is thus no longer a manipulative resource but a web of relations, or structures of dominance, normalizing the actions of dominant and subordinate groups alike. Because of that the escape routes for both groups are bounded (Hardy & Clegg, 1999; Hardy & O’Sullivan, 1998), which also limits the scope of analysis and change for scholars altogether. A major difference between the Foucauldian and critical approaches of power — as we defined it above — is that in Foucauldian understanding power is omni-present, locating the power of dominance within the discourse itself and not in the hands of a dominant group, be it men, societal elite, or managers. If certain groups see power as domination, even if considered routinized in hegemonic terms; and assuming that there are powerful and subordinate groups, strategies to resist the impact of power seem more tangible and observable. A discursive approach to power implies a different approach to tackling the sources of inequality in organizations. This is the main point of our article, and it is our reason for emphasizing discursive power. What is the basis of resistance when power is everywhere as assumed by the Foucauldian approach? How could one still discern power structures when those structures work through us and are not imposed on us by elite groups? To say it differently, what is left of agency when we are complicit in the processes of our own domination? This parallels the problem faced by feminist scholars in their struggle against systematic processes of exclusion: what happens to emancipation and liberation when there are no bad guys to blame? Opponents would then argue: ‘‘the Foucauldian attack on agency removes the possibility of using power for particular objectives, especially the possibility of the powerless achieving empowerment’’ (Hardy & Clegg, 1999, p. 381). Some scholars have analyzed the impact of societal and organizational discourses on structural sources of inequality in organizations (Dick & Cassell, 2002; Siebers, 2010; Zanoni & Janssens, 2003). Others have coined the differences between discursive and material sources of power in 81 organizations and the spaces for micro-emancipation within those structures of dominance (Boogaard & Roggeband, 2010; Van Laer & Janssens, 2011; Zanoni & Janssens, 2007). Our aim in this article however is to bring this discussion one step further by mainly focusing on conditions of change within discursive spaces instead of analyzing the structures of dominance or providing examples of agency or micro-emancipation. We rather discuss conditions that enable negotiation of positions in a situative balance between difference and sameness through reflecting on the impact of normalizing power of dominant discourses in organizations. In doing this, we are particularly inspired by the struggle of feminist scholars to find conditions for emancipation within discursive spaces. Oseen (1997), for example, combines the theories of Irigaray and Foucault. For her the major question is: how can the specific experiences of women be captured through Irigaray’s theories without essentializing?; and how can Foucault’s theory be adapted without forgetting those specific experiences? These questions illustrate the kind of juggling act between difference and sameness that is the core concern of this article. For us the precise question is: how can conditions for engagement and inclusion of cultural others be created without essentializing cultural differences, and thereby running the risk of fixing people’s (identity) position? Oseen demonstrates how, in the discourses that imply a fixed state of otherness (i.e. in gender relations), power relations provide a context in which the other is implicitly, and continuously denounced and seen as lacking (see also Prasad & Prasad, 2002). Going back to what we presented at the beginning of this article, both the sameness and the difference paradigms place the other in a hierarchical power relation. The other needs to be either assimilated into, or marginalized within the organization. In both situations the other is implicitly and inescapably placed in an inferior position as seen from the dominant organizational discourse. Through the pervasive and encompassing character of discursive power, organizational and linguistic structures enhance difference, as power always implies hierarchical positioning of the majority self and the minority others. When considering others as cultural group members for example, we tend to ascribe certain characteristics to every group member. This then prevents us from looking at individuals in their context, from accepting different interpretations of culture, from cultures changing over time, and most importantly, from questioning our own repertoires with regard to cultural (ex)change. In organizational settings we are included, involved, and implied in processes of dealing with sameness and difference all the time. Implicitly, we depart from sameness when approaching others as continuous group members. By not being aware of the inherent, often hidden hierarchies in categorizing, we reinforce their power and (un)consciously, even unintentionally, strengthen existing power structures. How can we gain practice-oriented guidance from these ideas? One of the first problems is that when accepting the pervasiveness of power, we are immediately confronted with the fact that organizations as systems are evasive when it comes to criticizing the very roots of their power and hierarchy. Oseen introduced the concept of contiguity (1997, p. 55) to find a way out of the pervasiveness of power relations. Contiguity implies the conscious and continuous use of a 82 non-hierarchical view on difference: ‘difference side by side, without sameness as the norm or the anchor by which difference is constituted’ (idem). Her ultimate argument is for a conscious inclusion of others into non-hierarchical relationships, which in turn requires a constant, and probably longterm, struggle for establishing relational power forms: ‘capillary-like networks, allegiances, alliances, enabling contiguous relations among people who are indefinitely variable’ (Oseen, 1997, p. 78). This means constant attention to implicit (taken-for-granted) power relations and a balancing act between approaching differences in a non-hierarchical manner without essentializing otherness. Including others Including others, instead of assimilating or marginalizing them, requires reflection upon the self and what is taken for granted from that position. Taking this as a starting point means we need to engage in an ongoing balancing act with both the same and the other in a manner in which the dynamic (dialectic) connection between the two does not a priori depart from a hierarchical relationship. Contiguity, as promoted by Oseen, requires new space/s for experimenting with the notion of diversity in organizations. It helps us ‘‘to construct an Other as distinct from the Other of the same’’ (Oseen, 1997, p. 63). Although contiguity as a concept and what Oseen refers to as ‘strategic essentialism’ (Oseen, 1997, p. 63) suggests some level of essentialization, it also provides us with possibilities to move beyond essentialism. It helps us foster the awareness of directionality, strategy, and the inherent power alignments in the process (Oseen, 1997). Strategic essentialism has been part of long-term discussions within feminist scholarship that seeks to recognize claims on certain interventions in relationship to gender inequalities while simultaneously remaining aware of the danger of the reification of categories (Nicholson, 2000). In this way we believe that strategic essentialism offers a chance to relate the necessary focus on short-term diversity interventions with a high number of ever-occurring inequalities in organizations. Awareness of the temporary and situative (Rosa, 2005) nature of this strategy makes it possible to prevent reification and renewed rigidity of those categories. We contend that a lack of focus on tackling inequalities in organizations is as harmful as reification. The option of strategic essentialism enables us to note difference through the various ways that history is embodied and enacted by individuals and, over time, confirmed through regulations and habits. By explicitly emphasizing the strategic aspect, the concept opens up possibilities for situative, changeable, and ongoing choices in dealing with cultural difference on an everyday basis. The temporary quality inherent in this approach serves to further bring about a focus on action, flexibility, and impermanence. Although our approach of diversity and otherness in this paper is broader than cultural diversity, we use the example of cultural diversity to show how certain differences at times become more salient than others. It is specifically these differences that deserve our special attention in terms of inclusion (see also Prasad et al., 2006, p. 2). Strategic essentialism helps us to bring the specific focus needed to address the normalizing power of dominant discourses resulting in long-term sources of severe exclusion. This point brings us to the cultural others with an Islamic background who H. Ghorashi, I. Sabelis currently are in danger of becoming excluded most severely because of the growing dominance of a culturalist discourse in Europe. Stolcke (1995) refers to this culturalist discourse with the core of dichotomization of cultures, which is based on a homogeneous, static, coherent, and rooted notion of culture. Within this discourse cultural others are not only considered as different but also as lacking (Ghorashi, 2010). Within this discourse migrants with an Islamic background are constructed as absolute ‘space invaders’ (Puwar, 2004) who do not belong to the nation but who are tolerated as residents (Moghissi & Ghorashi, 2010; Parekh, 2006). Siebers (2010) powerfully shows the impact of anti-immigrant, in particularly anti-Muslim discourse in the Netherlands on minority employees within Dutch organizations: Yes, I feel accepted by my colleagues, but you never know what they think. After all these things that happened lately [the public events discussed earlier], I feel that colleagues avoid talking to me about these things. After events like the murder of Theo van Gogh I feel rejected. (A Morocco-born employee in Siebers, 2010, p. 485) This quote shows the subtlety of the ways through which the dominance of the culturalist discourse informs the normalization of specific processes of exclusion. It also shows the doubleness of feeling included and excluded at the same time. Both aspects of normalization (subtleness and doubleness) are also mentioned by Van Laer and Janssens (2011). The authors argue that the manifestations of this process of normalization include asking individuals to ‘confess’ their invisible difference, or to compliment them as individuals while criticizing their group. These acts of either subjecting individuals to confession or making them individual exceptions, maintain the norm and are disempowering for minority groups in organizations. To make the tacit impact of this discursive power visible, the mentioned focus on salient differences is necessary. Strategic essentialism provides possibilities here, yet possibilities with an edge. As discussed, adapting the culturalist discourse, emphasizing the added value of the culturally other, is ineffective because of the power of the normalization of negative connotations within the present dominant discourse (Ghorashi, 2007). Boogaard and Roggeband (2010) show that when ‘‘one identity is deployed by employees to gain advantage over others, they end up reproducing structures that generate inequality not only along that identity, but also along one that disadvantages them’’ (2010, p. 63). Along the same line of reasoning, we see the possible shortcomings of strategic essentialism in that it could reinforce the present inclination to categorize cultures as fixed and ultimately resistant to the kind of temporary essentialism that is explicitly situative. An example here is that most members of minority groups do not feel a sense of belonging to the organizations they are part of because of the persistent fixation on them as being different (Ghorashi & van Tilburg, 2006; Van Laer & Janssens, 2011). The fixation on difference and/or fixed categorisation of cultures frustrates labour relations along with lowering the motivation and sense of belonging. Siebers’ (2009) study in various organizations shows a similar pattern: Categorization frustrates minority employees’ aim to become recognized as a good colleague since they are flocked into an opposing category. Also their quest for Juggling difference and sameness: Rethinking strategies for diversity in organizations recognition for their individuality is frustrated by categorization since it identifies them as representatives of an opposing category. (Siebers, 2009, p. 81) Nevertheless, without this focus on salient differences we fear that organizational policies for change become too diffuse to tackle the sources of exclusion requiring urgent attention. During various conversations within organizations and with members of civil society organizations, individuals from various minority groups who had witnessed the change of policy from target group to general diversity mentioned their concerns. They shared that under target group policies they were merely seen as absolute others who needed to be helped and accommodated.3 However, via diversity policies they had become invisible altogether, since diversity ‘‘is about everybody’’, as they told us. For us the on-going experiment is to find a stance between the necessity of the attention for a specific diversity category and yet being aware of the possibility for it to become fixed. Simultaneously, we realize the need to address the chosen category in the context of the situations that it is presented. Keeping an eye open to the effects of fixation on difference within organizations means a continuous struggle to go beyond essentialism. This is even more the case when strategic essentialism is chosen as a diversity strategy. The main challenge would be to recognize otherness while making space for individual experiences beyond categorisations. For us the major issue to be considered is how to start an encounter which includes differences and excludes reified categorisations. This kind of approach to difference means beginning from the situation in the here-and-now instead of from a preset cultural understanding, yet having in mind that in the present culturalist (discursive) space we (both people from majority and minority groups) are culturally positioned. Creating space in organizational and communicative settings always entails taking ‘time out’ as well. Then, adapting contiguity means starting with the awareness of hierarchies of cultural difference, yet choosing to create conditions for encounters based on openness and curiosity (see also Tennekes, 1994). For a more sustainable encounter with the other, especially in the power-laden context of organizations, another strategic aspect should be involved, which the philosopher de Boer and Tamara (1993) considers a prerequisite for intercultural dialogue. Inspired by other philosophers he writes about epochè: a temporary suspension of the truth of one’s own judgement. One cannot listen to another person without temporarily putting a question mark over one’s own convictions. This does not involve casting doubt on one’s own ideas; rather, it involves creating a common space and time in which individuals can listen to each other and grow closer. In de Boer’s view, without suspension (and a time out), discussion is pointless; without conviction, there is nothing at stake. Through this strategy, contiguity helps to reflect upon the hierarchical foundation of cultural difference embedded with the dominant discourse. Epochè 3 Both authors are engaged scholars who are active participants within the Dutch public space. They provide a variety of lectures for profit and non-profit organizations and participate in panel discussions. This enables them to contact a broad range of groups and include these informal conversations. 83 enables the openness necessary to listen. The position of the other is not approached as a deviation from the norm but as a possible positioning within the discursive space and outside the time of the routine (or action) currently at hand. Janssens and Steyaert (2001) suggest a similar tactic, following Serres, which is ‘to step aside’ meaning stepping into the margins of power in order to create space for the voice of the other and one’s own voice from the perspective of difference. ‘Taking a step aside’ enables individuals to temporarily create a space emptied of convictions and judgments that are informed by the normalization power of the discourse. This generates unexpected new connections of perspectives. These conditions bring us to ‘alterity’, which involves approaching the other from the position of the other (Janssens & Steyaert, 2001). This is the necessary condition to enable connections between (cultural) positioning within discursive spaces without being completely subjected to the hierarchical orders of self or other imposed through the normalizing power of dominant discourses. Through stepping aside, alterity is facilitated, meaning that a space is created to listen to the story of the other from his or her own position in a more comprehensive manner. This brings the listener closer to the perspective of the other, creating possibilities of connection through points of identification with parts of the story. Through this connecting and shifting of positions, sameness is created through space for difference and not in spite of or instead of difference. The assumption here is that a process of distancing from ‘the center’ as a tacit command in contiguity could create novel ways of and space for relating to the other; novel ways that bring difference and sameness in balancing situative movements. By giving away one’s position, one that at the same time ‘gives way’ (Janssens & Steyaert, 2001, p. 106), one does not have to protect or defend one’s space. Constantly ‘giving a/way’ creates a movement which prevents people from becoming ‘tied’ to positions of power (Serres in Janssens & Steyaert, 2001, p. 106). Constantly stepping aside is like dancing; and dance becomes the metaphor not only for giving way, but also for creating a new meeting ground devoid of the antagonisms of power (see also Ghorashi & Wels, 2009). The conditions mentioned above show that for finding the balance between sameness and difference, creating space — and taking time — seems the option most likely to create the necessary foundation for unexpected connections of cultural encounters beyond the defining (and limiting) power of dominant discourses. This does not mean that these conditions will erase inequalities within organizations, instead it implies alternative ways to approach these inequalities. In everyday practices, relationships of similarity and difference are made through a somewhat unreflective process of ‘discursive positioning’ producing ‘categorical alternatives’ (Ybema et al., 2009, p. 307). Contiguity, epochè, and alterity enable connections that are based on necessary reflection on discursive positioning to create empathy and changing perspectives. In this way encounters are not dictated by unreflective categories of difference, but enhanced by the situative act of changing alterity through negotiations of the positions of difference. Through this, what we call dance of perspectives, new opportunities are created for the production and construction of alternative and shared meanings and new options of encounter. This means that not only subject positions but also organizational choices could be 84 negotiated in a spatial—temporal realm which is not solely defined by dominant discourses of othering. It is a realm, a niche in space and time, where narrations come together from positions of difference to negotiate constructions of common goals and shared meanings that are more lasting than the pre-assumed meanings provoked by an essentialist, fragmented and unreliable knowledge (see also Collins, 1991). Creating this option enables what Johnson and Duberely (2003, p. 1290) refer to as ‘epistemic reflexivity’ through which ‘‘social constructions in-use could arrive democratically rather than as the outcome of power play’’. Adapting these strategies on the level of individual, group, and organizational interactions and creating combinations with what we earlier referred to as an integral approach of diversity, are the basic conditions to create a sustainable, continuous management of diversity in organizations. Conclusion: a dance of perspectives An approach that promotes stepping aside and making room for negotiation and reflexivity can be criticized as naive in these times of managerial prominence, also in organization studies. In these times of globalisation and worldwide crises, who cares about encounters between the ‘self and the other’? However, departing from the historical development of diversity, into diversity management, followed by explicit attention to power dimensions in the debate, brought us to the conclusion that critical positions do not necessarily provide guidance for everyday practices in organizations. Stressing the inherent ‘economic benefit’, as promoted in the 1990s, has invited diversity management to become a rather rigid, essentialist, procedure driven issue. This has not produced new potential, or visible benefits while the social justice motive gradually faded (from a managerial perspective at least). We argued that managing diversity in organizations in a sustainable manner starts with unravelling and re-examining power structures (Dick & Cassell, 2002; Ostendorp & Steyaert, 2009; Zanoni, Janssens, et al., 2010). As Foldy (2002, p. 109) rightfully argues ‘‘diversity programmes that downplay or ignore issues of dominance or subordination cannot succeed in making even superficial changes in organizations; they are sidestepping the elephant in the room.’’ This means that new ways of managing diversity involve renewed and active engagement with the sources of exclusion which are constructed through domination of salient discourses in overlapping spaces, between the different layers in an organization, for instance, but also via diverse interests, or conditions for (non) involvement. This engagement entails both a long term, durable perspective on dealing with issues of inequality and exclusion and a short term, active focus to create and maintain the necessary reflexivity for capturing the momentum to disturb the normalizing, normative foundations of hierarchical power positions of self and other as the fundamental entities of organizational life. In this article we again presented the importance of looking at discursive power. We argued that we need to include that power in our analysis to review the sameness—difference dilemma in managing diversity. As mentioned above this article is strongly inspired by the critical studies in organization which have shown the subtle ways that hegemonic and discursive power structures (re)produce H. Ghorashi, I. Sabelis inequalities in organizations even when inclusion is assumed (Prasad & Mills, 1997; Van Laer & Janssens, 2011). We also discussed some critical studies that have suggested an integral approach of diversity in organizations including power analysis as an essential step in changing organizational patterns of exclusion (Cox, 1993; Siebers et al., 2002; Zanoni, Nilsson, et al., 2010). Some other studies have shown the differentiated forms of agency and layeredness of inclusion and exclusion (Boogaard & Roggeband, 2010; Zanoni & Janssens, 2007). Yet, in our article we added a new element to these insights by borrowing from feminist scholars’ passion for activism. We provided some necessary conditions for engagement within organizations to enable inclusion of difference without essentializing it. These conditions could stimulate reviving the forgotten passionate activism within organizations in which all actors claim their own role in changing the structures of inequality. The first step to realize this claim is the willingness to start a process of reflection on one’s taken for granted positioning within the dominant discourses. The conditions to enable it are epoché, contiguity and alterity as described above. Reaching the situative balance of sameness and difference can only be possible through recurrent negotiation of positions to create shared meanings free from power plays. This requires continuous reflection on the impact of normalization in everyday practices. To include others in the organization, images of the self and its inherent normativity (e.g. of the norm employee) need to be uncovered and rethought. To start this process we argued that strategic essentialism could serve as a strategy for making differences matter. Yet to make it durable we believe more is needed. A ‘dance of perspectives’ initiated by strategic essentialism should enable reflection on the normalized structures of exclusion throughout all levels of organizational thinking and practice. This implies a constant search for, and claim of temporal niches for reflection to create non-norm based negotiation of positions to foster shared meanings and to plan common goals. The proposed approach of diversity, including the ongoing challenge of discursive positionings and thus reflection over ever-changing power relations, helps to facilitate a dance of perspectives because it considers individuals as active agents who re/negotiate their multiple identities to create new meanings. When individuals embrace this option in relation to their multiple identities, it enables them to make unorthodox interspaces for encounters and connection. Moreover, it enhances the capacity for learning and coping with the unexpected effects of rigid essentialist positions by the mere fact that these are implied in the action. In other words, what interests us are the situations and realms in which individuals interact and the ways in which they engage and negotiate with varieties of discourses as opposed to the ways that cultures a priori inform the actions of individuals. In this sense we need to make room for new approaches to diversity in organizations, in which there is space for understanding individual choices and practices through the ways these are, or become, positioned in the intersection of various societal and organizational discourses. 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