Internat ional Journal of Behavioral Development
2000, 24 (3), 289–294
© 2000 The International Society for the
Study of Behavioural Development
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/01650254.htm l
Trends in adolescent research for the new millennium
Nancy L. Galambos and Bonnie J. Leadbeater
University of Victoria, Canada
This article highlights several promising trends in research on adolescence and discusses the likely
future course of several recent developments in adolescent research. Current trends include a focus
on the transition to young adulthood, the increasing examination of the context and co-occurrence of
adolescent problems, and emphasis on the resilience of adolescents in high-risk circumstances. There
is a strong need for more research on the cognitive and neurocognitive gains and changes of
adolescence and on positive psychosocial behaviours and outcomes for youth. We are just beginning
to understand within-group differences in adolescent development, including the life experiences of
minority youth, adolescents with disabilities, and homosexual adolescents. The impact of social
context and social change on adolescents is also receiving more attention. Methodological
approaches likely to be seen more in the future include the use of pattern-centred analyses to
complement traditional variable-centred approaches and a greater appreciation for qualitative data
analysis as a route to gaining insights into adolescent development. Finally, university-community
partnerships are promoted as a way to solve the problems of youth and improve the probability of
their healthy futures.
Like adolescence as a stage of life, research on adolescence has
undergone many transitions in the century that has passed
since the publication of G.S. Hall’s (1904) two volumes
entitled: Adolescence: Its psychology and its relation to physiology,
anthropology, sociology, sex, crime, religion, and education (New
York: Appelton Press). Historians speculated that adolescence,
as a life stage, was an invention of industrial cultures. It was a
life stage created by increased needs for skilled labour and
education, but threatened by the risks to moral and physical
health that unsupervised, unemployed youth could encounter
as they drifted into cities (Kett, 1977). Decade by decade,
researchers not only have continued to study the list of topics
in Hall’s title, but have also reinvented adolescence by
modifying and adding to this list—focusing research on
puberty, formal operational thinking, identity development,
generation gaps, family and peer inuences, and school
transitions. Research speciŽc to this stage of life now annually
Žlls several journals, textbooks, and special topics books on
issues such as teenage parenting, puberty, substance use, and
girls’ development. This research commands the attention of
several disciplines of study as well as several professions such as
health, education, religion, and justice.
Today’s challenges to youth continue to be thought of in
terms of risks and opportunities. Challenges emanate not only
from adolescents’ engagement in risky behaviours (delinquency, alcohol and drug use, interpersonal violence, unprotected sexual activity, early parenting, and school drop-out),
but also from dramatic social changes that inuence their lives.
Increases in poverty, homelessness, and unemployment as well
as cutbacks in educational, preventative, and health services
have disproportionately negative impacts on young people and
their families. The major causes of mortality in adolescence
Correspondence should be addressed to Nancy Galambos, Department of Psychology, Box 3050, University of Victoria, Victoria, BC,
Canada, V8W 3P5; e-mail: galambos@uvic.ca.
(including injuries and suicides) are founded in a complex
array of social, economic, psychological, and biological factors.
At the same time, most young people encounter adolescence
better nourished and in more optimal physical health than ever
before and are increasingly challenged by a diversity of
opportunities to support their developing identities and talents.
Many youth, at least in the Western world, have access to the
Žnancial resources necessary to participate actively in activities
as wide-ranging as sports, music, art, travel, and shopping.
In this very brief article we point out current directions in
research on adolescence, pondering what social changes drive
these new concerns and what the list will look like at the turn of
the next century. We note that that age of adolescence
continues to move upward as educational demands for
employment and self-sufŽciency increase. We refer speciŽcally
to the need for research on adolescent cognition, problem
behaviours, and resilience in contexts of adversity. We also
point to changes in our research tools that allow for more
comprehensive statistical pictures of the patterns and processes
of developmental changes as well as a more in-depth
qualitative picture of the diversity of adolescent experiences
both within and across different cultures and ethnic or racial
groups. Finally, we observe the need for increasing collaboration across disciplines and professions for understanding young
peoples’ development as they face the rapidly changing and
challenging contexts of the new millennium.
There is growing attention to the transition of youth to young
adulthood. A recurring question in the literature on adolescence has been ‘‘When does adolescence end?’’ (Arnett &
Taber, 1994). Embodied in this question are issues pertaining
to the length of the transition, which is highly variable, the
290
GALAMBOS AND LEADBEATER / TRENDS IN ADOLESCENT RESEARCH
markers of maturity (e.g., chronological, social), and the
processes by which the transition occurs. Arnett (in press)
has proposed a concept called ‘‘emerging adulthood’’, which is
a period of role exploration, marked more by a lack of
normative expectations than by clear paths and milestones.
Occurring in the late teens and twenties, emerging adulthood
leads to the achievement of adult status. Until recently, our
understanding of this period was based largely on the
experiences of college students, a population easy for
researchers to access. Now, there are examples of longitudinal
studies, with more diversity in sampling, that examine selected
aspects of the transition to adulthood (Bachman, Wadsworth,
O’Malley, Johnston, & Schulenberg, 1997; Jessor, Donovan,
& Costa, 1991; Leadbeater & Way, 2000). Bachman et al.
(1997) showed, for example, that marriage, pregnancy, and
parenthood were associated with signiŽcant decreases in
substance use, probably as a function of the responsibilities
inherent in these roles. On the other hand, moving away from
parents and getting divorced were transitions that were
associated with increases in substance use. In the future, it
is likely that more of these longitudinal studies capturing the
nature of emerging adulthood will appear. In addition, as the
search for better deŽnitions and understanding of this period
intensiŽes, researchers will explore this transition from the
perspectives of the young people experiencing it (see e.g.,
Arnett, 1994).
More research will focus on the cognitive and neurocognitive changes
of adolescence. Although cognitive development has been cited
as a core change of adolescence that accompanies other critical
physical, emotional, and social transitions, following a burst of
studies based on Piaget’s theory of formal operational thinking,
adolescent cognition became a largely neglected area of
research (Keating & Sasse, 1996). A few notable exceptions
include studies of age-related differences in informationprocessing capabilities (Kail, 1991) and in prospective memory
(Ceci & Bronfenbrenner, 1985). These studies have demonstrated that by 14 years of age, adolescents are nearly as
efŽcient as adults in speed of cognitive processing (Kail, 1991)
and engage in effective time-monitoring strategies (Ceci &
Bronfenbrenner, 1985). Another promising pocket of research
pertains to adolescents’ decision making with respect to risktaking behaviours and judicial competence. Research has
shown that by mid adolescence, teens reason about such
decisions in ways similar to adults’ imperfect reasoning (BeythMarom & Fischhoff, 1997). As the gap in research on
adolescents’ cognitive development becomes more visible, it
is imperative and likely that energetic and talented scholars will
be attracted to the examination of how cognitive processes in
adolescence are linked to other domains of adolescent
development (e.g., peer relations) and behaviour. Similarly,
although there is some documentation of neurological changes
(e.g., decreases in synaptic connections; decreasing brain
metabolism rates) prior to and during adolescence (Banich,
1997), little is known about how these developments map on
to cognitive and behavioural functioning. Studies devoted to
these phenomena would comprise a fruitful avenue for
research.
Emphasis on understanding the context and co-occurrence of
adolescent problems is increasing. There is a long history of
research on the problems of youth, including risk behaviours
(e.g., alcohol abuse), mental health outcomes, such as
depression, school-related troubles, and delinquency and
violence. Typically, however, past research examined single
problems (typiŽed by investigations of the correlates or
sequelae of cigarette smoking, substance abuse, or sexual risk
taking, but not their interrelations) (Jessor, 1993; Ketterlinus &
Lamb, 1994). Research examining the prevalence, antecedents, and consequences of multiple problems in adolescents
has become important for two reasons. First, better predictions
of the future developmental trajectories of adolescents can be
made by understanding how they function on a variety of levels
in multiple contexts. For instance, we know that adolescents
experiencing multiple problems are most at risk for longerterm difŽculties; research examining comorbidity of problems
will help to distinguish high-risk youth from other groups
(Petersen, Richmond, & Leffert, 1993). Second, a more
comprehensive understanding of how adolescents’ problems
and behaviours operate together will lead to more effective
programmes designed to prevent or intervene into actions that
can be potentially destructive to adolescents’ mental and
physical health (Lerner & Galambos, 1998). Aresearch base is
accumulating on the patterns of co-occurrence of problems in
adolescence, including risk behaviours, mental health symptoms, such as depression, and school-related problems (Ensminger, 1990; Farrell, Danish, & Howard, 1992; Fergusson,
Horwood, & Lynskey, 1994; Galambos & Tilton-Weaver,
1998). Ensminger (1990), for example, examined familial and
school antecedents to the co-occurrence of substance use,
sexual risk, and violent behaviours in a sample of urban
adolescents. Adolescents showing multiple problem behaviours
(e.g., substance use, sex, and assault) were more frequently
truant from school, had more permissive parental curfew rules,
and were more aggressive in Žrst grade (at least among males),
compared to adolescents with no problem behaviours. Interestingly, adolescent females who reported frequent sexual
intercourse (but no other problems) were different from the
no-problem and the multi-problem females on a number of
variables. The origins, consequences, and co-occurrence of
nonsexual and sex-related problem behaviours deserve further
empirical consideration (Ketterlinus, Lamb & Nitz, 1994).
More research is needed on positive psychosocial outcomes and
resilience in high-risk circumstances. With the current focus on
the problems of youth (in the media and in the Želd of research
on adolescence), it is easy to neglect consideration of their
competencies, health-enhancing behaviours, and prosocial
activities. Frequently, researchers have designated the absence
of negative outcomes as the presence of healthy outcomes.
Indeed, most measures of good health are simply low scores on
measures of poor health, for example, not showing depressive
symptoms (Galambos &Ehrenberg, 1997). Yet, for the sake of
gaining a more comprehensive picture of development in
adolescents, and for successfully designing interventions that
prevent health-compromising behaviours, knowledge about
adolescents’ health-enhancing behaviours, and positive outcomes is required (Lerner & Galambos, 1998). Increasingly,
research has deŽned positive psychosocial outcomes in terms
of such attributes as psychosocial maturity, self-esteem, the
possession of positive coping strategies, church attendance,
involvement in positive peer networks, and health-enhancing
behaviours (e.g., healthy diet, regular exercise) (Galambos &
Ehrenberg, 1997; Jessor, Turbin, & Costa, 1998; Lerner &
Galambos, 1998).
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2000, 24 (3), 289–294
291
Research on resilience in contexts of adversity has also
begun to focus on the development of competence in multiple
domains in childhood and adolescence (Cicchetti & Garmezy,
1993; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). The Želd of developmental psychopathology has been particularly important for
integrating the knowledge of developmental and clinical
psychology with psychiatry to gain a better understanding of
resilience. Since the late 1970s, researchers following this
approach have investigated the mechanisms and processes that
lead some individuals to thrive despite adverse life circumstances. For example, the focus of most past research on
adolescent mothers has been on the predictors of, the risk
factors associated with, or the negative outcomes resulting
from teenage parenthood but we now know that the majority of
adolescent mothers experience positive outcomes (e.g., high
school graduation, employment) (The Alan Guttmacher
Institute, 1994; Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn, & Morgan,
1987; Leadbeater, 1996; Way & Leadbeater, 1999). Research
investigating pathways toward positive outcomes among
adolescent mothers has begun to reveal the multiple individual,
family, and community components of resiliency.
Although early research operationalised resiliency as a
unidimensional construct (e.g., educational achievement or
social competence), recent research reveals the problems of
considering only one or two domains in an assessment of
resiliency. Luthar, Dorenberger, and Zigler’s (1993) research
on resiliency with inner-city adolescents found that those
students who reported having good grades and being socially
competent also reported having high levels of psychological
distress. Other researchers have indicated that although
individuals may succeed in one or two areas of their lives,
their success in these areas may mask more internal struggles
such as depression or low self-esteem (Masten & Coatsworth,
1998; Wright, Masten, Northwood, & Hubbard, 1997).
Resiliency is not a static, unidimensional process but a
dynamic, multidimensional one that changes over time
(Cicchetti & Garmezy, 1993; Masten, Best, & Garmezy,
1990; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). The ways one is able to
acquire, maintain, and express strength in the midst of
adversity will vary depending on developmental stage, external
expectations, family relationships, and life circumstances
(Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; McLoyd, 1998).
1999) are deserving of and likely to be the focus of more
intensive research in the new millennium. Combinations of
anthropological, sociological, and psychological perspectives
and methodologies are needed to reveal the nature and sources
of diversity in adolescents’ development.
More research will be devoted to learning about within-group
differences in adolescent development. Theories of adolescent
moral, cognitive, and identity development that grew out of
studies of male participants and illuminated the course of male
adolescent development remain the foundation of our understanding of normative development in adolescence. The
experiences of girls and adolescents from cultural minority
groups have only begun to be described by adolescent
researchers in the last decade of the past century (e.g.,
Leadbeater & Way, 1996). The research literature continues
to be almost silent on the experiences of Native American
adolescents (see Mitchell & O’Nell, 1998, for an exception).
Asian, African, and Hispanic youth have also been neglected in
past research, although to be sure, there is a growing
appreciation for investigating their development (Asakawa &
Csikszentmihalyi, 1998; Quintana, Castañeda-English, &
Ybarra, 1999; Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992).
Adolescents with homosexual orientations (Savin-Williams,
1998a,b), disabilities (Costigan, Floyd, Harter, &McClintock,
1997), and those in foster care (Rhodes, Haight, & Briggs,
Pattern-centred analyses will be used more often to examine
constellations of individual, family, and/or community characteristics that affect developmental trajectories in adolescence. Past
research on adolescence has followed a variable-centred
approach, which examined interrelationships among single
variables through, for example, regression analysis. This can be
contrasted with pattern-centred approaches, which consider
individuals as consisting of multiple attributes (e.g., cognitive,
biological, behavioural) that are integrated into an organised
system (Magnusson & Törestad, 1993). Advocates of the
pattern-centred approach argue that the adolescent’s proŽle
across a number of indicators may carry more meaning for
understanding his/her development than do single variables
(Magnusson &Cairns, 1996). Methods such as cluster analysis
or conŽgurational frequency analysis, which group individuals
on the basis of their proŽle of characteristics, exemplify
pattern-centred approaches to understanding intra-individual
development. The groups may then be compared on other
relevant variables to explore the antecedents, correlates, or
consequences of a particular pattern.
Greater attention will be paid to the impact of historical and social
contexts and change on adolescent development. The pathbreaking work of Elder (1974) illustrated the signiŽcance of
historical and social changes, such as the Great Depression, in
the lives and development of children and adolescents. The
amount of research devoted to examining such issues is
increasing, particularly in Europe. Ongoing research in
Germany is a case in point. The dramatic reuniŽcation of
East and West Germany in 1990 was the starting place for a
number of studies comparing in formerly divided regions of
Germany young people’s family and peer relations, externalising and internalising behaviours, physical health, self-esteem,
identity, and vocational choices (see e.g., Bynner &Silbereisen,
1999; Silbereisen & von Eye, 1999). Rather than providing
consistent examples of striking regional differences among
adolescents, such research is pointing to more subtle and
complex interrelations among social change, region of residence, and adolescent development. Noack and Kracke (1997)
reported, for instance, that West German adolescents’ higher
levels of connectedness to their families buffered them from the
potentially negative effects of increased economic strain. In
East German adolescents, however, higher family connectedness was associated with elevated adjustment problems among
adolescents whose family Žnancial situation worsened. The
achievement of a better understanding of the inuences of
historical and social contexts on adolescents is likely to be
facilitated through international collaborations among researchers. One example of a massive, collaborative undertaking
is the European Network Project, or EURONET, which
involved eleven research teams from different nations across
Europe and one in the United States. The members of this
project share knowledge, experience, methods, and instruments to explore cross-national differences in adolescents’
leisure activities and contexts, future orientations, perceived
control, psychological well-being, and other aspects of adolescents’ lives (Alsaker & Flammer, 1999).
292
GALAMBOS AND LEADBEATER / TRENDS IN ADOLESCENT RESEARCH
This approach is appealing, as researchers seek increasingly
to understand the development of adolescents who differ in
combinations of personal resources and challenges, access to
protective factors in their lives, and exposure to risky
environments. Recently, the pattern approach has been used
alone and in combination with variable-centred approaches to
provide us with important knowledge about adolescent
development (Galambos &Tilton-Weaver, in press; Salmivalli,
1998; Schulenberg, Wadsworth, O’Malley, Bachman, &
Johnston, 1996; Stattin & Magnusson, 1996). Schulenberg
et al. (1996), for instance, used pattern analyses to classify and
then predict longitudinal trajectories of binge drinking in
adolescents from the ages of 18 to 24 years. Risk factors
present in their senior year in high school (i.e., having less
concrete future plans and a stronger desire to drink)
distinguished senior-year binge drinkers who would continue
to drink (i.e., the chronic binge drinkers) from the senior-year
binge drinkers who would subsequently reduce their drinking
(i.e., decreased binge drinking group). Moreover, individuals
with a pattern of increased binge drinking were low on internal
personal control and on conventionality. Such analyses lend a
richness to the data that would be missed by following only a
variable-centred approach.
Qualitative data analysis can enhance a more in depth understanding of individual differences in adolescent development. To
gain as much knowledge as possible about adolescent development, qualitative data analysis will become increasingly
valued. At the same time that methodological designs are
becoming more complicated and statistical strategies even
more sophisticated (e.g., the use of hierarchical linear
modelling, Maggs & Schulenberg, 1998), there is a growing
appreciation of the potential uses for qualitative data. Some of
the most powerful studies have incorporated and combined
qualitative and quantitative components. For example, in
examining the ethnic identity of African and Mexican
American adolescents, Phinney and Devich-Navarro (1997)
used interview data to identify three patterns of ethnic/
American identiŽcation (blended biculturalism; alternating
biculturalism; separated from American culture). In quantitative analyses, scales typically used to measure ethnic identity
validated the qualitative analysis. Finally, themes from the
qualitative interviews were used to provide rich descriptions of
what it means to be bicultural or separated. Studies such as this
provide good examples of the advances that can be gained from
conducting qualitative research with adolescent samples.
University-community, and interdisciplinary collaborations will
increase in number as developmental scholars pursue ways to solve
the problems of youth and improve the probability of their healthy
futures. The way in which most developmental research has
been conducted has contributed to gaps in public awareness,
youth programming, policy making, and research evidence.
Academics from single disciplines who investigate issues
relevant to youth programming and policy expend substantial
effort to establish informal, often short-lived collaborations
with schools or occasionally community programmes. At best,
Žndings are reported back to collaborators and are published in
academic journals. Theory and the knowledge generated only
gradually affect general beliefs and social change through the
education of students in universities who become involved in
efforts to promote youth well-being or through media efforts to
inform the public following crises involving young people.
There is also a knowledge gap in the wisdom of practice.
Innovative programming often fails to incorporate evidence of
successful strategies and knowledge about the changing
contexts in which children and youth are developing. Such
knowledge could not only increase the effectiveness of
programmatic activities but could also improve the quality of
programme evaluations and of their advocacy and programmefunding decisions. Programming in several areas relevant to
youth, cooperative education efforts, research collaborations,
and policy decisions have suffered from inadequate access to
research evidence. Examples of these problems include: the
application of adult disease models of chemical dependency to
the prevention and treatment of smoking, drug, and alcohol
use in adolescence despite lack of outcome data to support
their effectiveness with adolescents (Kellam &Anthony, 1998);
the proliferation of youth programmes that offer services but
do not promote youth competence, empowerment, and
involvement (Fetterman, Kafterian, & Wandersman, 1996);
and failure to address contextual factors that limit or enhance
youth well-being (Leadbeater & Way, 1996).
Gaps in knowledge can be addressed by cross-discipline and
cross-professional communication and collaboration. Models
for action research have begun to emerge that specify the
principles for collaborations among researchers and institutions or individuals who will use the results (Lerner & Miller,
1993; Small, 1996; Weinberg & Erickson, 1996). Such
collaborations will inuence the relevance of questions asked,
increase commitment to programme implementation, provide
a more complete picture of how programmes work, and make
available a context for the application of Žndings. Collaborative
research strategies with a wide community basis of support and
interdisciplinary expertise also have the potential to enhance
the scientiŽc quality of research through the use of randomised
and longitudinal designs to evaluate interventions, access to
more representative samples, and the creation of possibilities
for investigations of complex questions (e.g., at individual and
neighbourhood levels) (Kellam, Ling, Merisca, Brown, &
Ialongo, 1998).
Conclusion
On the horizon of this new millennium it is possible to see the
advances in knowledge that will be made by researchers in
collaboration with those who have a stake in the healthy
development of adolescents. We conclude with one observation that is all too often overlooked. That is, by and large,
youth have been seen as more the objects of research and
intervention rather than as stakeholders in the research
process. Bibby and Posterski (1992, p. 301) argued that
‘‘young people in the 1990s do not see themselves as agents
of change. They are like mirrors on the walls of society. Their
attitudes and behavior mainly reect the status quo. They have
not been able to carve out much of a world that is uniquely
their own. Distinctiveness has eluded them’’. If youth do not
see themselves as agents of change, it may indeed be because
the mirrors of society have not reected or valued their agency
as participants in it.
We have been preoccupied with creating services for rather
than with youth. Mechanisms for involving young people in
setting priorities for research questions and in disseminating
and applying research Žndings can be created through youth
advisory groups and youth community-action programmes.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2000, 24 (3), 289–294
The beneŽts of viewing youth as a resource rather than merely
the focus of research concern and programming have yet to be
fully explored. By involving youth as collaborators in the
processes of research, programme development, and social
policy construction, piecemeal solutions to their problems may
be avoided, and a focus on their potentials could be realised.
Manuscript received August 1999
Revised manuscript received February 2000
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