RAP MUSIC AND THE CODE OF THE STREET
A Thesis
Presented to the faculty of the Division of Criminal Justice
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF SCIENCE in
Criminal Justice by
Christina McNamara
SPRING
2014

© 2014
Christina McNamara
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii

RAP MUSIC AND THE CODE OF THE STREET
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Daniel Okada, Ph.D.
__________________________________, Second Reader
Dimitri Bogazianos, Ph.D.
____________________________
Date
A Thesis by
Christina McNamara iii

Student: Christina McNamara
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________
Yvette Farmer, Ph.D. Date
Division of Criminal Justice iv

Abstract of
RAP MUSIC AND THE CODE OF THE STREET by
Christina McNamara
An alienated street-culture exists in the inner-city and has rules regarding respect, violence, retaliation, the drug trade, staging areas, families, the mating game, and hope, i.e., ‘a code of the street’ (Anderson, 1999). These rules are themes that can be found in rap music lyrics. Themes found in rap lyrics were compared to the properties and practices of everyday life in the inner city, hence the code of the street. A systematic random sampling strategy was used to collect data from over a thirty-one day period of rap music accessed from the “Rap Radio” station on the Internet radio station Pandora.
The portion of the code pertaining to respect was found to be the most significant in the lyrics analyzed. This supports Anderson’s (1999) argument that respect is at the heart of the code of the street and indicates that rap music is influenced by the street-culture.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Daniel Okada, Ph.D.
_______________________
Date v

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
List of Tables ............................................................................................................. viii
List of Figures .............................................................................................................. xi
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION………..……..…………………………………………………1
Definition of Terms............................................................................................7
2. LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................................................................10
Introduction ......................................................................................................10
The Hip-Hop Generation: The Creation of Rap ..............................................10
Hidden Transcripts: The Meaning of Rap .......................................................20
The Code of the Street .................................................................................... 30
Theoretical Framework ................................................................................... 42
3. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................... 47
Introduction ..................................................................................................... 47
Methods Overview .......................................................................................... 48
Setting and Population .................................................................................... 49
Sampling ......................................................................................................... 51
Content Analysis ............................................................................................. 54
Coding ............................................................................................................. 57
4. ANALYSIS ........................................................................................................... 62 vi

Limitations ...................................................................................................... 64
5. CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................... 75
Appendix A. Codebook and Data ............................................................................. 77
References ................................................................................................................. 103 vii

LIST OF TABLES
Tables Page
1.
Total Number of Songs and Codes by Date….………………………………. 67
2.
Total Number of Themes Coded as “1” by Date……………………………...67
3.
Total Number of Themes Coded as “0” by Date……………………………...68
4.
Data Comparison For Each Theme on Wednesdays and Saturdays…………..70
5.
Data Comparison For Each Theme During the Day…………………………..71 viii

LIST OF FIGURES
Figures Page
1.
Themes by Code and Number of Songs…….….………………………………69
2.
Pattern of Song Categories Coded as “1” Over Time………………………….72
3.
Pattern of Song Categories Coded as “0” Over Time………………………….72
4.
Linear Trend Line for Code “1” Over Time……….…………………………...73
5.
A Closer Look of the Linear Trend for Code “1” Without Respect……………73
6.
Linear Trend Line for Code “0” Over Time……….…………………………...74 ix

1
Chapter 1
Introduction
Money, money, money
It’s young Khalifa man
And I got money, hoes, money and hoes.
I got money, hoes, money and hoes.
Sick. Money and hoes.
(Wiz Khalifa, 2011)
Money, cars, clothes, hoes.
Money, cars, clothes, hoes.
(Lil’ Wayne, 2007)
In a preliminary analysis of rap music’s lyrical content; two artists, from two different years deliver nearly identical messages. Here, rap music transcends a four-year time period with similarities in the lyrics. One artist talks about “money and hoes” while the other includes cars and clothes. Rap lyrics may be confusing to those who do not regularly associate with the hip-hop culture or listen to rap music. Discovering these parallels in lyrics is the intent of this exploratory study. Rap music or simply rap for the purpose of this examination, is the language of the hip-hop culture that will be explored
(Elligan, 2004).
In many cases, rap is intentionally excluded from radio stations because it is widely misunderstood (Forman, 2002). Also, according to Rose (1994), venue owners are reluctant to book rap shows and insurance companies often refuse to underwrite these acts because they are thought to be unprofitable or even dangerous. This perception is a part of the social labeling phenomena that comes with what is thought to be an urban crisis, reflecting a rampant drug culture, and gang violence (Rose, 1994).

2
The demonization of rap promotes the alienation of black youth who are perceived to be hostile towards the very institutions and environments that in return, seek to exploit them (Rose, 1994). This recognition also highlights the subcultures that exist to reflect the traditions of the black community, some of which goes back to the time of slavery (Anderson, 1999). Rap parallels the lines of black history and social containment.
Rap and hip-hop are affiliated but are necessarily independent. Rap, in this research, is music and a hip-hop culture is a place or as Forman (2002) suggests, a sense of space. This means that a hip-hop culture exists within the inner-city and is identified by four elements: b-boying or a style of dance, DJing, MCing, and graffiti (Chang, 2005).
Rap is listened to on boom boxes, car radios, or headphones. Rap can communicate a relationship to hip-hop culture but listeners do not necessarily have to live in the innercity to be influenced by it.
According to Elligan (2004), rap is the music, the beats, and the rhyme of the culture that is known as hip-hop. According to Powell (2006), hip-hop culture includes entertainment, fashion, art, values, economics, communications, unique styles of relating, mating, and parenting, and of course, rap. He suggests that rap is a means of expression that originates from African oral poetry and West African rhythms. Keyes (2002) concludes that rap artists are influenced by an old African practice that has been passed down and adopted by families, churches, and cultures. She suggests that rap reflects upon traditional African societies and performances of the bard through the use of a musical instrument, such as the drum. According to Keyes, many Africans were

3 kidnapped, enslaved, and forced to learn a culture and language different from their own.
She argues that in the midst of institutional alienation experienced by blacks, rap emerges to represent the foregrounding of these African-centered experiences.
According to Rose (1994), rap uses “sampling” (p. 73) which involves the use of computers in order to digitally duplicate an existing sound. Run DMC used samples from Aerosmith’s “Walk This Way” in their version of the song in 1986. They reconstructed a song that was popular in 1970 and made it creatively different, keeping the music alive. Rose continues to say that few rappers are formally trained musicians and have been criticized by mainstream experts for simply adding lyrics to the musical tones and rhythms created by others. However, Rose argues that sampling is a musical time machine that recalls songs from earlier times and resurrects old sounds into new ones.
Hip-Hop emerged as a response to the received harshness of ghetto-life during the mid-1970s in the Bronx, New York (Elligan, 2004; Powell, 2006; Rose, 1994). Chang
(2005) suggests that rap is more akin to reggae. He correlates the history of the hip-hop generation to Jamaica during the 1970s to Bob Marley’s music that promoted peace during a time of a war. According to Forman (2002), rap mobilizes hip-hop that is otherwise constrained and limited to the geographic environment of the “ghetto” or
“hood”.
Furthermore, rap can be understood as street vernacular that is recited and argot loosely chanted over a musical soundtrack (Keyes, 2002). Rap has gradually evolved away from the streets and into the musical mainstream. In doing so, rap has extended beyond the uptown neighborhoods of the Bronx and into the corporate downtowns of

4
Manhattan (Chang, 2005). According to Chang (2005), rap may have its origins in a part of a dying Bronx club scene that is highlighted by the emergence of the Sugar Hill Gang.
Prior to the release of “Rapper’s Delight”, it was believed that rap could not be financially viable and so artists refused to meet with record label representatives. The unexpected success of the Sugar Hill Gang, transformed the scene overnight with artists and labels scrambling to cash-in on rap’s newfound popularity. Unlike the DJs and MCs already rapping on the streets or at gigs in local clubs, the Sugar Hill Gang was corporately crafted from three anonymous rappers who stepped into the studio with no expectations to fulfill, no street reputation to maintain, no regular audience to please, and with absolutely no consequences if they failed. Chang suggests that the rap game changed when hip-hop vaulted from the streets and into the suites of pop music. He argues that the tension between culture and commerce has become one of the main storylines of hip-hop culture. Early street-level rap performers uprooted themselves and their product, and shifted their focus towards an expressive “ghettocentricity” (Forman,
2002, p. 61) that accelerated its commercial appeal. Rap dramatically evolved from its
1970s genesis (Elligan, 2004).
Some research suggests that rap is now an enduring facet of hip-hop’s character that influences the public’s perceptions of street life (Forman, 2002). Chang (2005) suggests that in marketing terms, hip-hop now reflects the urban lifestyle. Hip-hop not only sells records, but merchandise such as shoes, clothes, soda, beer, liquor, videogames, movies, and more. Further, hip-hop defines its own generation where those

5 in the suburbs unite with ghetto-dwellers and even rural whites to learn to respect blackness, not merely consume it (Chang, 2005).
Keyes (2002) defines street life as a subculture that operates according to its own rules, economics, lifestyle, language, and aesthetics. Anderson’s (1999) code of the street (here after referred to as The Code) describes the elements of social control that are not influenced by the police but are instead replaced by personal responsibility for one’s safety. The Code follows rules on respect, retaliation, violence, rampant drug use, family and gangs, staging areas, the mating game, and hope. According to Anderson, many inner-city blacks feel profound alienation from mainstream society, particularly those youth who struggle to live a moral, crime-free life. The Code is a cultural adaptation and response to the lack of faith felt in the police and judicial system.
Anderson’s model is exclusive to neighborhoods where crime is a way of life and in some cases, a means to survival. The Code means that respect is both commanded and campaigned for, scores are settled through retaliation, and the use or threat of violence always prevails. The drug trade is a viable way for young people to earn a living, and families or street gangs compete for protection and loyalty of one another. Meeting areas are the playgrounds for The Code, the mating game reflects the sexual desires of young people, and hope is both lost and held onto for the chance of survival on the streets. The research question is, can the code of the street be found in rap music lyrics?
Exploratory research will assess any similarities in rap lyrics and determine whether or not there are Code themes in rap. These themes may be easily identifiable because rap has been linked to the ghetto or ‘hood where rap originated (Forman, 2002).

6
On the other hand, rap draws the attention of an audience that depicts a much wider base than any preconceived notion might suggest reflects its listeners (Rose, 1994). There may be other themes that have emerged in recent rap; none of which have to do with the eight categories that describe The Code. Wiz Khalifa and Lil’ Wayne, artists quoted here, are just two of the many popular rap artists who have created messages of violence, sexual promiscuity, and rampant drug use. Much research overlooks the universe of rap by analyzing fragmented lyrics then suggesting that its messages promote deviant behavior for youth to emulate (Tanner, Asbridge & Wortley, 2009). Whether rap themes are represented in a positive or negative light is not the intent of this study.
Rap’s influence is undeniable and Chang (2005) demonstrates this in retelling the story of the band, Public Enemy. Known as the “Black Panthers of rap” (p. 270), Public
Enemy became leaders of the hip-hop generation. Chang argues that prior to the election of the first African-American president, Public Enemy rapped about painting the White
House black and filling it with cultural icons such as Muhammad Ali and Aretha
Franklin. Chang suggests that the seriousness of rap’s influence on actual behavior became evident when those listeners seemed to be asking for these things to become reality. Chang argues that to call Public Enemy the Black Panthers of rap is one thing but to replace the government is another. Rap artists are not politicians, yet they are sometimes asked to not only mirror the people, but to be their leaders as well.
The universal concern of academic research on rap involves its content. North and Hargreaves (2006) argue that rap influences criminal behavior among impressionable youth. This correlation is difficult to prove without more intrusive research on rap as an

7 art form and interpretation from its stereotyped audiences. Rather, identifying the nature of the problem with rap as the promoter of the hip-hop culture is another purpose of this study. Research on the content of rap lyrics has yet to consider whether or not its themes directly correlate to something tangible and obvious as the code of the street. Rap has transformed street culture into an experiential environment (Forman, 2002) that influences this research. Rather than conceptualize rap as being influenced by the streets, this research will consider the influence of rap and its impact on the urban environment itself (Forman, 2002).
Definition of Terms
B-boying: A unique dance style that involves eye-catching steps reflecting acrobatics, yoga, ballet, and martial arts (Chang, 2005).
Decent Families: Refers to inner-city residents who work hard, save money for material things, and raise a family (Anderson, 1999).
DJ: An abbreviation for the term disc jockey. DJs experiment with sound and supply a beat, using records played on dual turntables (Keyes, 2002).
Female Dismemberment: A phrase coined by Rose (1994) that is used in the research to describe a theme in rap that exploits womanly bodies or body parts.
Graffiti: An outlawed art form, typically using spray paint producing bubble-written words. Graffiti writing is a way of gaining status in society by tagging property (Chang,
2005).
Hidden Transcripts: Disguised speech and codes that challenge power inequalities (Rose,
1994). Rap music is an example of a hidden transcript.

Hip-Hop: An urban perspective comprised of graffiti, emceeing, disc jockeying, and breakdancing art forms. A street attitude displayed through gestures, stylized dress, and language (Keyes, 2002).
‘Hood/Ghetto: An urban neighborhood (Forman, 2002). ‘Hood is used throughout this research as a shortened term for neighborhood.
Hook: The chorus that is repeated a number of times throughout a song (Keyes, 2002).
Mainstream: Refers to the ideals of the dominant culture promoted by corporate
America. Mainstream music producers are concerned with making a profit (Asante,
2008).
MC: An abbreviation for the term emcee, or Master of Ceremony. MCs recite phrases, provide commentary, and describe situations over a microphone while the DJ focuses on creating musical mixes (Keyes, 2002).
Public Transcripts: Language that supports the established social order (Rose, 1994).
Rap: Refers to a music form emphasizing beat and lyric.
“Real versus Reel”: Refers to providing legitimate, truthful lyrics as compared to soft commentary (Asante, 2008).
Sampling: Taking portions of music from previously recorded passages (Rose, 1994).
Scratching: The hand maneuver on a vinyl disc to produce sound performed by a DJ, where the record is allowed to advance for several beats then forced back to the original location.
The Code: Shortened to refer to the code of the street explained by Anderson (1999).
8

Underground: Refers to the behaviors and hidden transcripts found in inner-city subculture. Underground music is not easily found in mainstream radio but rather in digital non-corporate markets (Watkins, 2005).
9

10
Chapter 2
Literature Review
Introduction
Music radio stations often align their musical playlists to exclude rap with slogans such as: “music you can understand” and “classics… without the rap” (Forman, 2002, p. xvi). Isolating rap can successfully demonize a genre as controversial and perhaps negatively influence listeners. Yet, rap’s popularity ensures that the issue goes beyond misunderstanding the lyrics. It may be argued that rap speaks specifically to a culture at society’s margins. In spite of this perception, Zillman et al. (1995) suggest that rap cuts across ethnic lines and is enjoyed by diverse audiences.
Addressing the controversy produced by rap requires an in-depth analysis of its origins as well as an examination of recent developments and controversies in its lyrical transcripts. The Code supports the methodology used to address the research question.
Rose (1994) suggests that a subculture exists among listeners and artists of rap who resist the rules of mainstream society because they do not benefit from them. Such feelings of alienation are correlated to The Code and the efforts of criminal justice scholars in identifying theoretical and criminogenic tendencies or behaviors (Anderson, 1999).
The Hip-Hop Generation: The Creation of Rap
In the earlier stages of rap, DJs experimented with sound and supplied a beat, using dual turntables (Keyes, 2002). By the mid 1970s, MCs became marketable because they could recite lyrical phrases over the music played by a DJ who could focus on creating thematic mixes. According to Keyes, the confluence of the music provoking DJ

11 and the rhyming MC became the methodology for what would be recognized as rap.
According to Forman (2002), in the formative stages of rap, hip-hop DJs were regarded as the main attraction at clubs and parties. When MCs became prominent, hip-hop became more performance-oriented by engaging audiences and motivating dancing.
Prior to the use of digital sampling technologies, turntables were manipulated around prerecorded album tracks by “scratching” actual vinyl disks. According to Keyes (2002), a rap song must have a certain beat within the tempo in order for listeners to dance to it.
Rose (1994) suggests that authorship and individuality are important in rap therefore lyrics are a critical part of a rapper’s identity. In addition to having a beat people can dance to and creative lyrics, Rose concludes that the most powerful rappers will fix the crowd’s attention with “impressive verbal dexterity and performance skills” (p. 55).
The roots of hip-hop have been traced back to the early 1970s to specific neighborhoods in the Bronx, New York (Elligan, 2004; Keyes, 2002; Rose, 1994). Rose
(1994) identifies what led to the emergence of hip-hop culture during this time. She states that working-class residents were faced with limited affordable housing and a shrinking job market in cities that had lost federal funding for social services. The poorest neighborhoods were the least protected from the greed of the privileged elite and their strategies to reclaim and rebuild downtown businesses and tourist zones. During the
1970s, corporate development replaced industrial factories. These changes were felt most intensely in New York, the hub for international capital and information services.
Rose argues that the South Bronx is the home of hip-hop culture. In the 1970s, a politically motivated project led by city planner Robert Moses resulted in the relocation

of people of color from different parts of New York into the South Bronx. The subsequent ethnic and racial transition was not a gradual process but rather, a brutal destruction of a community that was forced to live together in their mutual anger and despair. Due to the wholesale demolition of buildings between the late 1960s and mid
1970s, the vacancy rates in the southern parts of the Bronx skyrocketed. Landlords sold their properties and shopkeepers sold their stores and established business elsewhere.
According to Rose, Moses’ efforts supported the interests of the upper class, leaving the
South Bronx decimated with very few resources, limited political power, and no leadership.
Rose suggests that hip-hop emerged as a social oasis for disenfranchised youth to gain an alternative identity formation because their previous social networks and institutions had been demolished. These alternative identities were forged in fashion, language, street names, and neighborhood crews or posses. During this time, rapping became a prominent element of hip-hop.
Forman (2002) challenges the territorial emphasis on rap of having originated in the Bronx. He suggests that the academic coverage of hip-hop’s historical development focuses on having a detailed description, rather than offering an analysis of its spatial particulars. However, the logic in having to identify these geographical regions is to better understand what was happening in the South Bronx that influenced hip-hop culture. Locations and detailed descriptions provide insight into the people and neighborhoods that were a part of the hip-hop culture and later became the founders of rap. Further, analysis comes from being able to identify the spatial particulars and
12

13 reflecting on how they have changed or stayed the same over time. According to
Forman, these histories rely on a brief geographical explanation in order to establish its environment as being defined by the Bronx. He argues that it is not solely the geography of this borough that makes the historical narratives of rap’s emergence unique but more importantly, how rap is related to the cultural practices of the blues and jazz from the
1920s and 1930s that precede it. This debate suggests that there is some disagreement about the various displaced origins of hip-hop culture and the influence of the South
Bronx.
Forman reveals that residents of the other New York boroughs do not know exactly where the South Bronx is, but they agree that it has a reputation for being tough
(as cited in Lewine, 1995). Chang (2005) argues that hip-hop was contained in a tiny seven-mile circle during the mid 1970s. He counters Forman’s argument that the exact location of hip-hop’s origin is unknown. According to Chang, the origins can be found on a map of New York by pointing a compass at the heart of Crotona Park then tracing a seven-mile circumference. Chang is able to name places and founders of the hip-hop generation, such as DJ Kool Herc in Sedgwick Avenue, Cedar Park cipher and the Ghost
Yard. DJ Kool Herc was known for his innovative break beating; cueing two copies of the same record and synchronizing the beginning of the break of one record just as the other reached its end. DJ Kool Herc had noticed that party attendees would wait for certain parts of the record to be played before they began dancing, so he would accommodate his audience by timing the break. This was an instrumental insight into the

14 accidental discovery of dub; in which a DJ becomes the mixing engineer and experiments with tones and volume levels, equalization, and effects to alter the feel of a root song.
Chang creates a visual account of the fires that occurred in the South Bronx between 1973 and 1977. He uses the 1977 World Series baseball game in Yankee
Stadium versus the Los Angeles Dodgers to describe “the fires of abandonment” (p. 15) and the racial tension against the team’s star black player, Reggie Jackson. The Yankees did not sign Jackson until thirty years after Jackie Robinson broke the color line.
According to Chang (2005), Jackson’s teammates resented him for his higher salary and manager Billy Martin, benched Jackson because he was opposed to signing him in the first place.
In the game that Chang describes, the Yankees were down by four runs with little hope of tying the score. Fights erupted throughout the stadium, smoke bombs were thrown in the air, and fans dashed across the outfield, stopping play. Beyond the stadium, an abandoned public school was set on fire. The game announcer told listeners that the Bronx was on fire. Chang cites this moment as the birth of the hip-hop generation. He argues that the discrimination against blacks, their anger and feelings of abandonment, and America’s pastime was where it all began.
Asante (2008) highlights the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina to suggest that the government continues to neglect the human rights of African-Americans. This can be exemplified by the damage in New Orleans that was caused by the breaching of the levees after the hurricane and not by Katrina itself. This means that stark examples of inequality are still found in black communities in the twenty-first century, and still seem

15 connected with heavily white influenced politics. These feelings are reflected by a hiphop culture and in the language of rap.
Taylor and Austen (2012) compare contemporary black entertainment to blackface theatrics. They note that blackface entertainment began in the nineteenth century when white performers would paint their faces black and mock stereotypic
African-American behavior, language, and culture. Eventually, black performers began to take leading roles in these performances and still wear blackface in their minstrel shows. Taylor and Austen argue that black performers are modern-day blackfaces in the eyes of mainstream media. They suggest that black actors such as Dave Chappelle, rap artists like Flavor Flav, and film directors like Spike Lee, reflect ‘hood life in a familiar manner as minstrels depicted being black and living on a slave plantation.
Asante (2008) suggests that the white corporate exploitation of black artists and music is an example of the outright theft that dates back to these earlier forms of entertainment. According to Asante, rap showed economic promise in the 1980s and major record labels figured out a way to exploit black music. He argues that the evolution of historic categorizations of black music is nothing less than larceny. Whites have always enjoyed black entertainment but resented blacks who gain economic stature by providing these experiences. He encourages the next generation of rap artists to take back hip-hop by telling the truth about black oppression and exploitation.
Rose (1994) sees the correlation between rap and black history in a different way.
She suggests that rap is black cultural expression that highlights the social issues pertaining to black life in America. Keyes (2002) suggests that many rap artists

16 themselves perceive West Africa as the birthplace of rap and identify with the role of the
African bard, the storyteller and singer of his nation’s history. According to Keyes, the expressions, poetic abstractions, and rhythmic speech of the bard, prefigures rap. Rose
(1994) argues that rap’s rhythm and tempo are its most powerful effect, especially its use of repetition and musical breaks that are elemental of African traditions and practices.
Rap centers on the quality and nature of the rhythm and beat.
Much like Asante (2008), Rose (1994) acknowledges how rap’s poetic voice can be deeply political. It is therefore seen as an internal threat to dominant American culture and social order. She too correlates rap to the centuries-long period of Western slavery.
She argues that the poor learn from experience and how to explicitly express their discontent. According to Rose, contemporary laws and practices continue to constrain black mobility in urban America. Both Asante (2008) and Rose (1994) encourage rap artists to reveal the truth about the machines of oppression because their voices are louder than the general black community. Rap is a way for artists to express themselves but it can also be the language of communal resistance that mobilizes black politics.
Asante (2008) defines the hip-hop generation as a tag that typically represents blacks and browns after the Civil Rights and Black Power movements. He describes the essence of the rebellious, courageous, creative, and politically discontent teens of the
1980s and 1990s that has since evolved into a new classification, the post hip-hop generation. According to Asante, putting hip-hop in its proper context means understanding the link between black music and black life. He suggests the force that propelled Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. was the same energy that created hip-

17 hop by voicing the conditions of the oppressed. However, many young people, including
Asante himself, who were born into the hip-hop generation, report feelings of misrepresentation by rap. Asante argues that the music on mainstream radio and television is mainly negative and is not a complete representation of the hip-hop generation. Mainstream rap is not all of rap and its commercial effect on aspiring emcees has become overblown.
Asante (2008) differentiates between what is real and keeping it “reel” (p. 22): with rap videos, movies, music, news, and advertisements that limit images of what blacks can be. He suggests that rap artists are imprisoned by their own image, whereby society’s stereotypes function as a form of social control. According to Asante, the post hip-hop generation no longer controls what is real. Rap now serves the performance of the reel and this image is not at all real. He adds that the ghetto in mass media is not the real ghetto and therefore, it too is reel. Asante argues that the real ghetto is an urban playground where people listen to music without examining the issues that allow such a place to exist. He realizes that the new generation of hip-hop and rap has betrayed the very people it was meant to represent.
According to Forman (2002), rap has undergone numerous transformations since its commercial debut. He suggests that young rap artists represent a cultural voice that is a departure from earlier voices of nationalism and black unity politics. Rose (1994) argues that rap’s emphasis on posses and neighborhoods has brought the ghetto back into public consciousness. She suggests that it satisfies young black’s desire to have their geographies acknowledged and celebrated. According to Rose, few who live in the

18 ghetto are given the opportunity to speak and so their points of view are always constrained by the testimony of rap. She argues that the ghetto is a central black popular narrative but also another resource for whites to exploit.
The significance of authenticity in rap’s dialogue was fully realized in the early
1990s when white artist Robert Van Winkle, emerged on the rap scene as Vanilla Ice and unsuccessfully attempted to falsify his ghetto credentials (Forman, 2002; Keyes, 2002;
Rose, 1994). According to Rose (1994), Vanilla Ice summoned the hip-hop community by marketing himself as a white rapper with stories about having ties to the black, poor community. Van Winkle had told the press that he came from a broken home in the ghetto, hung around with blacks, and was nearly killed in a gang fight (as cited in
Tannenbaum, 1990). It was soon revealed that he actually came from a middle-class family in suburban Dallas, Texas yet was attempting to validate his status as a rap artist by manufacturing a personal history belying his white background. According to Rose, the controversy surrounding Vanilla Ice hints to the degree to which ghetto-blackness is critical to rap status.
Asante (2008) personifies the ‘hood by having a conversation with the ghetto. In his fictitious interview, he reveals that the ghetto is a place where people have historically been forced to live. In character, Asante asks the ghetto who it refers to and the ghetto responds that our common denominator is being economically poor and African-
American. Black rap artists do not control hip-hop even though it is their creation. This is due to corporate censorship of artists with a political agenda who insist upon

19 challenging the status quo. According to Asante, the ghetto provides the raw materials needed to produce rap that is predominately purchased by white audiences.
Asante argues that the hip-hop genre is now politically, artistically, and spiritually, dead. He suggests that rap experienced its final and most recent transition when hardcore gangsta rap became passé on mainstream playlists. Rap artists who had personified the past era of gangs, violence, rebellion, and urban expression went underground or completely fell off the rap radio radar. According to Elligan (2004), consumers wanted their music to be less political and more hopeful following the
September 11 th
terrorist acts on America. He says that several radio stations banned the playing of certain songs because it was thought to “compromise the national healing process” (p. 59). Keyes (2002) argues that in order for rap to continue to be a viable force in the music industry, it must evolve. In support, Watkins (2005) believes that post
September 11 th
, the issues confronting urban America are no longer as poignant.
One of the issues according to Watkins, is that rap artists have become endorsers for corporate America. They no longer focus or reflect on the struggle endemic to lower class urban life like they used to. Keyes (2002) disagrees however, believing that rap is capable of withstanding the test of time. She suggests that the rap industry has flourished by surpassing other popular genres in record sales. Even though the foundation of rap is reminiscent of African-expressive culture, non-black rap artists have adopted its performance-practices as well, which contributes to the hybridity of rap. She suggests that the success of rap is attributed to its chameleon-like appeal to young audiences.

20
Prior to 1984, rap singles were regarded as novel merchandise. This lasted well into the 1990s, as very few rap artists could boast of having a deep catalog of recorded material (Forman, 2002). According to Chang (2005), earlier DJs and MCs thought it would be impossible to put hip-hop into a record until “Rapper’s Delight” was heard on the radio. Thereafter, rap artists began to produce their own albums and gained recognition because they were regarded by the popular music industry as an indicator of cultural value and importance (Forman, 2002). According to Forman (2002), by the mid-
1990s, major label executives had fully recognized the market potential of rap and the viability of the hip-hop lifestyle through the use of the media. He argues that in 2000, hip-hop looked and sounded different. Moreover, it came to mean something different as it evolved as a lifestyle for an entirely new generation and consumers.
Hidden Transcripts: The Meaning of Rap
In 1982, Grandmaster Flash & the Furious Five released “The Message” (Asante,
2008). It was the first rap song to address the desolate conditions and hardships of living in the ghetto. According to Chang (2005), when approached by mainstream record producers about releasing the song, Grandmaster Flash and other rappers declined, believing that such an association would get them booed off stage. The assumption was that fans went to a party in order to forget about their problems and corporate endorsement was selling out. When the song was released, it reached number four on the
R&B charts and sixty-two on the pop chart (Watkins, 2005). So while “Rapper’s
Delight” could sell, Watkins (2005) suggests that “The Message” indicated that there was also a place for socially conscious rap in the marketplace. Furthermore, it established an

21 expectation for some, in the movement towards rap being used as a forum of political discourse.
Furthermore Rose (1994), contends that rap brings together the most complex social, cultural, and political issues found in contemporary culture. She argues that although rap is contradictory in its lyrical articulations, this should not be mistaken for absent intellectual clarity. Watkins (2005) notes that rap artists are intellectuals who articulate a wide range of ideas in a unique and energetic way. Rose adds that rap’s dialogue represents a common feature of a community that offers more than one cultural, social or political viewpoint. She says that for the most part, rappers craft stories that represent the fantasies, perspectives, and experiences of racial marginality in America.
Such elaborate and creative stories include the abuse and domination of young black women. Rose believes these tales of sexual domination serve to protect young men from the reality of female rejection. While there may be a possible correlation, it would be difficult to prove as the case for every rap song that sexually exploits women.
Rose (1994) adds that rather than view rap as an expression of long-standing social and political inequalities, some suggest that rap is not a progressive movement for black culture. Furthermore, Willis (1991) indicates that rap’s negative facets are points of discontinuity with previous black cultural forms (as cited in Rose, 1994). Willis
(1991) argues that in order for black musical expression to take its place in the historical continuum, rap must sort out its good and evil forces. Rose counters that vulgarity and sexism found in rap have always been a part of jazz and blues lyrics as well as other nonblack cultural forms. She says that rap represents the contradictory elements of pleasure

22 and pain as natural forms of expression. Rap refuses to rest in the midst of political discourse. To suggest otherwise, is to diminish the quest for untainted progressive political cultural expression.
Powell (2006) disagrees with Rose that the mixed messages in rap are normal expression of complex thought. He argues that the men and women of hip-hop are actors playing a role because in real life, they are nothing like their musical persona. Powell suggests there are five hypocrisies that contradict the “keeping it real” (p.10) message of hip-hop. First he says rap artists are constantly changing the meaning of words such as
“pimp” and “nigga” (p. 47). According to Powell, the pimp of the past was not a role model. He was someone to be avoided at all cost because he sold women’s bodies on the street for money. However in rap, the pimp is glorified as a sexual predator with money, having materialistic values, and having hordes of women surrounding him. Powell calls this flipping the script; when words are used to confuse listeners into thinking that something negative is a good thing. He further challenges the frequency of the use of these words “nigger” and “nigga” used in rap and questions why it has become acceptable to call one another these names.
To Keyes (2002), “nigga” is used as a term of endearment when referring to a buddy, neighborhood friend or if spoken by a female rap artist, a male lover. Powell
(2006) argues that rap promotes a materialistic and lavish lifestyle however, the ‘hood it claims to represent, is overcome by poverty and unemployment. Third, rap artists are role models but their personas serve only the music industry. Rappers are dependent upon the media and recording industry in order to get paid in the lucrative market place

23 that sells violence, misogyny, and drug consumption. Fourth, adult themes such as sex and sexual appeal are found in rap in order to seduce the young audience. He suggests that the hypocrisy in rap is that artists will deny their influence on the sexual behaviors and attitudes of the young. This hypocrisy is supported by Watkins (2005) who calls rap
“hip-hop pornography” (p. 210). He argues that rap producers assert they are targeting adult audiences but in reality, the music’s sexual entertainment is being consumed by youth. Finally, Powell (2006) voices concern with the appreciation that rap artists show to Jesus and God when they win awards, yet their lyrics promote themes of evil.
Rose (1994) notes that rap is a form of protest; not only in its lyrics but its use of digital sampling, that extends beyond that which has been previously understood as accepted musical construction. The content of a rap rhyme is specific to its creator and the lyrics are a critical part of a rapper’s identity. Authorship and individuality are important in rap. Furthermore, the use of sampling indicates the importance of collective identities and group histories.
According to Rose (1994), social transcripts explain the dynamics of cultural and political domination, resistance, and power. According to Scott (1990), “public” transcripts support the established social order whereas “hidden” transcripts resist social domination (as cited in Rose, 1994). Rose suggests that rap is a hidden transcript because it uses disguised speech and codes that challenge power inequalities. Moreover, rap is significantly engaged in the warfare of institutions and groups that oppress African-
Americans. Rose contends that rap is a contemporary stage for the theatre of the powerless. A rapper’s resistive transcripts are articulated in both hidden and public

24 domains, making it difficult to confine or deny its significance. She suggests that black youth are in conflict with the police. The hidden transcripts of rap will often represent a contemporary African-American critique of police harassment and racial profiling.
Technological advances in music production and record distribution allowed rappers to immediately respond to current events as well as local and national social issues (Rose, 1994). Rap is defined as a hidden transcript because it uses “cloaked speech and disguised cultural codes to comment on and challenge aspects of current power inequalities” (p.100). These hidden transcripts emerge as an articulation of black social protest. It uses lyrical expression to expose issues that are not addressed by the public domain. Gramsci (1971) asserts that rap is a strong force in the discursive war of power and positions that exist within and against dominant institutions (as cited in Rose,
1994). Rap has the potential to become the language of liberation due to its ability to occupy public spaces and retain the expert testimony of black cultural politics.
In contrast, Watkins (2005) argues that the existence of white rap artists such as
Eminem threatens the very soul and survival of the hip-hop community. According to
Forman (2002), rap’s crossover success is transcultural and therefore compatible to the tastes of a wider audience. Crossover involves the merging of intrinsic signs and codes that are assumed to represent different races. Of significance is the recognition that rap is primarily purchased by the white audience (Watkins, 2005), and so it appears that rap is not exclusive or even hidden very well in its social transcripts for it to be so successful in crossover appeal.

25
Rose (1994) cautions against simply reading the lyrics to a rap song. She suggests that the rhythmic patterns and articulation of the artist must be heard in order to understand the song’s meaning. Nonetheless, rappers are under close scrutiny by the media and scholarly research often dissects lyrics in order to find consistent themes that support their claims about rap (Chang, 2005). In 1992, police officers blamed Ice T’s song, “Cop Killer” for inciting and causing the riots in Los Angeles (Elligan, 2004).
Kubrin (2005) examines the presence of firearms in rap lyrics as the tactical choice for settling scores and correlates her findings with gang violence. Hansen (1995) argues that many well-known rappers have been charged with violent crimes and this is a problem because young people may seek to emulate these celebrities. According to Diamond,
Bermudez and Schensul (2006), rap can simultaneously reflect and promote shifting drug trends in America. For instance, they assessed the use of Ecstasy among youth and conclude that a relationship exists between hit songs released around the same time the drug spread into urban areas.
Johnson (2011) notes that rap artist Lil’ Wayne is the most dangerous influence on urban and African-American youth. Lil’ Wayne’s lyrics highlight the dangerous environment in which he lived. Although, Johnson argues, that at age twelve, Lil’ Wayne is unlikely to have experienced the things he rapped about. According to Johnson, Lil’
Wayne was the first viable child rap star to experience what is known as the “Peter Pan syndrome” (p. 12): an emotional classification that refers to an older man whose childhood has been taken away. Johnson argues that Lil’ Wayne’s musical success has been from creating a world where he and others do what they want. This is similar to

26
Rose’s (1994) conceptualization of rap as a lurid fantasy involving cop killing, female dismemberment and suggestions that whites are the devil’s disciples. Both researchers have acknowledged that in rap, a world exists that is separate from most others’ reality.
Johnson (2011) argues that Lil’ Wayne’s 2005 album, Tha Carter 2 is overtly vile with themes of sexual escapades, constant pursuit of money, and the disrespect of enemies. Johnson reveals the hidden meaning of Lil’ Wayne’s misogynistic lyrics being that he was sexually abused at a young age. He also analyzes the cover art of Lil’
Wayne’s album and argues that it is intended to appear inoffensive and attractive to children. Using a picture of himself as a child but with the tattoos he now has as an adult on his face, Johnson argues, is intended to lessen the seriousness of Lil’ Wayne’s lyrical content. As a pastor, Johnson offers a spiritually biased perspective to assess Lil’
Wayne’s lyrical content and identity. He discovers lyrics where Lil’ Wayne claims to be
God, by matching scriptures of an earthquake that denotes the death of the Son of God.
According to Taylor and Taylor (2004), rap demands independence and is intolerant of a hypocritical adult society. Therefore, it seems Johnson’s criticisms of Lil’ Wayne would be unwelcomed by hip-hop culture.
Johnson identifies themes of personal insecurity to translate some of Lil’ Wayne’s lyrics. According to Johnson, Lil’ Wayne is experiencing insecurity for three reasons.
First, he is defensive of his five foot, five inch height in one of his songs as he boasts of his persona in standing figuratively taller than his competitors. Johnson argues that those who suffer from various insecurities have difficulty accepting their own flaws. Second, insecurity is reflective of an inability to enjoy silence and rest. Lil’ Wayne’s desire to fill

27 any void with no time for self-reflection was evident in his brief hiatus after completing his successful 2002 album by immediately joining the mix-tape circuit performance.
Johnson suggests that the rapper’s workaholic spirit advanced his career, but was an overt sign of his inability to enjoy being Dwayne Carter, not Lil’ Wayne. Finally, Johnson argues that Lil’ Wayne’s humor and jesting indicates insecurity because an excessive joker receives emotional reward when everyone laughs at his jokes. The use of humor in rap lyrics is familiar to Zillman et al. (1995) who claim that rap is designed to titillate audiences with the joke being on white audiences and rappers laughing all the way to the bank. Furthermore, they suggest that rap is merely a beat to dance to and should not be taken seriously.
Rap’s comedic flare is not unfamiliar to Keyes (2002) who lists many rap artists from the 1980s whose posture and style are based on humor. The rap duo DJ Jazzy Jeff and the Fresh Prince followed this comedic tradition with their rap song, “Parents Just
Don’t Understand”. Flavor Flav is known for his cartoonish appearance and the wearing of a large clock as a necklace. According to Keyes, Flavor Flav parallels the trickster figure that is common in black oral narratives. Although it is argued that rap is pedestrian entertainment, other research indicates a more serious concern for its influence on young audiences (Powell, 2006).
Johnson (2011) argues that the problems of urban culture can be directly traced back to something that Lil’ Wayne has said in several songs. Johnson’s point is for adults to be concerned with youth who are receiving Lil’ Wayne’s steady stream of negative messages. He suggests that many young audiences who may be enamored with

28
Lil’ Wayne also live without any other kind of direction from an adult. Johnson predicts the premature death of Lil’ Wayne due to his similarities with popular rap artists, Tupac
Shakur and Biggie Smalls. He argues that rappers like Lil’ Wayne, will plummet to their death in moral depravity meanwhile, leading their fans to follow and do the same. There is no evidence to suggest that Johnson’s ideas from a ministry position about fatalism are accurate. His analysis does however effectively demonstrate the controversy that surrounds rap. Johnson’s insight represents a part of the larger scale in rejection of hiphop culture and rap by mainstream society. This suggests that tensions exist between the public domain and a smaller subculture. Johnson’s book is an example of a public transcript because it represents the dominant social order whereas, Lil’ Wayne’s rap is a hidden transcript.
Powell (2006) agrees with Johnson that rap is the enemy that comes against the efforts of a network of providers who work with youth. Rap is a virus and a marketing scheme, meant to deprive young people of their money and minds. According to Powell, rap has made traditional education of African-American children extremely difficult. The message in rap is to teach black males to kill one another and females to objectify their own bodies. Others counter that rap can be used as a tool to promote greater insight and self-awareness for many of life’s daily struggles. Elligan (2004) uses rap therapy to challenge his inner-city clients to consider lifestyle choices that may lead to premature death, such as rampant drug use. In his experience, many youth glorify the idea of living a so-called “thug life” (p. 33) but rap therapy challenges and restructures these delusional beliefs. In fact, many rap artists have worked hard to achieve success. He argues that rap

29 therapy educates youth about the perseverance and sacrifices that have contributed to the successes of their favorite rap artists. Elligan dismisses Powell’s concern for the hypocrisy found in materialistic rap by arguing that it exemplifies the brighter side of rap as opposed to violence and is more compatible to mainstream America.
Watkins (2005) recognizes that hip-hop’s poetic presence and vivid imagination can spark the creative minds of young people. Furthermore, rap is the vehicle that fights against the difficulties that urban youth experience in a more formal classroom environment. To Watkins, the current educational system leaves behind many black students who suffer from low self-esteem. Asante (2008) encourages urban black youth, to always take “two sets of notes” (p. 194) or seek outside knowledge as the current educational system has made African-Americans and all non-whites, an ethnic footnote in
American and world history. Asante claims that the omissions made in academia regarding the historical enslavement of African-Americans are affecting the way youth view their ancestors and in turn, themselves. Asante encourages the post-hip-hop generation to become active agents in their own education by searching for information outside of the classroom environment.
According to Watkins (2005), the force that drives the hip-hop movement also heightens the long-standing concern about who and what controls it. Furthermore, the growing presence of the media and thrill-seeking consumers generates a severe public anxiety about the meaning of rap. The controversy that surrounds rap is in its breech of the public domain (Rose, 1994) and its capacity to influence youth (Forman, 2002). This has occurred through the use of the Internet and digital underground- websites, chat

30 rooms, and Internet-based radio programs (Watkins, 2005). According to Forman
(2002), rap’s diversification has offered more options for marketing and promotion to a wider range of consumers, although it appeals mostly to youth. The availability of rap, along with its development as a more dynamic and political identity, has resulted in a harsh scrutiny of the ways in which the hidden speeches and subliminal mores codes are now influencing youth.
The Code of the Street
For Forman (2002), those who live within the attitudes and practices of hip-hop have developed their own fashions, codes, mores, and systems of meaning. Chang
(2005) argues that rap is most profound when it centers on the strength of an artist’s street knowledge. Rappers often claim to use the real language of the streets in order to communicate with those who live there. However, Chang questions what it means to keep rap real in terms of the street, and asks how the music can be preserved if it has already changed with the flow of commercial exploitation. Watkins (2005) claims that the bid for street credibility is part of the marketing strategy of hip-hop. He argues that corporate entrepreneurs manage rap by generating the acclaim that surrounds hip-hop fame. There is pressure in the hip-hop community to make all things street- street culture, street philosophy, and street credibility.
Curtis Jackson’s (also known as 50 Cent) biography describes him as a petty drug dealer, the death of his crack-addicted mother, his miraculous survival after being shot nine times, all earned him the most important credential in hip-hop, street credibility
(Watkins, 2005). Meanwhile, the kinder and gentler thug-life persona of rap artist Ja

31
Rule has been criticized for not being street enough. On the other hand, Watkins (2005) believes that popular rap artist Jay-Z has effectively balanced the demands of pop celebrity and street credibility. Jay-Z has turned hip-hop into a mini-conglomerate operation by parlaying his street-savvy ways, but this is not always a good thing. Chang
(2005) argues that rap artists, Jay-Z and Sean “P-Diddy” Combs became marketing brands themselves by generating a lifestyle that is based on their own identities. For both
Jay-Z and “P-Diddy” Combs rejected what they had created by retiring or reinventing themselves. Chang suggests the retired artists may have recognized that their excessive brand messaging exhausted the possibilities of their art. Jay-Z has shown other artists that rap no longer is just about street credibility or simply being the best rapper.
Rap masquerades as an art form when it is really about getting as much money for the rap artists as is humanly possible. There is an ongoing tension between those who view hip-hop as a source of profit and those who see it as a forum for street politics.
Rap emphasizes the everyday rhythms of inner-city life and is grounded in the ideology of urban street culture. Rap artists affirm that their music is from the streets and spectators must be from the streets in order to understand it (Keyes, 2002). Keyes defines the street as a subculture of the urban environment that operates under its own rules. She suggests that a major requisite for survival is learning how to communicate effectively. The streets are an institution just as important as the church, school, and family in African-American culture. Furthermore, the street is the primary reference for inner-city African-Americans. Keyes further suggests that rap is rooted in street style.

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She identifies five street personalities: the street man, hustler, pimp, working-class man, and militant.
According to Anderson (1999), contemporary urban street culture for lower class youth has evolved into a code, more, a set of informal rules that govern interpersonal behavior. These rules have been established and accepted by the inner-city community.
Furthermore, everyone knows that if the rules that pertain to The Code are violated, there will be consequences. Much like rap artists’ affirmation of their public identities (Rose,
1994), The Code revolves around self- representation and aggrandizement (Anderson,
1999).
Anderson claims that The Code dates back to Roman times and the early
American Old South. He suggests that The Code views the white man as an enigma whose sole purpose is to oppress blacks and make them feel insignificant. Those who live by this code cannot rely solely on the police or the formal judicial system to protect them. He argues that inner-city residents view the police as representatives of the dominant white society. The image of the Rodney King police brutality video, and personal frequent reports of having called the police and receiving no response, only heighten the mistrust that inner-city residents feel towards the police (Chang, 2005). This sense of alienation and detachment from mainstream society manifests into a lost sense of security and profound lack of faith in the police (Anderson, 1999). In its place, The Code directs inner-city residents to take care of themselves.
Respect represents social capital and is the heart of The Code (Anderson, 1999).
Having respect means being treated “right” and being granted positive credit or “props”

33
(p. 33) that one demands. Anderson (1999) suggests that inner-city residents feel defeated by forces beyond their control, believing they deserve respect, a vague and problematic commodity. In street culture, respect is hard-won but easily lost, especially among the young. Residents are constantly guarded and respect is interpersonally traded.
Identity and respect are crucial elements of The Code and are renegotiated through profile, status, and reputation (Forman, 2002). Anderson suggests that individuals with the most respect have security. They are not bothered in public and are less likely to face physical danger. Thus, achieving and having respect is a means of survival for those who live by The Code. Keyes (2002) suggests that rap conveys this often primitive, economic reality.
The fundamental principle of The Code is respect. According to Anderson
(1999), one way to achieve respect is to command it with material possessions and body language. A young man on the street must have expensive clothes in order to hang out with certain crowds. Therefore, exhibiting material wealth increases levels of respect through the presentation of self. Anderson suggests that physical appearance; including clothes, jewelry, and grooming are important to those seeking respect. Those who are unable to command respect must actively campaign for it.
One tactic towards respect acquisition is to take possession of the possessions of others. Anderson (1999) suggests that ordinary objects may become trophies if they have symbolic value such as one’s sense of honor, which can be seized through verbal insults.
He says that stealing material possessions such as a pistol or sneakers, fits into the pattern for obtaining respect but taking someone else’s trophy such as their girlfriend, then

34 flaunting it, will also gain him/her respect for being the new owner of that thing. Raising oneself by putting someone else down is the violent give and take of The Code. Having the reputation for being willing and able to fight is another way to gain respect among peers (Anderson, 1999).
According to Rose (1994), hip-hop remains a never-ending battle for status, prestige, and group adoration. She says that fashion and style are a means of cultural expression in hip-hop. Large, and usually fake, gold necklaces, diamond jewelry, and imitation designer handbags mocks, yet affirms the gold fetish in Western trade (Rose,
1994). She argues that hip-hop is not authentic if it can be sold. Furthermore, hip-hop’s focus on materialism and consumption has mischaracterized the movement into the commodity market. Forman (2002) notes that material prosperity among rap artists actually maintains a system of enslavement by the economic elite. According to Lusane
(1993) rap’s obsession with “getting paid” (p. 104) reinforces the desire for wealth and all of its trappings (as cited in Forman, 2002).
Mass marketing strategies and advertising budgets plummeted until companies such as Pepsi and Nike discovered that urban youth of color were a more brand-conscious demographic (Chang, 2005). Keyes (2002) suggests that establishing a reputation through a distinct style is valuable on the streets. According Gay (1987), hip-hop is poetry in motion, which translates into the importance of rap artists having an original style (as cited in Keyes, 2002). Rap artists carry to the stage, a street persona that implies no matter how challenging a situation becomes, loss of cool is not cool. Keyes (2002) argues that rhyme is a tool for demanding respect and this is often found in rap and

35 indicates the tension between two artists or a record industry that has wronged them.
According to Forman, in the mid-1990s, music magazine columns referred to the concern among industry executives that rap was turning into an outlet for settling scores among competitive rap artists and labels.
Scores are not always settled in a recording studio therefore violence is the second rule of The Code. Morning is generally the safest time of day because after nightfall, the possibility of violence increases (Anderson, 1999). Anderson says that as evening approaches, the toughest, biggest, and boldest individuals prevail, under The Code. The display of some predisposition to violence is a requirement of The Code. A subscriber must be willing to demonstrate his/her fidelity to The Code by engaging in violence and possibly even mayhem if the situation requires it. According to Elligan (2004), poor communities are plagued by higher violence, crime, and mortality rates, which contributes to a reduced life expectancy.
The reality of violence and crime that occurs in the inner-city is oftentimes associated with the violent messages in rap. The fatal stabbing of a nineteen-year old concertgoer at the Nassau Coliseum rap show on Long Island in 1987, prompted national attention of rap concert-related violence (Keyes, 2002; Rose, 1994). Rose (1994) and
Keyes (2002) argue that the media continues to blame rap as being the catalyst for general violent behavior ever since. The most explicit response to the media’s coverage of rap-related violence has been the Stop the Violence movement which begun in 1988 that attempted to discourage black-on-black crime. This reform-oriented movement failed because it accepted the false accusations of the media that stereotyped the violent

36 rap fan base, rather than address the real symptoms of race and economic inequality in
America.
According to Forman (2002), Tupac Shakur’s murder and the death of B.I.G. further alarmed the music industry, implying that the violent themes in rap had deadly results in reality. The public indiscretions of rap artists such as Sean Combs, who allegedly assaulted a music executive with a champagne bottle, reaffirmed the view that rap and the hip-hop lifestyle are sources for violent and antisocial behaviors (Forman,
2002). Rose (2008) disagrees that hip-hop glorifies, encourages and therefore, causes violence. Rather, she argues that the correlation between consumption and action is unsubstantiated.
Anderson (1999) asserts that the credible threat of vengeance is essential to The
Code. Therefore, retaliation is the third rule that holds perpetrators accountable by promising an “eye for an eye” (p. 10) or payback for their transgressions. He says that the Golden Rule is the law for those who live in socially isolated pockets of the inner- city. Running away from the threat of violence is difficult in impoverished neighborhoods. People often feel constrained to not only stand up for themselves or resist an assault but also to seek revenge. Revenge may include use of a weapon or getting relatives and friends involved. Furthermore, it is believed that the performance of retaliation is directly related to the deterrence of future assaults.
Jacobs and Wright (2006) agree that criminals on the street cannot rely on formal law to settle their disputes thus retaliation becomes a substitute for justice. They suggest that retaliation derives from more than the simple search for security. Street actors are

37 judged by their ability to make things happen. This means that the most admired innercity residents are those who respond to an affront without regard for the consequences.
They suggest that offenders feel ‘mighty’ when catching and punishing those who have wronged them.
Jacobs and Wright (2006) identify six typologies of criminal retaliation: reflexive, calculated, deferred, sneaky, imperfect, and non-retaliation. Reflexive retaliation refers to an immediate reaction to an assault or injury. Of all the forms of retaliation, this best explains street justice. Reflexive retaliation is an outgrowth of the street culture that emphasizes spontaneous action and instant gratification. Calculated retaliation involves delayed retribution in order to cultivate the element of surprise. Deferred retaliation results from not being able to immediately recognize that a grievance has occurred.
Deferred retaliation undergoes a period of incubation and often, the whereabouts of the violators are unknown. According to Jacobs and Wright, ‘sneaky retaliation’ is an act of revenge without having face-to-face contact in order to avoid detection. Imperfect retaliation is known as vengeance from someone other than the person who wronged them. Jacobs and Wright suggest that imperfect retaliation accomplishes one or more goals of sending a message, loss recovery, and anger release. Finally, non-retaliation is the conscious decision not to retaliate although street-oriented residents will be required to justify their inaction and risk the loss of respect among peers.
The fourth rule of The Code, involves rampant drug use. The drug trade offers a viable way for young people who live in inner-city communities to enhance their wealth.
Anderson (1999) suggests that drugs are organized around a code of conduct that has

38 accepted the recruitment of youth to work in the drug trade to make money. The caveat is that it is not uncommon for the predator to become the prey in the drug trade. This means that oftentimes, a drug dealer will become overwhelmed with the insatiable desire to use the drug s/he is dealing. Anderson (1999) argues that the underground drug trade is a result of race relations, unemployment, alienation, and dislocation from the mainstream economy. In the inner-city drug dealing is recognized as work and the addictive nature and rampant use of drugs are understood as a part of The Code.
The arrival of crack in the mid-1980s devastated many poor and working-class communities (Watkins, 2005). The subsequent years of drug laws provided a fast track of long-term prison sentences for the nation’s poorest urban communities. Asante (2008) argues that the War on Drugs and mandatory minimum sentencing for possession of a small amount of narcotics, was cruel and unusual punishment in violation of the 6 th
Amendment. The disparity in federal sentencing laws; five grams of crack and five hundred grams of powder both equating to five years in prison, is an example of the social injustices that surround blacks (Bogazianos, 2012). According to Keyes (2002), the crack cocaine problem paralleled the AIDS epidemic. She says that medical science has connected the rise of AIDS with the rate of crack cocaine cases. According to
Cornish & O’Brien (1996), inner-city African-Americans have been exposed to the environmental factors associated with poverty where crack cocaine is easily available (as cited in Keyes, 2002).
Family by blood and families found on the streets are the fifth rule of The Code.
For the street-oriented, Anderson (1999) delineates that there is a distinct difference

39 between blood relatives and the family one finds on the streets. These families will often compete for an individual’s loyalties and their commitments. Anderson suggests that the code of the street dictates that blood is thicker than water. Furthermore, part of what protects a person from danger is how many people and how quickly, he can depend on them to watch his back. Many inner-city youth report not being afraid to go to jail because they have family there. Rose (1994) argues that inner-city crews and posses are types of families that are forged by intercultural bonds.
Much like the social formation of gangs, street families provide emotional and physical support in a complex environment (Rose, 1994). Chang (2005) says gangs provide shelter, comfort, and protection. He argues that gangs provide structure by channeling energies, providing enemies, and warding off boredom by giving meaning to the hours of the day.
According to Forman (2002), the posse is always explicitly acknowledged in rap.
Rap may describe the urban underground but it also communicates the value of the people who help build the community within. Anderson (1999) identifies a place where activities occur; either in front of people or in less conspicuous locations, as a “staging area” (p. 22). Staging areas are where subscribers are given the opportunity to represent themselves as they would like to be known in relation to one another. For example, a school may be transformed into a staging area for youth who live in inner-city neighborhoods. Furthermore, alleys and playgrounds are staging areas for where The
Code emerges. Anderson identifies these staging areas as places where fights usually

40 occur. He says they are hangout places for a wide mix of people who come together for various reasons.
There are three types of staging areas. The first is local to the neighborhood, it may be inside a house or apartment or outside on a street corner. The second is a business strip that is alive with activity and draws people from other locales. Multiplex theaters are the last type of staging area. Venues such as sporting events and concerts where there is music, alcohol, and drugs attract code followers. According to Anderson
(1999), people come to staging areas to represent themselves as who they are and where they are from. He argues that this is important because people are likely to assume that a person who comes from a bad area is bad.
The sixth rule of The Code involves these staging areas. Forman (2002) suggests that the ‘hood is an abbreviation of the word neighborhood. Furthermore, he says that the
‘hood is the home environment or territory that is geographically and socially particular to a person’s social location. Space and place are reflected in rap through the naming of actual streets and neighborhoods. The home territory of a rap artist or group is the foundation for gaining a local reputation. According to Keyes (2002), rap artists proudly salute their neighborhoods in their songs and rap video directors will look to film backdrop locations that are endemic of the ‘hood.
The seventh principle of The Code involves the mating game. The problem of teenage pregnancy in the inner-city is strongly affected by the lack of perceived options for success. The sexual desires of young people follow the rules of a mating game that is subsequently shaped by The Code. Anderson (1999) says that in the inner- city, young

41 boys are concerned with immediate gratification and want babies in order to establish the perception that they can control a girl’s body and mind.
The mating game revolves around the efforts of a boy luring a girl with promises of love and sometimes, marriage. When the girl submits, she often ends up pregnant.
While sexual urges are common in adolescence, inner-city youth do not see a future that can be derailed by pregnancy hence they have very little to lose in having children out of wedlock. Each sexual encounter in the mating game generally has a winner and a loser.
Girls have a dream and boys have a sexual desire. Furthermore, since boys know what girls want, they can play that role to get sex and the act becomes an end in itself.
Anderson (1999) suggests that there is an ongoing contest going on for young men to overcome a young woman’s sexual defenses. In pursuit of his game, a boy will often feign love and concern by acting like a gentleman. Making dating plans and shopping trips are elements of the mating game but are nothing more than a device to keep a girl interested so that her sexual favors will continue.
The eighth and final rule of The Code involves hope. Most residents of poor inner-city neighborhoods struggle financially and feel a certain amount of distance from the rest of America (Anderson, 1999). However, not all of these families are streetoriented and follow The Code. Anderson (1999) says that there are some “decent families” (p. 37) who can be identified as inner-city residents who maintain hope for the future. Having hope means working hard, saving money for material things, and raising a family. Those who reside in troubled areas often do not expect to live beyond the age of twenty-five. Young men who live this existential life, feel hopeless and are not afraid

42 to die. Such true believers invoke the notion of fate, which can cause recklessness and premature death. Even so, when a young person’s life is taken, there is a profound sense of loss that is felt by the community. Anderson (1999) notes there is little hope for those who are caught in the web of persistent urban poverty. Conversely, those who live in the inner-city will generally get married out of love and this mind-set assumes a sense of hope left for an economic future. The Code implies that inner-city residents both lose and hold onto their hope for survival.
Theoretical Framework
The growing sense of nihilism in impoverished areas is the result of the economic and political complexities that are beyond the control of its people (West, 1994). The
Code arises from persistent urban poverty and joblessness. The Code is an institutionalized, oppositional culture that emerges as a reaction to the prejudices that exist among the ruling class exemplified by police and judicial systems. Anderson
(1999) implies that many young people who embrace The Code have been raised in socially disorganized home situations. Inner-city boys have limited or no personal experience with a positive father figure and therefore, have very little on which to model their own behavior. For these young men who are fortunate enough to come from intact families, The Code dictates that they must still follow the rules of the street culture in order to get along with their street-oriented peers. Therefore, prosocial children are pressured to code-switch which Anderson (1999) characterizes as the ability to adopt one set of behaviors on the inside but still appear to represent The Code on the outside.

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Bandura’s social learning theory explains how imitation occurs through the observation of models (Elligan, 2004). With decent family members absent and the pressure to adapt to The Code, a young person’s model for behavior is limited (Powell,
2006). Johnson (2011) suggests there are thousands of youth who cling to the every word of rap artists like Lil’ Wayne while imitating this gangster style. He is not alone in this assessment of rap’s powerful hold over youth.
According to Powell (2006), many young people copy the behaviors of their favorite rap artist. Elligan (2004) suggests that field theory explains the influence that rap has on the socialization of urban youth. This implies that behavior is a function of the person, as well as their environment. Elligan argues that rap is a stimulus modeled after one’s surroundings, peers, and media images seen to reflect social narratives. Black youth are highly conscious of their marginalized lives and alienation from mainstream society (Rose, 1994). Thus, a street-oriented lifestyle develops as a subculture that operates under its own rules (Keyes, 2002). The Code defines these rules such as the economics of the drug trade and negotiations of respect among peers (Anderson, 1999).
The values and codes of a subculture are different from those in the general culture (Einat & Herzog, 2010). The hip-hop culture is a subculture of mainstream society. Equally, the inner-city is separate from the rest of the city, where the police are trusted and called upon to enforce the laws. Rap artists are exulted as heroes because they represent prosperity and success. To the average urban youth, rap is a symbol of socioeconomic mobility. Rap artists express their prosperity by acquiring designer fashion, expensive jewelry, and fast cars. Keyes (2002) argues that owning these

44 accessories signifies success. To rap fans however, the desire to acquire material possessions may become an obsession that is not easily mollified.
The quest to achieve material success and wealth is explained by Merton’s (1957) anomie strain theory. It suggests that individuals will experience strain or anomie if they are unable to achieve culturally defined goals. There is intense pressure for streetoriented youth to emulate the financial success of rap artists despite their poverty-stricken conditions. Strain theory explains an important component to The Code, such as material possessions. Thus, anomie is heightened by the threat of violence if the appearance of wealth and style are not successfully achieved.
Asante (2008) describes an encounter between his brother and another young man at a street performance. He watches them lie to one another about their inflicted carnal experiences and enemies they intended to assault. Asante observes them talking, neither acknowledging that they are acting. Asante’s brother is a captive of image, whereby society’s stereotypes function as a form of social control. He suggests that rap artists experience the same imprisonment to conform to white consumerism. White teenage boys are the primary consumers of rap music. They spend billions of dollars on images and music produced by white corporations that reinforce these stereotypes (Asante,
2008).
A number of theories have emerged that suggest a governmental conspiracy to eliminate African-Americans. Turner (1993) notes that such conspiracy theories are grounded on rumors and legends about corporal control over black bodies (as cited in
Keyes, 2002). For example, some hip-hop advocates argue that AIDS and crack cocaine,

45 are governmental creations designed to eliminate African-Americans. Keyes (2002) argues that these beliefs are more than just rumors. In examining rap narratives, there is a real concern in the hip-hop community that AIDS was manufactured to be used as a genocidal weapon.
Hip-hop first arrived in the 1970s and is associated with the desolate conditions of the South Bronx in New York (Rose, 1994). During this time, inner-city residents were all too familiar with feelings of alienation and abandonment from the dominant society
(Chang, 2005; Rose, 1994). These themes are still discussed today in terms of rap’s racial tensions and the media’s scrutiny of its lyrical design (Rose, 1994). The discussion on rap is between those who believe in keeping it mainstream or underground; or real versus reel (Asante, 2008), and their transcripts being hidden or public (Rose, 1994) for the purpose of political transmissions or profitable success. On the one hand, rap’s crossover appeal (Forman, 2002) and its advertisement strategies that target a primarily white audience have contributed to its enduring evolution (Keyes, 2002).
Chang (2005) argues that if rap had not found its way on the radio, it would not be as popular a commodity in the entertainment business as it is today. However, the success of rap has brought criticism of artists who became popular or dismissed their art for a more profitable means in the advertisement business (Watkins, 2005). Hence, the typical response that hip-hop and rap by association, is dead and needs to be revived by the post hip-hop generation (Asante, 2008). Furthermore, rap and its artists face accusations of hypocrisy and for negatively influencing youth (Powell, 2006). Then

46 again, it has also been looked at as an opportunity to communicate with young people who associate with the hip-hop culture (Elligan, 2004).
This street culture exists only in urban inner-cities (Anderson, 1999). The laws that apply to the dominant culture do not benefit inner-city communities. Thus, a series of rules and norms have been adopted to take its place as a means of survival and sense of belonging. The Code dictates the rules on respect, violence, retaliation, the drug trade, blood relatives or street families, staging areas, the mating game, and hope. Rap is closely related to these culturally sound theories that explain the existence of a street culture. Themes of The Code can be found in rap lyrics.

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Chapter 3
Methodology
Introduction
Rap is at the heart of hip-hop (Chang, 2005). Research recognizes that rap is commercially appealing, politically powerful, and morally controversial. However, the literature fails to address the uniformity of rap and whether or not all themes of The Code are consistently found in rap lyrics. An exploratory research design addresses the problem of limited information that has not yet been clearly defined. It seeks to answer the question of whether or not The Code is found in rap lyrics. While previous research may have determined that few elements of respect and violence are found in some rap lyrics (Keyes, 2002; Rose, 1994), this research compares eight rules of the code of the street to rap in order to assess the context of The Code.
It was discovered that a subculture exists in the inner-city that is detached from the dominant society. The Code dictates the rules of the street regarding respect, violence, retaliation, the drug trade, staging areas, families, the mating game, and hope
(Anderson, 1999). These rules are the categories that will be examined against rap lyrics.
Sellin’s (1938) culture conflict theory explains that separate cultures diverge from the mainstream, establishing their own norms. When subgroups and the dominant culture interact, conflict arises, as each is likely to be protective of their rules and codes. This explains the general public’s resistance to rap and hip-hop’s desire to remain underground. The mainstream wishes to protect its youth from rap’s influence while the street culture demands that its message of poverty and oppression that continues to exist

in urban communities be heard and acknowledged. These two distinct cultures come together through the media. Their conflict is clearly demonstrated in the literature
(Chang, 2005).
Methods Overview
Garfinkel’s (1967) ethnomethodology seeks to remedy the properties of complex expression by examining the meaning of cultural differences in language and conduct.
Ethnomethodology is the study of the ways in which ordinary people construct a stable social world through their words and actions. Rap requires an investigation of its properties and practices of everyday life in the inner-city, hence the need for The Code.
According to Garfinkel, there are three characteristics of ethnomethodology: using common sense situations of choice, following coding instructions, and common understanding. This research will focus on producing a coding strategy, in order to interpret the meaning of rap lyrics. The lyrics will be analyzed for content and the data documented to create a codebook.
Basic content analysis uses a set of procedures to make inferences from text.
Qualitative content analysis best serves the purpose of this study, which is intended to engage in some degree of interpretation from the text, then to arrive at a meaning from the data collected (Schreier, 2012). Qualitative methodologies allow for original data collection (McShane & Williams, 2008), freedom of research design, and developing a coding strategy for lyrical interpretation in rap.
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Setting and Population
Pandora is a popular Internet radio station that launched in the year 2000.
According to its website www.pandora.com, Pandora is based on what is called the
Music Genome Project. It uses musical information and distinct tonal characteristics to find the identity of each song. These qualities are then categorized in order to understand the musical preferences of Pandora listeners and to create a listener profile. Pandora claims to use human analysts with a four-year college degree in music theory. The Music
Genome Project’s database uses defined terminology, redundant analysis, and quality control to ensure the integrity and reliability of the data. Pandora’s music database is constantly updated to include the latest music releases, emerging artists, and expansive collection of catalog titles. It claims to offer a more personalized radio experience by responding to an individual’s taste in music.
A search for the name of a favorite song, artist, or genre will scan Pandora’s comprehensive collection of analyzed music for more songs that are similar to the original search. However, not every song or artist is recorded in the library. The personalization of the chosen radio station comes from the ability to like or dislike a specific song. The thumbs down icon will skip the song and never play it again whereas the thumbs up icon helps Pandora select future songs that are similar to the liked song.
There is a limit of six skipped songs per hour for every radio station, and up to twentyfour skips per day. According to Pandora’s website, this avoids having to pay royalties on songs that are not being heard. Another feature of Pandora is allowing for a song to be skipped when it has already been heard by clicking the “I’m tired of this track” button

50 in the menu. This allows the song that is being played to be filed away, but not in the same way that choosing the thumbs down icon will personalize the track list.
When selecting “I’m tired of this track”, a pop up will appear that says “Ok, we’ll put it on the shelf for a while”. The same rules apply to this feature, only six “I’m tired of this track” selections are allowed per hour. When attempting to skip more songs, a command will appear saying, “Sorry, our music licenses force us to limit the number of tracks you may skip”. Other features of Pandora include the ability to change the volume, pause, play, skip, view the lyrics on most songs, and read the discography information of the artists when available. While a song is being played, it will show the name of the artist, the song’s title, and the album from which it was selected. There is also a scrolling feature that allows users to view prior songs heard from the station playlist. By selecting the image of the album’s cover, the information will be displayed but the song that is currently playing will not stop. In fact, these songs will not have the option to be played again once they have already been heard or skipped. Much like any other radio station, Pandora randomly selects the music to be played but produces playlists based on the most popular songs that are requested.
Pandora was selected as the data source for this study because of guidance from the literature on rap, which suggests that the Internet is a growing force in the world of music (Watkins, 2005). According to Watkins (2005), a deep catalog of rap exists on the
Internet that goes beyond the influence of corporate-financed media outlets. Keyes
(2002) suggests that the Internet is an alternative avenue for advertising and distributing rap in lieu of radio airplay. The debate that surrounds digital media however is that those

51 who do not come from affluent and well-educated households do not have access to the
Internet (Watkins, 2005). According to Watkins, the future of rap has always relied upon evolving parallels to the advancements made in technology. Thus, he argues that the hiphop community is in fact, very techno-savvy.
According to Watkins (2005), rap distribution changed during the year 2001.
This is when the Internet took over because music consumer habits began to evolve, as they no longer needed to go into a ‘brick and mortar’ record store to purchase an album.
Technology has made rap easier to perform and reach a broader audience (Elligan, 2004).
Conducting a content analysis for data collection proposed will best assess the message of rap. Pandora meets the needs of this research by having the “most sophisticated taxonomy of musical information ever collected” (www.pandora.com). Additionally,
Pandora’s availability on the Internet through the use of a computer and smart phone device, indicates there may be more listeners and a greater correspondence to the hip-hop community who are connected to these popular avenues of music and technology.
Sampling
A new Pandora account was created for the purposes of this research and not accessed for any other reason during the collection of data. Program options to like or dislike a song were also not manipulated while listening to music on this account. This was to ensure that bias would not be introduced to the songs that Pandora randomly selected and personal infliction that could affect the data was avoided. Pandora allows for listening at no user cost but comes with frequent advertisements. A monthly subscription was purchased for $3.99 to avoid these commercials and have continuous

52 play instead. The station from which the data (songs) were collected on Pandora is found by using the program search box, typing “Rap”, then selecting “Rap Radio” under the genre heading. Upon entering this command, the “Rap Radio” station will begin to play rap music.
A type of probability systematic sampling strategy was used for the collection of data over a period of one month. For one month, or thirty-one days, rap from the “Rap
Radio” station on Pandora was listened to twice a week on Wednesdays and Saturdays for a total of four hours per day, and eight hours per week. Five weeks of listening for forty total hours during the times of: 8:00am-9:00am, 11:00am-12:00pm, 5:00pm-6:00pm and 11:00pm-12:00am per day, on ten separate occasions.
The total number of songs available on Pandora’s “Rap Radio” station is unknown because the catalog of songs are frequently updated. Additionally, it is unknown if Pandora plays different types of rap whether underground or mainstream music, in the morning as opposed to the evening or if it differs on a weekday as opposed to a weekend. Therefore, data collection in the morning, afternoon, evening, and late night, time periods increase the likelihood that a representative scale of all rap typologies would be selected. During each one-hour session, listening always began at the beginning of a song but at times, ended in the middle even though the hour had already passed. All songs that were still playing during this final hour were included as data. At the end of the hour, Pandora was paused at the end of the song that was finishing.
Rap underwent a transition over the last ten years by reinventing itself to be more mainstream (Watkins, 2005). MP3s and Internet radio stations became more popular and

53 a source for consumers to listen to music without having to go to the record store
(Elligan, 2004). The reason for not coding songs released prior to 2004 was to best reflect the most recent trends in popular culture and the world of music. However, these songs were still entered into Excel although not included in the analysis. They were not skipped unless they had been heard before and were already coded.
All songs are documented by their title, name of artist, and year released onto an
Excel spreadsheet (see Appendix A/ Codebook and Data). The name of the song and artist are available on Pandora however, in order to find the year that the album was released, a web search using Amazon.com was performed for every song. Amazon.com tracks dates for the MP3s and albums that are displayed on Pandora. The month and year of release for the album was available on Amazon.com and the release year was entered into the spreadsheet. In some cases, an image of the album was not available on Pandora but the name was clear and easy to locate on Amazon.com.
Every hour was given a new countdown that was restarted upon each data collection timeframe. The hours and days were added then songs released prior to 2004 were deleted from the final totals. Some hours or timeframes contain more songs coded than others. This is due to a variety of reasons. First, some songs are longer or shorter in length than others. Second, some songs were repeated, which meant the “I’m tired of this track” option had to be used. This skips the song and brings up the next one. Third, if six skips had already been used within the hour, the songs could not be skipped and had to be heard but were not coded into the data set. In order to ensure that there would not be duplicate songs on the spreadsheet, the “find” feature on the Excel document was used

54 for every song title. Pandora’s “I’m tired of this track” option was used if it was discovered that a song title had already been entered into Excel. The time it took to discover repeats was also taken into account for the differing songs collected within the hour.
Content Analysis
Once the information: title, artist, and year, was entered while the songs were playing, a content analysis was performed. There was never an issue with failing to collect this information in time because Pandora displayed all songs that were played within the hour. This meant that information about the song is always available and could be retrieved if it was missed during play. The independent variable is The Code, while the dependent variable are the rap lyrics. The research interest is in knowing if The
Code affects rap.
Every song will be analyzed for the eight themes that Anderson (1999) suggests pertain to The Code: respect, violence, retaliation, the drug trade, blood and street families, staging areas, the mating game, and hope. The chorus or what is referred to in rap as ‘the hook’ is the primary measure for detecting themes. Oftentimes, the hook is repeated a number of times throughout the song and is considered to be the most prominent indication of meaning. Whichever theme is represented in the hook, will be the deciding factor for cases in which rap lyrics have multiple themes. Still, all lyrics will be read to interpret meaning while the song is playing using Pandora’s lyrics feature.
When the lyrics are not available on Pandora, the website rapgenius.com will be accessed to search lyrics by song title. In those few cases where lyrics are not available on either

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Pandora or rapgenius.com, and the lyrics could not be readily understood, that song will be excluded from the data set. Being unable to easily find lyrics indicates that Pandora has to access rap that is aired less frequently with more skips and is less popular.
According to Anderson (1999), one of the first rules of the code of the street is to obtain respect by either commanding or campaigning for it. He says that commanding respect is accomplished through appearance: having expensive clothing, jewelry and other material possessions. If one cannot command respect, they must campaign for it by stealing the possessions or trophies of others. Rap that highlights money, cars, and clothes are songs about respect. Furthermore, songs that boast of the artist’s celebrity reputation, as being the best rapper alive for example, are also considered ways to command or campaign for respect. This signifies the importance of self-presentation in order to be respected in the street culture.
Having a certain predisposition to violence is also a part of the code of the street.
This involves sending an unmistakable message that the subscriber of The Code is capable of violence if the situation requires it. Rap that discusses the use of a gun or weapon to inflict serious injuries or death upon someone are songs about violence. Songs that detail the ways in which a rap artist plans to kill his or her enemy, such as by breaking their jaw, are considered violent songs.
Another component of The Code involves retaliation, which means holding perpetrators accountable for their transgressions by performing acts of revenge
(Anderson, 1999). Songs that indicate the artist intends to seek payback for a wrongdoing are songs about retaliation. Dealing drugs and its rampant use among inner

56 city residents are a noted part of The Code. It is common for dealers to become addicted to the drug they are trying to sell. This is why rampant drug use has been assigned as an all-inclusive theme that entails both dealing and using. Thus, rap that talks about drugs, either using or selling, are songs about rampant drug use.
Blood relatives or family, and street families or gangs are often times found in rap. These families are depended upon for protection in the inner-city. Rap that recognizes or addresses family members associated by street or blood, or represents a specific gang affiliation, are songs about family and gangs.
Staging areas are the locales found in The Code where subscribers are given the opportunity to represent themselves as they would like to be seen by others (Anderson,
1999). Rap that recognizes or shouts out to the artist’s geographic space using specific street names, places, or locations are songs about staging areas.
The mating game entails the efforts made by a boy to lure a girl into bed with promises to love and take care of her. Making plans with a girl and enticing her with shopping trips are tactics used in the mating game. Rap that is intended to charm and persuade a girl with material possessions and promises of love and marriage are songs about the mating game. Finally, hope is often lost for those who live in the inner-city due to their life expectancy while living on the streets. It is also what keeps decent families from a life of crime and dishonesty. Therefore, both having and losing hope is a part of
The Code. Rap that talks about the premature death of a loved one or having hope for change in the future are songs about hope.

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Forman (2002) suggests that DJs and MCs originally performed live shows in order to maintain a party atmosphere. Keyes (2002) argues that times demand that rap artists no longer pursue party-oriented lyrics. The hip-hop community has become more aware of its critical relevance and the necessity of unifying their perspective with the influence of rap. Furthermore, technology has reduced the importance of live shows and artists pay less attention to the underground party scene and more towards encroaching the mainstream music market that will provide them a profit (Chang, 2005). Thus, rap that discusses being at a party or encouraging people to party are songs about partying and are not associated with The Code.
Some rap describes a problem with an interpersonal relationship, either a breakup or having been cheated on. Anderson (1999) does not discuss relationship problems as being of importance to the inner-city community. Therefore, these songs were categorized as relationship problems and not a part of The Code. Finally, female dismemberment is a term that Rose (1994) uses to discuss one of the inflammatory aspects of rap. She suggests that rap’s sexually explicit lyrics contribute to the moral panic of society. For the purposes of this study, the term female dismemberment is used to describe a theme in rap that exploits womanly bodies or body parts. It literally means the detachment of a female body part; her breasts or buttocks, was the main focus of the song. Female dismemberment is not related to The Code.
Coding
In order to interpret every song as either belonging to The Code or not, a coding frame will be used. When coding, Schreier (2012) recommends first distinguishing

58 between relevant and irrelevant parts of the research material. Irrelevant data will not have a bearing on the research question. Therefore, the numeric order, song title, and artist’s name will be considered irrelevant because these categories are not important to the research question. The year and theme however, are considered to be relevant for songs released prior to 2004, which will not be used.
According to Schreier (2012), after the material has been selected, the next step is deciding the structure of the coding frame. She suggests that there are three ways to do this: in a concept-driven way, in a data-driven way, and by combining the two strategies.
A concept-driven, deductive strategy will be used by assessing what is already known about The Code.
One way to work with conceptual knowledge is to make use of the research conducted by others. Schreier suggests that the procedure for coding is to first look at the main categories and subcategories in the coding frame and determine which categories fit into the material; then to add any other important aspects that are not covered by the original coding frame (as cited in Boyatzis, 1998).
Schreier (2012) suggests that the next step in deciding on what the coding frame will look like is to define what is meant by the categories and subcategories. Category definitions are the rules for assigning data segments. Defining the rules used for coding is a crucial step in qualitative content analysis so that both the coder and reader know what is meant by the category names. A category has four parts: a name, a description of what is meant by the name, examples, and decision rules. The twelve category names are: respect, violence, retaliation, rampant drug use, staging areas, families, the mating

59 game, hope, dance, partying, relationship problem, and female dismemberment. These are convenient labels for referencing to the category and are not overly long descriptions or definitions. Their meaning has already been described earlier to provide the indicators or points of references for the features of each category of The Code.
Providing typical examples that illustrate the category is also important.
However, when dealing with concept-driven categories, suitable examples may not be available. In this case, Schreier (2012) argues that it is legitimate to come up with hypothetical examples. Some hypothetical examples were used in the content analysis section such as if the hook of a rap song discusses the intent to break someone’s jaw then, the song would be categorized under violence. Another example is if the lyrics focus exclusively on a woman’s buttocks in a sexually explicit manner, then this song is categorized as female dismemberment.
Finally, Schreier (2012) suggests including decision rules for coding frames that relate to the same main category, this will prevent uncertainty for definitions that overlap.
Decision rules will instruct the coders which of the two overlapping categories to use.
The first rule for content analysis and determining categories is that the chorus of the song takes precedence over all other lyrics. This means that whatever was said in the intro, outro, or verse is not as important as the message in the hook. For example, if a song begins with a man telling a woman how much he loves and respects her then, it is assumed to be about the mating game. However, if the hook, the most repeated and remembered part of the song, discusses how he is hurt because she broke up with him, then the song is categorized as relationship problems.

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The possible overlapping categories are: violence and retaliation, partying and dance, and relationship problems with the mating game and female dismemberment. In order to prevent uncertainty, the rules for each are specified as what not to include in these categories. Violence and retaliation are mutually exclusive of one another.
Violence does not entail rap lyrics that discuss a prior transgression performed and the intent to inflict payback. Retaliation may involve violence but it is only considered to be retaliation if a specific harm has been inflicted that requires revenge and is talked about as such in the song.
Rap lyrics that use the term partying or suggest the artist is at a party where there may be dancing is to be categorized as partying and not dance. In this case, dancing is secondary to the party that the rap artist is at or referring to. Meanwhile, rap lyrics that give instructions for a dance move or tell someone to get up and dance are songs about dancing. Not to be confused with the dancing that occurs in a strip club in which a rap artist talks about throwing money at a woman to see her dance naked. This would instead be categorized as female dismemberment because the woman is being asked to expose her body for cash. Furthermore, the rules for female dismemberment, the mating game and relationship problems are outlined. Female dismemberment does include rap songs about charming or persuading a woman to bed. It may involve sex but not in an affectionate or loving way. Female dismemberment is used for songs that degrade women whereas the mating game may also be humiliating but is considered less so.
Relationship problems do not involve either charming or degrading a woman. This category is reserved for songs about a man and a woman having a history and conflict in

their relationship. Possibly violent conflict and maybe even cheating that would require retaliation but these songs are ultimately categorized as relationship problems because that is the main issue.
The units of analysis are the songs being listened to. Schreier (2012) suggests that the final step to the coding frame is selecting the units of coding. Categories or themes that represent The Code will be coded as “yes” and assigned “1”. Categories or themes that do not represent The Code will be coded as “no” and assigned “0”. Finally, categories or themes that are missing information because the rap songs were released prior to the year 2004, will be assigned “N/A” to signify the information was not applicable to the research question.
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Chapter 4
Analysis
According to Kraska and Neuman (2012), reliability in qualitative research means having dependability or consistency. However, replication is very rare for a coding process such as content analysis that changes over time. They suggest that qualitative research accepts that sometimes different researchers, or in this case, coders, using alternative measures will get different results. Nonetheless, Kraska and Neuman also acknowledge the desire for the major findings of the research to provide similar conclusions. Therefore, in order to achieve consistency at the highest possible level, an inter-coder reliability method was used. This was accomplished by reading the rules to the second coder with examples and decision-making instructions for overlapping themes. The 12 themes were written down as a visual reference. The sample selection process yielded a dataset of 568 songs (n= 568). Of these 568 songs, a systematic random sample of every 50 th
song was selected for analysis. The lyrics from these songs were printed out and read from rapgenius.com for the second coder. The first coder had already read and listened to the same lyrics. If the lyrics were not available or the song was released prior to 2004 and could not be accessed, the next song on the list was used.
This resulted in 11 song lyrics assessed by the second coder. He was then asked which theme best fit each song. In ten instances, the second coder chose the same theme that the first coder had already selected for that song therefore, suggesting reliability.
The percentage of agreement was calculated as: the number of units of coding on which the coder agrees, divided by the total number of units of coding, multiplied by 100

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(Schreier, 2012). The coefficient of agreement over 12 categories was 91%. The percentage of agreement is more impressive given the higher number of categories available from which to choose. According to Schreier (2012), the reason for disagreement among coders must be considered when testing for reliability. She suggests that the coding frame be revised if the coder reported uncertainty in selecting which code to assign. However, she also recommends that if the coder is fatigued or differed in interpretation of the material, the coding frame would not need to be revised. It is believed that the second coder did not choose the same theme due to a misinterpretation of the song’s lyrics. The second coder believed that the song’s reference to killing had implied violence. A closer look at the lyrics however, reveals that the rap artist was suggesting metaphorically killing his artistic competition. Therefore, the appropriate theme for this song was respect, not violence. The second coder did not report being conflicted when selecting categories. This happened in only one case.
The coding frame that was used can be consistently applied but it is equally important to determine the validity of the research. Kraska and Neuman (2012) note that validity in qualitative research means truthfulness. The essence of validity is the accurate interpretation of meaning. They suggest that accuracy of the research adheres to the core principle of being truthful and avoiding false accounts. The phrases of categories for the themes in rap were clear and direct with concrete indicators and examples provided with definitions. Furthermore, the categories remained consistent throughout the study and their meaning never changed.

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According to Babbie (2007), construct validity is based on the logical relationship among variables. The research on rap and The Code relies upon construct validity. It successfully developed a theoretical expectation for the relationship between two variables. The method of research has true validity as rap reports consistency to The
Code.
Limitations
There are limitations to performing a sampling strategy for an unknown population size that changes overtime. However, the method of data collection provides a substantial representation of Pandora’s music taxonomy. This does not necessarily mean that the songs on Pandora are a true representation of rap. Pandora only plays the music it chooses and the catalog is restricted to the Internet radio station’s specific guidelines. The songs that are available for play on Pandora underwent a process of face validity analysis in order to decide to which category each song belonged. There are many potential problems with Pandora’s music selection process including the elimination of songs that do not belong to its tonal characteristic categories.
Furthermore, songs to be played on Pandora must be presented to the Internet radio station in order to be reviewed and played. This means that a song will not make it on
Pandora unless it has a music entity or label to support the use of the song. However, while these concerns may be perceived as shortcomings, they do not represent a deficiency.
At first, the songs appeared to be played at random, but over time, and as the researcher became more aware and sophisticated, it was acknowledged that the beat and

65 style of the music changed, and the lyrics were more difficult to categorize using the researcher’s resources. This suggests the possibility of having accessed a less mainstream rap catalog but this is difficult to prove and will be addressed later.
Furthermore, the music’s discography and lyrics became less obvious using Pandora but this pattern was never originally documented as part of the coding frame. A restriction in interpreting rap lyrics using qualitative content analysis is in not being able to represent the beat and feeling of a song. Another limitation of the research is that only two of the seven days in a week were targeted for the purpose of content analysis. The potential for gathering different songs on other days was lost upon the data that were collected on
Wednesdays and Saturdays only.
The literature review significantly influenced the research question but some of the information has been published earlier. Rose (2008) argues that the vision of hip-hop in the early 1990s no longer dominates the airwaves or is as popular today. Furthermore, the research does not include songs that were released prior to 2004 because of suggestions about the significance of the Internet, however, the use of Anderson’s code to interpret the meaning of these songs is still valuable. There is no evidence to suggest that the changes in popular culture greatly affects The Code.
According to Keyes (2002), most social scientists would agree that the identity of the researcher affects the outcome of the fieldwork experience. The researcher can assume the role of an outsider or insider by investigating a group of people from a different or similar cultural background. Keyes (2002) argues that having an insider perspective is the most often preferred method by social scientists. Whether an insider or

66 outsider, there are a variety of personal, social, and political constraints (Keyes, as cited in Burnim, 1985). The research will not use the same fieldwork that is referred to however, a review of the literature on African-American history and the attempt to interpret rap lyrics using The Code, would qualify the researcher as an outsider.
Not all songs on Pandora’s “Rap Radio” station were songs about The Code.
Four themes were discovered in rap lyrics during content analysis as: dance, partying, relationship problems, and female dismemberment. These themes were not considered to be associated with Anderson’s (1999) code and are assigned “0”. According to Holman
(1984), rap was initially associated with dance music but it no longer holds the same appeal for the evolving hip-hop culture as it did for club goers (as cited in Forman, 2002).
Rap about a specific dance move or dancing in a club were categorized as having a dance theme and not a part of The Code
Descriptively, Table 1 shows the coding assignment of the 568 songs sampled beginning randomly on Wednesday, November 13 th
, 2013 and ending on Saturday,
December 14 th
, 2013 during the prescribed sampling frame. Of these, 18 were coded as
“N/A”, 108 as “0” and 442 as “1”. This means that 18 were not included in the analysis as they had release dates prior to 2004. Of the 550 songs that were analyzed with a release date on or after 2004, 19.6% (n=108) were coded “0” meaning they did not belong to The Code and 80.4% (n=442) were coded “1” meaning they did reflect The
Code. Tables 2 and 3 separate codes “1” and “0” by theme and calculates the total for each category.

Table 1
Total number of songs and codes by date
Date Total # of Songs Code “N/A”
11.13.13
11.16.13
11.20.13
58
52
57
4
4
4
11.23.13
11.27.13
11.30.13
12.4.13
56
57
58
57
0
2
0
2
12.7.13
12.11.13
12.14.13
Total
59
57
57
568
1
0
1
18
550
Table 2
Code “0” No Code “1” Yes
16 38
11
6
37
47
12
12
13
10
44
43
45
45
10
11
7
108
108/550
48
46
49
442
442/550
11.13
11.16
11.20
11.23
11.27
11.30
12.4
12.7
12.11
12.14
Total
Total number of themes coded as “1” by date
Date
2013
Respect
18
17
20
26
22
19
19
27
22
28
218
Violence
4
1
4
4
4
4
3
3
2
4
33
Retaliation Family
2
2
1
0
2
1
1
3
2
1
15
&
Gangs
1
4
3
0
5
1
1
0
2
2
19
Rampant
Drug Use
3
2
4
7
9
7
3
2
5
4
46
Staging
Area
Mating
Game
6
1
2
3
1
2
2
26
4
3
2
2
4
3
6
2
5
4
4
9
5
44
Hope
4
4
10
2
3
4
4
3
4
3
41
67

68
Table 3
Total number of themes coded as “0” by date
Date Dance Partying
11.13.13
11.16.13
11.20.13
11.23.13
11.27.13
11.30.13
12.4.13
12.7.13
12.11.13
12.14.13
Total
2
2
0
0
18
2
3
2
2
4
1
4
1
3
4
33
4
2
4
8
2
1
Relationship
Problems
2
4
1
0
1
2
1
1
0
3
15
Female
Dismemberment
4
1
3
4
6
6
2
5
7
4
42
Table 2 indicates that for the songs reporting as “1” or yes The Code is present, respect was the most often reported theme with 218 out of 442 or 49.3% total followed by rampant drug use, mating game, hope, violence, staging area, family and gangs, and retaliation. Table 3 shows that female dismemberment was the highest theme coded as
“0” or no the code is not present, followed by themes about partying, dance and relationship problems. When Tables 2 and 3 are combined, respect is still the most frequently coded theme followed by rampant drug use and the mating game. Female dismemberment is fourth overall, coded as “0”, with rap themes about hope following closely behind. Partying and violence have an equal number of reports. Staging area, family and gangs, dance, relationship problems, and retaliation are less frequent with totals under 30. Figure 1 shows all 12 themes combined in relation to one another excluding songs coded as “N/A”.

69
250
200
150
100
50
0
Code "0"
Code "1"
Themes
Figure 1 . Themes by code and number of songs.
As seen in Figure 1, all categories of rap reached a number below 50 reports other than respect. In fact, respect can be seen as having more than quadrupled the reports of rampant drug use, the second highest theme. Table 1 shows that there were more songs coded as “1”, Table 2 demonstrates the amount of songs coded as “1” or yes within each theme and Table 3 indicates there were less songs coded as “0” or no. Figure 1 shows the significance of respect as the primary theme in rap lyrics. Furthermore, it suggests that the number of songs coded as “0” were similar to the number of songs coded as “1” when the category of respect is excluded.
It is unknown whether or not these data offer different types of rap, either mainstream or underground, on the weekday, weekend, or at different times of the day.
No matter, all songs were categorized as rap, as defined by the data source. Table 4 shows the data collected on Wednesdays in comparison to Saturdays and Table 5

70 analyzes the morning, afternoon, evening, and late night patterns for each theme. Table 4 indicates there were no noticeable changes in the rap that Pandora played on a weekday as opposed to a weekend. Of the 550 songs given a theme and belonging to either code
“1” or “0”, 49.82% (n=274) were found on five Wednesdays and 50.18% (n=276) on five
Saturdays. Although some themes such as relationship problems and family and gangs varied, the overall experience is an even representation of rap played during the week.
Table 5 indicates the same, with a range of 143 to 133 total songs in all themes and no noticeable variations during the day.
Table 4
Data comparison for each theme on Wednesdays and Saturdays
Theme
Respect
Violence
Retaliation
Family & Gangs
Rampant Drug Use
Staging Area
Mating Game
Hope
Dance
Partying
Relationship Problems
Female Dismemberment
Total
Wednesdays Saturdays
101 117
17
8
12
23
15
20
23
8
18
5
24
274
16
7
7
23
11
24
18
10
15
10
18
276

Table 5
Data comparison for each theme during the day
Theme Morning Afternoon Evening Late Night
Respect
Violence
Retaliation
Family & Gangs
Rampant Drug Use
Staging Area
54
4
1
8
9
10
50
9
2
2
14
9
54
11
7
5
9
5
60
9
5
4
14
2
Mating Game
Hope
Dance
Partying
Relationship Problems
Female Dismemberment
Total
14
7
7
15
4
10
143
9
14
3
9
1
14
136
9
11
5
2
5
10
133
12
9
3
7
5
8
138
The last concern of the analysis involves the noticeable change in the style and beat of rap towards the last days of the listening period. This shift indicates an entry into the underground rap market because the mainstream songs were being told; “I’m tired of this track”, meaning they had already been heard. Figures 2 through 6 explore the possibility that this shift can be traced without having originally documented the change when it was observed. The data suggest that the music did in fact change as suspected.
71

30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Date of Listening
Figure 2 . Pattern of song categories coded as “1” over time.
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
Date of Listening
Figure 3 . Pattern of song categories coded as “0” over time.
Respect
Violence
Retaliation
Family & Gangs
Rampant Drug Use
Staging Area
Mating Game
Hope
Dance
Partying
Relationship Problems
Female Dismemberment
72

73
20
15
10
30
25
Respect
Violence
Retaliation
Family & Gangs
5
Rampant Drug Use
0
0 2 4 6
Number of Days
8 10
Figure 4 . Linear trend line for code “1” over time.
10
7
6
5
4
9
8
3
2
1
0
0 2 4 6
Number of Days
8 10
Violence
Retaliation
Family & Gangs
Rampant Drug Use
Staging Area
Mating Game
Hope
Figure 5 . A closer look of the linear trend for code “1” without respect.
In Figures 4 and 5, the categories of songs in respect, rampant drug use and the mating game increased while retaliation and violence remained constant. Hope exhibited a significant decline as well as family and gangs, also trended downward. Figure 6 below, indicates that all categories that were not representative of The Code, had

decreased in frequency over time except for female dismemberment which reports an upward trend
4
3
2
6
5
9
8
7
1
0
0 2 4 6
Number of Days
Figure 6 . Linear trend line for code “0” over time.
8 10
Dance
Partying
Relationship Problems
Female Dismemberment
74

75
Chapter 5
Conclusion
Rap can be confusing to mainstream listeners but it is the usual vernacular in the inner-city. The controversy in rap is related to the conflict that arises when subgroups interact with the dominant culture; both are protective of their rules and codes. The Code dictates the rules of the inner-city that can be defined by twelve distinct categories.
These rules, as well as other themes that can be found in rap, were analyzed in many songs on an Internet radio station. According to Anderson (1999), respect is the heart of
The Code.
In this exploratory research, respect was found to be the heart of assessed rap music. Most rap lyrics contained a street code element that is frequently found in the category of respect and increased in the underground market. The analysis supports this theory. The twelve concepts defined in the methodology section as being areas of interest developed its focus on the core category of respect. The theory suggests a rate of reoccurrence in respect and rap that is supported by the data. Furthermore, the theory relies significantly on Anderson’s (1999) understanding of The Code as well as what is said about culture conflict theory (Sellin, 1938) that explains why The Code exists in the first place.
The implications for the research suggest a pattern of themes and language in rap that is understood by all audiences. The concern in the literature has been for youth who frequently listen to rap and are influenced by its messages. However, the rate of songs
(nearly half) that are categorized as elements of respect, having influence on youth, to

76 pursue respect by either commanding or campaigning for it, is not a recommendation for future research. Rather, rap’s meaning is representative of The Code. This means that the messages conveyed in rap are the hidden transcripts of the inner-city by 80.4%.
Inner-city residents are already practicing The Code therefore rap artists will convey this in their lyrics. Rap having any kind of influence on audiences that are not subscribers of
The Code is not verified.
Future research should examine the twelve categories of The Code more closely.
When coding for categories under respect, future research may wish to separate respect as either being commanded or campaigned for. This research only identified rap that referenced respect but a continuation of this qualitative design could include more categories. For example, if a rap artist references money, cars and clothes, but having to steal it, the song would be categorized as respect by campaigning for it. This is different from an artist suggesting they already have these things and command others to take notice. The different types of retaliation were discussed and could be broken down as more categories of The Code. Further, the relay of hope that is lost versus hope that remains in a song would be an interesting distinction to make for future research on rap lyrics.

Appendix A
Codebook and Data
77