1
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
In recent years, colleges and universities have committed to diversifying their
student bodies; however, efforts to achieve similar success when it comes to diversifying
faculty at best are substandard (Epps, 1989; Frierson, 1994; James & Farmer, 1993;
Ladson-Billings, 1994; Moses, 1989; Taylor, 2000). The recruitment and retention of
faculty of color1 remains one of the most difficult challenges facing American higher
education (Blackwell, 1988; Holland, 1989; Sorcinelli & Billings, 1992; Taylor, 1999;
2000). The teaching profession continues to reflect a predominately-White2 faculty
(Broido, 2004; Cochran-Smith, 2000; Gay, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1994; Vacarr, 2001;
Taylor, 1998). Because the majority of students in California four-year institutions are of
ethnic background, this is an issue. Despite three decades of affirmative action efforts,
and even before the current recession, California State University (CSU) system3
continues to struggles with recruiting and retaining ethnic minority faculty.
Due to the underrepresentation of African American4 faculty in academia,
researchers have focused more on the recruitment aspect. More specifically, the literature
addresses and documents the obstacles faced by African American faculty in colleges that
have predominantly- White faculty. This body of research has significantly grown
1
Faculty of color refers to members whose racial and ethnic background is African American, Hispanic,
Asian American, or Native American (ACE Status Report, 2006).
2
White refers to a racial group of people having light skin, one of European origin.
3
California State University (CSU) system includes all 23 campuses throughout California.
4
African American and Black is used interchangeably throughout this document, as the research is
specifically looking at African descent born in other countries, and Black American females of African
descent born in the US.
2
(Bennett, 2007; Broido, 2004; Cochran-Smith, 2000; Gay, 2000; Howard, 2006; LadsonBillings, 1994; Rockquemore, & Laszloffy, 2008; Sue, 2005; Taylor, 1998; Vacarr,
2001). Although the literature on Black female faculty remains relatively minimal, the
dialogue of these female faculty continues to receive less attention (Howard-Vital, 1989;
Sue, 2005). However, recent efforts (usually by African American women themselves
and other people of color) to increase the awareness of issues faced by African American
female faculty remain a priority (Carter, Pearson, & Shavlik, 1988; Exum, Menges,
Watkins, & Berglund, 1984; hooks, 1991; James & Farmer, 1993; Moses, 1989; Phillip,
1993). Specific issues examined regarding African American female faculty include
racism, sexism, isolation, alienation, tokenism, discrimination, role expectations,
unsupportive environments, lack of mentoring, networking opportunities, tenure and
promotion issues, and difficulties in conducting research (Carter, et al).
Statement of the Problem
This research project serves multiple purposes. First, it is hoped that White faculty
and administrators have a better understanding of the salient factors (through the
literature and narratives presented in chapter four) which affect the success of African
American women at four-year institutions that have a predominantly White faculty.
Additionally, it is the researcher's expectation that university policies is looked at more
closely to provide greater opportunities for African American female recruitment,
promotions, and tenure. Secondly, this study provides an account of the historical nature
of race, class, and gender that help shape the roles of African American women in
academia (Collins, 1990; Gregory, 1995). Further, it reveals how Black women discuss
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issues of race, class, and gender affecting their overall academic experiences and
perceptions. Thirdly, it is the hope of the researcher that African American doctoral
candidates and faculty will persevere at four-year institutions. Finally, this study will
investigate, describe, and analyze the experiences of African American women faculty in
diverse ranks and departments. These accounts will provide a resource from which to
assess the strengths and limitations of the existing recruitment and retention procedures
and policy.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore the phenomenon of Black female faculty
recruitment and retention experiences in higher education. The literature (Kezar & Eckel,
2002; Kuh & Whitt, 1988; Schein, 1992; Tierney, 1988; Wong & Tierney, 2001)
suggests that institutional leaders would be more successful in facilitating changes at their
institutions if they had a better understanding of the challenges and barriers faced by
people of color, more specifically African American women faculty. Therefore, to guide
this study, two theories Black Feminist Thought (BFT) and Critical Race Theory (CRT)
are used.
Based on findings of prior studies (Collins, 1990; Etter-Lewis, 1993; Fleming, Gill &
Swinton, 1978; Hemphreys, 1998; Kozol, 1991; Miller & Vaughn, 1997; Thompson &
Dey, 1998; Stanley, 2006; Stanley, Porter, Simpson, & Ouellett, 2003; Turner, 1999;
Turner, Myers, Creswell, 2007; Webb & Norton, 2008) regarding the recruitment and
tenure of African American women faculty. To guide this study the following research
questions are used:
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1. What are the perceptions and experiences of the recruitment process of African
American women faculty?
2. What are the experiences of African American/Black female faculty who went
through the Recruitment Retention and Promotion (RTP)5 process.
3. What factors contribute to the successful retention, tenure, and promotion process
(RTP) for Black female faculty?
A qualitative research was design and chosen to address these research questions, as a
mean to surface understandings about processes through which individuals achieve their
intentions in particular contexts (Hatch, 2002).
Nature of the Study
This researcher finds it rhetorical to voice that all aspects of research on Black
women faculty are important; however, this research will focus on issues that affect the
Recruitment and Retention, Promotion and Tenure (RPT) of African American women
faculty. Examples such as, institutional racism, lack of support systems, mentoring,
pipeline issues, benefits of hiring and retaining Black female faculty, and the leadership
perspective to the recruitment, retention and tenure of these faculty. Discussions on hiring
for diversity, specifically African American women met with a significant degree of
resistance from White faculty traditionally (Allen, 2000; Howard, 2006; Tatum, 1997;
Thompson, 2004). In many cases, this relates to the inevitable discomfort of confronting
white privilege6 (Harris & Schaupp, 2004; Howard, 2006; Tatum, 1997). Additionally, in
order for faculty to become more diverse, a discussion to confront subtle inequalities
5
6
Recruitment Retention and Promotion as defined by the CSU system is the process of
White privilege is referred to Europeans who receive benefits based on their race alone (Tim Wise, 2010).
5
ingrained within societal institutions that favor the dominant culture will be explored
(Howard, 2006; Kozol, 1991; Vacarr, 2001). This process often questions the ideal of the
United States as a just society where success is base solely on an individual’s effort
(Bennett, 2007; Delpit, 1995; Howard, 2006; McIntosh, 2005; Tatum, 1997). Examining
such, an idea is challenging and uncomfortable but if ignored or minimized, it could lead
to a color-blind7 approach to institutional culture could occur (Harris & Schaupp, 2004;
Howard, 2006; Laubscher & Powell, 2003; Neuwirth, 2003). By placing the Black
women’s experiences as the center of analysis, it offers fresh insights on the prevailing
concepts, paradigms, and epistemologies of their worldview, and its feminist8 critiques.
Viewing the world through both a conceptual lens of simultaneously of race, class, and
gender oppression, and the need for a humanist vision of community creates new
possibilities for an empowering Black feminist knowledge9. Many Black feminist10 have
thought about the world in this way because it is the way they experience it
Theoretical Frameworks
There are several theories developed and utilized to give respect and voice to
women and people of color (Alfred, 2001; DeVault, 1999; Hill Collins, 2000; Josselson,
1996; Magolda, 1992; Rosenau, 1992). The theories used to create the theoretical
framework for this dissertation include a synthesis of combined contextual frameworks.
Color-blind refers to the perception that a person’s skin color is not seen (Herring, 2004, Wise, 2008).
Feminist refers to women taking a stand against the subordinate interest of men to obtain equity in
academia.
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Black feminist knowledge refers to the everyday, taken-for-granted knowledge shared by members of a
group, ideas expressed by Ruth Shays and Annie Adams. It also encourages all Black women to create new
self-definitions that validate a Black women’s standpoint (Collins, 1989).
10
Black feminist refers to African-American women who possess some version of a feminist consciousness
(Beale 1970; hooks 1981; Barbara Smith 1983; White 1984).
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8
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The two main theories: Black Feminist Thought (BFT), used to represent the unique
voices of African American women, and Critical Race Theory (CRT), used to represent
the voices of people of color who challenge the status quo in academia.
Black Feminist Thought & Critical Race Theory
Black Feminist Thought, its evolving epistemology, along with Critical Race
Theory will frame this study (Alfred, 2001; Collins, 2000; Dill, 1994; Etter-Lewis, 1993;
Giddings, 1984; hooks, 1984; Ilhe, 1992; Lerner, 1981; 1997; Moses, 1997; Mulqueen,
1992). Black feminism is a theoretical perspective that identifies the experiences of black
women as normative, not as a derivation or variation of black male or white female
behavior (Collins, 2000). Black feminism recognize that because so many black women
experience the convergence of racism, sexism, and classism, they often have a particular
vantage point on what constitutes evidence (Collins, 2000), valid action (Welch, 1990),
and morality (Cannon, 1995).
Black Feminist Thought (BFT) is a theory that centralizes and validates the
intersecting dimensions of race and gender that add unique experiences in the lives of
African American women. Grounded in the premise is that the majority of Black women
share certain commonalities, perceptions, and experiences. The distinctness of their
worldview is due in large part to the larger sociopolitical development of American
culture (Collins, 2004; Howard-Hamilton, 2003; Smedley, 2007; Waters & Conaway,
2007; White, 2001). This sociopolitical context represents a common experience among
African American women and is one feature of their collective identity (HowardHamilton, 2003).
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According to Collins (2002), at the core of Black feminist thought is the concept
of standpoint, which suggests that the inherited struggle against racism and sexism is a
common bond among African American women. Collins contended that while all African
Americans experience racism, they do not experience and/or respond to racism in the
same way due to the diversity (i.e., class, age, religion, sexual orientation, etc.) that exist
among these women. Additionally, race and gender are internal, often in ways that
contribute to a significant portion of one’s worldview (Smedley, 2007; Zamani, 2003).
As members of two groups–African Americans and women– who have been historically
oppressed and marginalized, their unique voice offers important insight into the needs
and aspirations of this group (Collins, 2004; Simien, 2006).
Collins (2000) expressed four themes inherent within Black feminist thought. The
first theme, “the lived experience as a criterion of meaning” (p. 266), refers to the
knowledge Black women gain resulting from their life experiences. The next theme, “the
use of dialogue” (p. 266), suggests the importance of establishing bonds and relationships
since oppressive and contentious events are seldom solved in isolation. The “ethic of
caring theme” (p. 266) incorporates the use of expressiveness, emotion, and empathy as a
means for greater understanding of the Black woman’s unique experiences. Recognizing
that personal values influence knowledge, the fourth theme, the “ethic of personal
accountability” (p. 266) refers to knowledge claims that lack objectivity. The expression
of these themes by Black women may vary given differences in class, region, age,
ethnicity, and sexual orientation that influence the lives of these women
individualistically.
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Critical Race Theory promotes the voices of people of color who analyze the
dominant social order, and allows the revisit of civil rights law to address their inability
to eradicate negative sociopolitical relationships (Delgado, 2001; Ladson-Billings & Tate
IV, 1995). Based on the tenets of Critical Race Theory the analysis is guided by (a) race
or ethnicity as central to the consideration or interpretation of the research problem; and
(b) the research problem as grounded in equity in academia. This is largely because while
all may be Black and a woman, each woman will have a predisposition predicated on her
own level of consciousness and experience.
In this study, Critical Race Theory is an avenue used to inform individual thinking
and research activity. As a result, narratives and testimonies of Black female faculty are
valued as key sources of data via Critical Race Theory. Listening seriously involves an
ability to make connections between ‘‘traditional’’ community values and those of larger
societal institutions like higher education. As an alternative way of viewing educational
institutions and the difficulties of African American women within these institutions,
Critical Race Theory is applied to the research (Delgado, 2001; Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995). Critical Race Theory will confront and challenge traditional views of education in
regards to issues of meritocracy, and equal opportunity (Delgado Bernal, 2002; Solorzano
& Yosso, 2001a; Villalpando, 2003). The researcher intends to utilize Critical Race
Theory explicitly toward elimination of the influences racism, and sexism has in the lives
of Black women faculty (Delgado Bernal & Villalpando, 2002; Solorzano & Yosso,
2001b). Lastly, Critical Race Theory will address the Civil Rights issues of African
9
American women faculty. Being, it is oriented toward an articulation of race issues along
a ‘‘black-white’’ binary (much the way Brown vs. Board of Education is).
Definition of Terms
Below are key terms and definitions commonly used in the literature, and appear
throughout the narrative regarding African American women faculty. Other definitions
are from the current higher education literature on faculty diversity, institutional culture,
and change.
African American – Black Americans or of African ancestry.
Diversity – encompasses complex differences within the campus community and
individuals who compose that community, which includes intersecting dimensions of
human identity as race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, gender, sexual orientation,
class, age, and ability (Smith, et al. 1997).
Change – a natural part of human or organizational development. Change occurs
because individuals see a need to grow, learn, and change their behavior. Change within
an organization entails alteration of values, beliefs, myths, and rituals (Schein, 1992).
Culture – the distinctive way of life within a social group, including their
customary beliefs, values, and practices (Jindra, 2007).
Faculty of Color – members whose racial and ethnic background is African
American, Hispanic, Asian American, or Native American (ACE Status Report, 2006). In
the context of this study, however, the term is solely used in reference to African
American women faculty due to the study’s focus.
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Institutional Racism - policies, practices and ‘culture’ of an organization operates
in ways that disadvantage ethnic/ minority students, staff and faculty (Jones, 2005;
Rangasamy, 2004).
Institutional Transformations - The term describes major change at higher
education institutions – change that is deep, pervasive, and cultural and that occurs over
time (Eckel & Kezar, 2003).
Minorities – for the purpose of this study, the term minorities refers to individuals
of African American descent who, relative to the total U.S. population, have been
historically underrepresented in various facets of public life and, in particular, in higher
education.
Race and Ethnicity – a socially constructed concept with changing boundaries;
influenced by laws, history, emotions, and politics (Komives & Woodard, 2003).
Racism – defined as the belief that people of different races have different
qualities and abilities, and that some races are inherently superior or inferior. However,
the diversity literature defines racism as a system of advantage based on race or societal
advantages based on race (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). Racism can include personal acts of
discrimination as well as living in a manner that oppresses others (Bonilla-Silva, 2006).
White privilege – White privilege comprises a number of unearned and often
unrecognized assets that belong to individuals born into the dominant culture in such
areas as language, religion, and education (McIntosh, 2005; Rothenberg, 2005).
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Limitations and Assumptions
This is an in-depth qualitative study limited to seven black female faculty from
one California State University in Northern California (CSU). While the women’s
narratives may provide insight into the academic experiences of other Black female
faculty in similar settings, they should not be perceived as representations or explanations
to the experiences of all African American women in educational institutions where
faculty are predominantly White. Their stores may or may not represent experiences that
other African American women have encountered, yet they are the realities of the women
the researcher interviewed, as they presented them and as the researcher perceived them.
One inherent assumption in this study is that many African Americans students
have had black faculty role models in California State University and therefore have been
encouraged to pursue graduate education leading to professoriate. A second assumption is
that Black women faculty must overcome more barriers than Whites (in general) to
advance in academic settings. The final assumption is that the combination of these two
factors places black women in a challenging position because of their race and gender.
An advantage of this small sample is that the researcher was able to use in-depth
qualitative interviews. This is especially important since in-depth data enabled the
researcher to observed how factors such as, race, gender, and academia settings
interacted.
The researchers’ intent is to generate themes and trends from this data. The small
size of this sample makes it difficult to generate broad trends. Instead, the researcher tries
to raise themes and issues, which can serve as a springboard for future research.
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Merriman (1988) argue that the intent of qualitative research is not to generalize findings,
but to form a unique interpretation of events. Therefore, the researchers hope is that the
resulting knowledge will assist search committees, Appointment, Retention, Tenure and
Promotion (ARTP11) committees, administrators, stakeholders, and other constituents
interested in encouraging more African Americans to continue in higher education and
pursue a career as a professor. This study should also contribute to the body of literature
that addresses some of the barriers that prevent women from pursuing a career in
academia. Thus, as suggested by Turner, this research should encourage further studies
on African American female faculty and other underrepresented groups (Turner, 2000).
Significance of the Study
Historically, only a select number of African American women were permitted on
the campus of White colleges and universities as faculty and administrative staff
(Fleming, Gill & Swinton, 1978). Today, while the numbers have increased in all areas
and levels of the academy; a low representation of Black women in faculty positions
when compared to other groups in higher education still remain (Collins, 1990;
Thompson & Dey, 1998; Turner, Myers, Creswell, 2007).
Several researchers agree that diversifying the faculty enhances the learning
experiences of all students (Antonio, 2002; Fagin, 2008; Orfield, 1999; Turner, 2006).
Faculty at CSU must reflect the diversity of its attending students. The population of
students attending the system-wide CSU is: 433,054, the breakdown of student ethnicity
is: African American 24,614 (5.7%); American Indian 2,373 (0.5%; Asian American
11
ARTP is the acronym for California State University Appointment, Retention, Tenure and Promotion
13
53,445 (12.3%; Mexican American 78,578 (18.1%); Other Latino 30,615 (7.1%; Pacific
Islander 2,598 (0.6%); White 152,619 (35.2%); Unknown 50,584 (11.7%). The total
number of faculty within the CSU system fall 2009 was 21,384 (48.2). The ethnic makeup of faculty is Native American 68 (0/6%); Other/Unknown 401 (3.4%); African
American 463 (4%); Latino/Hispanic 958 (8.2%); Asian American 1782 (15.2%); and
White 8,036 (68.6%) (CSU Chancellors Human Resources). Briefly viewing the
statistics, suggest action needs to be taken to ensure that divers students have a diverse
faculty. One action that addresses the issue is the recruitment and retention of African
American faculty.
The researcher selected this research topic because of the small percentage of
African American female faculty at Northern California State University (NCSU), as
illustrated in Chapter 3 of this study. In addition, the research has shown that the presence
of faculty of color on college campuses is crucial to the recruitment and retention of
students of color (Blackwell, 1988; Hall & Allen, 1983; Milem, Chang, & Antonio, 2005;
Smith, 1994; Smith et al., 1997). Milem, Chang, and Antonio (2005) state, “Students are
aware when there is a discrepancy in diversity between the faculty and student bodies on
campus, and failure to actively and publicly pursue a more diverse faculty sends a
message of insincere commitment to diversity” (p. 24), and most of the 23 CSU
campuses have a diversity statement. The presence of faculty of color not only benefits
students of color, but the entire campus community by exposing it to diverse experiences,
viewpoints, and opinions (Green, 1989; Harvey & Scott-Jones, 1985; Tack & Patitu,
1992; Turner, 2003).
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This study will increase the knowledge of educational administration who works
in the K-12 schools and community college. In addition, California State University
future doctoral students interested in the professoriate and/or transformational change in
secondary and postsecondary institutions.
Because the contributions of faculty from varied racial and ethnic backgrounds
are central to the overall missions of the academy, from a scholarly perspective, this
research will contribute to the field of education administration in California (Turner,
2003), and having faculty members that are fully representative of the racial/ethnic
makeup of society.
Because of the current need to recruit and retain administrators who are
transformational leaders, this study has practical application for administration leaders in
K-12, community college, and higher education. In addition, educational administrations
can improve their professional development in terms of diversity, recruitment, and
retention strategies, which are more likely to see their profession as an agent of societal
change and improvement. Findings from Antonio’s (2002) study in particular show that
faculty of color are stronger advocates for expanding the teaching role of the
professoriate and more supportive of a holistic educational approach. The expectation is
that this study will serve several purposes. First, this study will contribute to the literature
on Black female faculty. Secondly, it is expected that administrators and faculty on hiring
and RTP committees can comprehend the salient factors that affect the success of African
American women faculty and act accordingly, so that they can be recruited, promoted,
tenured, and acquire full professorships. Lastly, hopefully African American female
15
faculty members will be encouraged to preserver since they have so much to offer to the
teaching, scholarship and service to California State University. These issues are
important considering the number of Black female faculty is decreasing every year at
NCSU (see chapter 3).
Organization of Dissertation
Chapter 1 presents the background, research problem, significance of the study,
and research questions. Chapter 2 provides significant documentation on the history of
African American female faculty in academia using black feminist thought, and Critical
Race Theory as a lens when conceptualizing the study. Additionally, chapter 2 provides
documentation of ways in which issues of institutional racism and marginalization can
manifest as unintended barriers in the recruitment and retention processes. The concept of
mentorship and having support systems in place; as well as providing opportunities for
leadership positions are proposed as important for African American female faculty
(Benjamin, 1997; Buttner, Holly, Kevin, Billings-Harris, 2007; Hughes, 2001; Lindsay,
1994; Murrell, Crosby, & Ely, 1999; Oyewumi, 2003; Williams, 2001; Woods, 2001,
Singh, Robinson, & Williams-Green, 1995; Whetsel-Ribeau, 2007; Zunker, 1998).
Chapter 3 describes the qualitative research methodology. Chapter 4 presents
narratives of the personal experiences of Black female faculty at CSU, and interpretation
of results. Chapter 5 provides the summary, discussion, and implications of the study.
Following Chapter 5 are the appendices and references.
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Chapter 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
The purpose of this study is to explore the phenomenon of Black female faculty
recruitment and retention experiences in higher education. This study has the following
objectives, first, to bring greater awareness of the underrepresentation of African
American women at colleges and universities, their recruitment and retention experiences
at academic institutions where faculty are predominantly White. Further concern is the
lack of policy and procedural knowledge, and support during the tenure process for
African American female faculty. These accounts will provide a summary from which
university administrators can assess current recruitment practices. Even though
professional literature historically examined these issues, they have not offered successful
strategies or remedies implemented as noted by the current faculty ethnic demographics
listed below.
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCIS)12 (2010) in the
fall of 2007, only 7% of college and university faculty were Black, 6% were
Asian/Pacific Islander, 4% were Hispanic, and 1 percent were American Indian/Alaska
Native. Eighty (80) percent of all faculty were White; 43% were White males and 36
percent were White females. The above data suggest Black women continue to be
severely underrepresented in faculty positions within the academy. Despite three decades
12
The National Center for Education Statistics (NCIS). The U.S. Department of Education (2010). Digest
of Education Statistics, 2009 (NCES 2010-013). Retrieved July 2010 from:
http://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=61
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of affirmative action efforts, institutions of higher education continue to struggle with the
challenge of recruiting and retaining African American women faculty. Several writers
(Gregory, 2000; Smith, 1999; Turner, 2002) have attributed the absence of the African
American female academician perspective in higher education to her dual identity as a
member of a racially oppressed group and as a woman. For example, although all women
have benefited from affirmative action, White American women have been the major
beneficiaries in the areas of employment, particularly in higher education institutions
(Bell & Nkomo, 2001; Ladson-Billings, 2000).
The literature on diversity in higher education stresses that an increase in diversity
can only be achieved if deep, transformational change occurs at the institution (Chang, &
Antonio, 2005; Hale, 2004; Milem, Williams, Berger, & McClendon, 2005). Kezar and
Eckel (2002) describe this type of change as being pervasive, affecting numerous offices
and units across the institution. The researchers above note that it is “deep, touching upon
values, beliefs, and structures. It is intentional and occurs over time” (p. 44). Brayboy
(2003) states “to advance the agenda of diversity, institutions that truly value diversity
must move toward considering ‘wholesale’ changes in their underlying structures and
day-to-day activities, especially if they are truly committed to refocusing the historical
legacies of institutional and societal racisms that pervade colleges and universities” (p.
74).
Historical Overview of African American Females in Higher Education
African American women have been participants in higher education for more
than a century. However, they continue to be seriously underrepresented among faculty
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ranks. African American female faculty in the United States only account for 2.5%
(14,562) of the 590,937 full-time instructional faculty in degree-granting institutions
(Patitu & Hinton, 2003). Only 0.2% of African American women faculty are full
professors, 0.4% are associate professors, 0.7% are assistant professors and 0.5% are
instructors (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2002). Although, the numbers of
African American women assistant professors have increased in recent years; they are
promoted at a slower rate and paid less than their White American male and female
counterparts (Gregory, 1995; Turner, 2003). Thus, it appears that the "open doors"
promised to African American women faculty by means of affirmative action may
actually be revolving or closed doors (Smith, 1999). Some studies have identified racism,
and sexism, and the impact of these and other issues on the lives and work of African
American women (Allen, et al., 2002; Delgado-Romero, Howard-Hamilton, and
Vandiver, 2003; Jackson, 2001; Myers, 2002).
Racism and Sexism
Racism and sexism intertwined with the challenge of having to prove oneself. For
the African American female faculty member these "isms" can affect various areas such
as her perceived credibility; her perceived competence as a professor and researcher; her
teaching experiences, assignments, and evaluations; her perceived interpersonal skills;
and her perceived decision-making skills. Thus, in addition to facing the routine
challenges and pressures of the academic environment an African American female
faculty member must also deal with the racist and sexist behavior and attitudes of
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colleagues and students (Andrews, 1993; hooks, 1991; Howard-Vital, 1989; Moses,
1989).
As mentioned above, perhaps the most jutting theme in the literature on African
American women faculty is their undervalued presence in the classroom. Generally, all
women faculty often receive unequal treatment from students. However, recent studies
(Brown & William-White, 2010; Smith, 2008) have documented that some White
American college students perceive African American women professors to be
incompetent and feel at liberty to challenge their research. Figures in studies indicate that
sexism and racism are among the reasons women do not achieve career success in
academe (Atwater, 1995; Phillip, 1993; Taylor, 1999). Phillip (1993) remarks: "If the
road to tenure is rough for all women, it is particularly bumpy for women of color" (p.
42). Pope and Joseph (1997) in their study of student harassment of female faculty cited
the following observation by an African American female professor that illustrated this
predisposition:
After reading his grade, the student lunged out of his seat, threw the chair on its
side, and shouted very loudly, "I don't want that grade. You can't teach. I'm going
to see that you don't get tenure." He then stormed out of the room. The matter was
reported to the dean, who simply shook his head, implying that boys will be boys.
This was a horrible experience for me (p. 252).
The results from Pope and Joseph's research revealed that African American women
faculty often receives derisive student evaluations and verbal assaults from their students.
Some of the verbal comments have included, "Bitch, go back to Africa," "Black bitch,"
and "You are here only because of Affirmative Action." hooks (2000) and Robinson
(1997) cogently described this phenomenon as a construct of White supremacy in that
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some White American students only see race and inferiority when they receive
instruction from African American female academics. As well, recent studies (Gregory,
1997; Turner & Myers, 2000) have affirmed that these set of unspoken and covertly
extremist standards often impede on the promotion and tenure of African American
female professors. However, another line of research, which informs my framework, is
one that focuses on the successes of African Americans in the academy and highlights
ways that scholars themselves have created just and equitable environments for one
another (Danley & Green, 2004). African American feminists have deconstructed ways
of thinking about the academy and offered strategies that work to empower African
American women (Bloom, 1998; Collins, 2000).
In her seminal book, ‘‘Teaching to Transgress,’’ bell hooks (1994) noted that in
order to create equitable environments for ourselves we need to view education as a
practice of liberation and freedom. She argued that education, as a practice of freedom,
requires educators to become self-actualized, and to reflect critically on one’s own
practice in order to understand one’s role as an educator. This is particularly important
for African American female scholars marginalized by institutional racism and sexism in
the academy because the process enables them to think critically about the role these
forces play in their lives as educators (Myers, 2002). As hooks observed, through this
self-actualization process, African American female educators may ‘‘develop important
strategies for survival and resistance that need to be shared within black communities’’
(p. 118).
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Affirmative Action
The historical factors leading to affirmative action occurred before World War II.
People of color, particularly Hispanics and African-Americans, were not attending higher
education institutions. However, by the late 1930s, there was a small group of African
Americans with doctorate degrees, 80% whom taught at one of three historically black
institutions (Atlanta, Fisk and Howard Universities). By the 1940s, only two Black
tenured faculty members at a Predominately White Institution (PWI)13 . The U.S.
Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) provided the legal basis
to institutional desegregation; yet, institutional discrimination against African Americans
continued to persist. In the 1960s, civil rights and affirmative action legislation mandated
that higher education institutions become more proactive in providing equal access to
historically underrepresented populations (Weems, 2003). The abolition of the Jim Crow
segregation laws and the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Executive Order
11246 not only opened the doors of historically white institutions to students of color
(Smith & Wolf-Wendel, 2005), but also brought new employment opportunities at
historically white institutions for faculty of color (Weems, 2003). Prior to the Civil
Rights Movement of the 1960s, African American faculty were limited to working
exclusively at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU), which at the time
played a significant role in the lives of African American students (Weems, 2003).
Proposition 209. The passing of the anti-affirmative action legislation,
Proposition 209, made it difficult to prioritize diversity hiring and it ended funding for
13
Predominately White Institution (PWI) refers to an educational institution; such as a college or university
where the majority of people (students and faculty) are White.
22
target of opportunity hires. Proposition 209 prohibited the university from using racial
and gender preferences in hiring, but federal law says the university must make goodfaith efforts to address any gap between the estimated proportion of women and
minorities in the available labor pool (CFA, 2008):
Despite the brevity of the provision, Prop 209 has created more
questions than answers. Indeed, many people assume that Prop
209 eliminated all Affirmative Action programs and that all race
or gender-conscious programs are now unlawful. That, however,
is simply not true. In fact, quite to the contrary, the CSU has an
obligation to continue its efforts to remedy the underutilization of
women and minorities in employment (p. 2).
Federal Affirmative Action is still in operation, but departments exercise a myriad
of excuses for not hiring diverse candidates, as they are often not convinced of the need
or value of diversity. According to the California Faculty Association (CFA), 2006:
Presidential Executive Order 11246 requires government contractors to take
affirmative action to ensure that equal opportunity is provided in all aspects of
employment. In order to comply with this federal mandate, each contractor must
create an “Affirmative Action Program” (AAP) so that, over time, each
contractor’s workforce will reflect the gender, racial, and ethnic profile of the
labor pools from which the contractor recruits and selects (p. 3).
Critics of affirmative action in higher education have suggested that proactive
efforts to diversify the pool of minority and women faculty members are unnecessary
and/or unfair. Evidence suggests, however, that current efforts to diversify college faculty
are, in fact, both fair, and badly needed if higher education is to adequately serve
America's current and future students (Humphreys, 2009).
Several myths about affirmative action and faculty hiring in higher education
exist. Fortunately, the California Faculty Association, a union that represents all faculty
in the CSU system, published a pamphlet which demystifies affirmative action laws. One
23
of the most prevalent barriers to progress toward a representative faculty is to recognize
and get beyond myths. Myths act as barriers to progress in hiring and promoting faculty
of color (Taylor, 1998). Affirmative action policies are still necessary to remedy past and
current discrimination, and because the current job market continue to operate based on
privilege, not meritocracy. As Wilson (1995) puts it, “Cronyism, personality conflicts,
and outright bias are present throughout academia when choices for faculty and tenure
decisions are made behind closed doors on the basis of highly subjective evaluations" (p.
142). Narrowly tailored affirmative action hiring policies are still necessary to ensure
equal treatment for women and minority candidates.
Due to the abundance of “confusion and misinformation that surrounds the issue
of Affirmative Action as it is applied to faculty hiring in higher education” (CFA, 2008,
p. 1), the California Faculty Association created a document available to faculty which
guides faculty hiring decisions without violating Proposition 209 (CFA, 2008). There are
debates surrounding the limited number of African American doctoral students in the
pool of applicants for consideration of faculty appointments.
Educational Pipeline
Over the past three decades, academia has made remarkable strides, and now
make-up a majority of college graduates, nearly half of those earning doctoral degrees.
Similar to the pattern of women in the overall population, African American women were
outpacing Black males in graduate education. Women also have made impressive gains
in faculty appointments at all ranks, growing from about one-fourth of the full-time
faculty to more than one-third (U.S. Department of Education, 2003). Despite these
24
gains, women remain underrepresented at the highest echelons of higher education.
Women make up more than one-half of instructors and lecturers and nearly one-half of
assistant professors, but they represent only one-third of associate professors and onefifth of full professors (U.S. Department of Education, 2003).
Sorcinelli and Billings (1992) studied career development of pre-tenure faculty
and reported that pre-tenure female faculty and faculty of color met additional obstacles
as they adjust to university life. Moreover, some faculty members at large research
institutions believe that female faculty members face barriers to productivity that do not
exist for male faculty members. For example, a professor at a large northeastern
university observes that, "It is very, very difficult to get published in some of the 10 to 20
journals that are considered prestigious unless you are one of the guys" (Phillip, 1993, p.
43). This may be a contributing factor for the low academic ranks in which many female
faculty find themselves. Phillip (1993) explains: "Although women have a great presence
on campus and university faculties, they remain concentrated in the lower ranks, are paid
less than men, and are less likely to receive tenure" (p. 42). Because of race, class, and
ethnicity barriers in higher education, many faculty members, administrators, and hiring
committees do not know what Black female faculty challenges are. Once those
challenges are recognized and analyzed, strategies to alleviate the barriers should be
developed.
25
Challenges Faced by African American Women Faculty
Institutional Racism
Having to prove oneself as an African American and as a woman is yet another
challenge faced by a Black female faculty member. Often connected with having to prove
oneself is the issue of competence. Typically, an African American female faculty
member has to outperform other (White) colleagues in the department just to maintain
perceived equal performance status with them. It is ironic that when an African American
female faculty member outperforms her colleagues there are ways in which those
colleagues then discount her performance. Closely intertwined are racism and sexism for
the African American female faculty member these "isms" can affect various areas such
as her perceived credibility; her perceived competence as a professor and researcher; her
teaching experiences, assignments, and evaluations; her perceived interpersonal skills;
and her perceived decision-making skills. There has not been active conversations
regarding institutional racism (Figueroa & Garcia, 2008), which can be a barrier to the
successful recruitment and retention of Black female faculty in an institution where the
faculty are predominately white.
In addition to facing the routine challenges and pressures of the academic
environment, an African American female faculty member must also deal with the racist
and sexist behavior and attitudes of colleagues and students (Andrews, 1993; hooks,
1991; Howard-Vital, 1989; Moses, 1989). In sum, the fact of the matter is, institutional
racism is structured into political and social institutions and occurs when certain groups
of people rights are limited either deliberately or indirectly (Anderson & Taylor, 2006). It
26
reflects the cultural assumptions of the dominant group, so that the practices of that group
are seen as the “normal routine” to which other cultural practices should conform
(Anderson & Taylor, 2006 Sue, 2004; 2005); therefore, racism becomes an unquestioned
practice (Sue, 2004).
Unfortunately, institutional racism exist, these informal barriers that subsist in
organizations prevent minority members from reaching higher level positions in the
system despite the civil rights movement, women’s rights movement, and affirmative
action, etc. Moreover, socializing members of the dominant culture into communities
with strong racist ideologies and a great deal of institutional racism is likely to be
personally prejudiced and routinely practice acts of individual discrimination (Bielby,
1987; Knowles & Prewitt, 1969; Miles, 1989). This is unintentionally enabling and
empowering racism by making it invisible (Sue, 2005).
Because it is intrinsically interlink to the concept of racism, as well as institutional
racism, the idea of whiteness is prevalent. White privilege reveals how unexamined
ideology and practice work together to formulate varied forms of institutional racism
(McIntosh, 2005; Wise, 2005). Historically, those who benefit directly from higher
education institutions are define as “White,” middle to upper class and male. To be the
“typical” tenured professor is by definition not to be an Asian American, Latino, African
American, or a woman. Viewed another way, the hegemonic ideology of “Whiteness” is
central in rationalizing and justifying the inequalities of race, gender, and class.
“Whiteness” becomes the very “center” of the dominant criteria for acceptance and
intellectual leadership (Perry, 2001). Many people have the idea that there is “equal
27
opportunity” and the equality policies in place benefit Blacks and minorities; however, it
is often not recognized or downplayed when it comes to the advantages, which white
people have in a university institution.
American history has shown socialization (Sedlacek & Brooks, 1976), and a host
of other variables; Blacks in America tend to perform better in a supportive and nurturing
environment. However, the self-worth of African American female faculty cannot be
dependent on the opinions of other White faculty members. Self-worth and self-reliance
must be generated internally, and support networks must be established inside and
outside the university setting. Otherwise, females, especially African American females,
will feel unappreciated and under-valued at White research institutions in this country.
Social marginalization, occurs when a group of people, by virtue of physical or
cultural characteristics are identified by members of the dominant culture as different
from desired or mainstream expectations (Maher & Tetreault, 2007). When differences
are not equally valued, individuals and groups marginalized. Unlike the privileged
experience that white males can generally expect in the workplace, many of the
conditions faculty of color can take for granted include low numbers of students of color
(Maher & Tetreault, 2007; Wilson, 2002), few role models (Stanley, 2007) and less
support for their research interest (Turner and Thompson, 1993). In addition, faculty of
color cannot assume that they will have any colleagues of color in their departments
(Diggs, Garrison-Wade, Estrada & Galindo, 2009). What many faculty of color
experience are challenges from students, administrators and other faculty, questions about
their credentials or qualifications, and doubts about their ability to teach (Cleveland,
28
2004). If there are no faculty of color in a department, and no one who expresses an
interest in mentoring minority faculty then marginalization could form within institutions.
Marginalization. Marginalization is part of African American faculty experiences
in majority institutions. An unfriendly university setting is repressive and adds to the
isolation, alienation, competitiveness, and uncertainty that one feels (Boice, 1992). Some
colleagues, unfortunately, will treat African Americans as "invisible people" or make
them feel insignificant as faculty members. When faced with extreme exclusion,
maintaining the fortitude to look beyond the situation and develop fruitful relations with
individuals who care becomes a necessity. Pincus (1999) notes that when an individual or
institutional attempts to eliminate institutional racism “activists could appeal to the moral
and legal principles of equal opportunity and racial fairness (p. 123). Research literature
on Black female faculty tends to focus on advising for students of color, which reduces
scholarly activities and prep time.
Workload Issues
Chamberlain (1991) argued that faculty women often choose to participate in
time- consuming activities such as mentoring or family matters, which serve to reduce
their output of scholarly products and consequently hinder their career progress. Despite
the personal setbacks, mentoring is an important activity for Black faculty members as
mentioned before because it directly influences the number of Black and other minority
students attending and graduating from U.S. colleges and universities (Blackwell, 1983).
Consequently, African American women faculty, often feel coerced by their
department to be the on-campus spokespersons for minorities, and to serve as advisors to
29
minority students (Tack & Patitu, 2001). Added to this is the fact that African American
students frequently ask African American women faculty to act as unofficial mentors.
The result is an excessive amount of work that reduces the time needed to do research
and publication, activities that are essential if one expects to gain tenure. Tack and Patitu
(2001) notes the tenure process, which has written and unwritten rules around teaching,
publication, service, and collegiality. The non-tenure-track jobs, which carry titles like
lecturer, instructor or researcher, generally pay less and provide fewer benefits, if any.
They are usually short-term, and involve heavier teaching loads, although they often
require a doctorate. Blacks and women hold higher proportions of these jobs than of the
tenure-track positions.
One possible barrier to tenure for many Black faculty women as mentioned before
is the extraordinary time demands placed on them due to their relatively small numbers
(Gregory, 1999; Hughes, 1998). For example, Merton (1957) posited that the demands of
a particular role often stand in complete contradiction to the demands of other roles. One
such example is the requirements of tenure. For an academic department to function and
serve, someone has to be responsible for teaching undergraduates, advising students,
serving on committees, mentoring students, and a host of other duties that are not
rewarded by tenure and rarely recognized in promotion decision-making (Gregory, 1999;
Hughes, 1998; Merton, 1957; Phelps, 1995). In many instances, that someone is usually
a caring and creative person of color or woman faculty member who is committed to
quality teaching and sincere service to the campus and community. Unfortunately, the
more successful and dedicated such faculty members are in these activities, the less likely
30
that they will have substantial publication credits to their name (Hughes, 1998; Ware,
2000), and the harder it will be for them to make a case for tenure (Gregory, 1999).
Positive Impact of having African American Female Faculty
Considering the increase of diverse faculty is a universal important goal for higher
education institutions, and society in general (Antonio, 2003; Cole & Barber, 2003;
Smith, 1989). The number of African American faculty members also has an impact on
whether students are attracted and retained in institutions of higher education (HowardHamilton, Phelps, and Torres, 1998; Hughes, 2001). Again, the success of black students
whom attend predominately White institutions is greatly influenced by relationships with
faculty, administrators, and students (Howard-Hamilton, Hughes, 2001). For instance,
according to Defour and Hirsch (1990), the sheer presence of African American faculty at
institutions of higher education may encourage African American students to persistence.
Specifically, the number of African American women on college campuses is critically
important for retention and success of black women students, faculty, and staff (Meyers,
2002). The number of African American women on campus is important in sharing ideas
and concerns that are common to African American women. Women, and African
American women in particular, must realize that the academy often view their scholarly
contributions as less worthy than those of male faculty; and therefore, the rewards for
their work are often much smaller than those of male colleagues. Attitudes such as these
have a direct impact on the quality of life of female faculty. By realizing that the higher
education establishment can be hostile, or at best, less than supportive African American
women must find ways to help ensure their own survival and success one way is to secure
31
a mentor relationship, especially Black doctorate students (U.S. Department of
Education, 2003).
Mentoring
Research shows that African American doctorate students have a lack of
mentoring, professional opportunities, scholarship and exclusion from mainstream
intellectual discourse (Gasman, Gerstl-Pepin, Anderson-Thompkins, Rasheed &
Hathaway, 2004). Therefore, with the absence of African American doctorate students
and faculty across racial lines, collaboration is a signal of the need to address the
complexities of how race and status collude that can discourage these students to enter
into the professorship. In Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom,
hooks (1994) explains how faculty teaching styles can harm students of color: “The vast
majority of our professors often used the classroom to enact rituals of control that were
about domination and the unjust exercise of power” (p. 5). hooks (1994) highlights the
structure of classes which includes the selection of readings, the treatment of topics and
the setup of classroom interactions, that can lead students to feel silenced and excluded,
as if their racial and ethnic identity is of little consequence. ‘‘Research shows that nontenured women faculty and faculty of color were virtually without mentoring, except for
the mentoring relationships they pursued with each other’’ (Myers, 2002, p. 10).
These researchers have listened to the voices of African American women and
suggest that they connect in a more strategic way by having a structured mentoring
program facilitated by a highly visible office at the university, which could make the
mentor-protégée association less daunting ((Hughes, 2001; Williams, 2001; Woods,
32
2001). Mentoring is defined as “a process in which one person, usually of superior rank,
achievement, and prestige, guides the development of or sponsors another person who is
seen as the protégé” (National Education Association, 1993, p. 17). Mentoring is also
defined as a dynamic, reciprocal relationship in a work environment between an
advanced career incumbent (mentor) and a beginner (protégé) aimed at promoting the
career development of both (Frierson, Hargrove, & Lewis, 1994).
Struchen & Porta (1997) characterized mentoring as a one-to-one relationship
between a pair of unrelated individuals, usually of different ages, that is developmental in
nature. A mentor is an older, more experienced person who seeks to further the
development of character and competence in a younger person. Guidance may take many
forms, including demonstration, instruction, challenge, and encouragement on a more or
less regular basis over an extended period. Struchen & Porta (1997) also described the
complexity of the mentoring relationship as one of the most developmentally important
connections a person can have with a person of greater experience and seniority in the
world. Mentoring is not defined in terms of formal roles, but in terms of the character of
the relationship and the function, it serves. Boyd, Hunt, S. Hunt, Magoon, Bekele, & Van
Brunt (1991) argues that mentoring could be formal or informal, some faculty who
mentor have taken upon themselves to help another faculty member; this is considered an
informal structure. Some of the activities that a mentor can engage in are teaching, shared
scholarship, advice, counsel, motivation, encouragement, and protection (National
Education Association, 2008).
33
Benefits of Structured Mentoring System. Mentoring is often most successful
when it happens naturally and informally. Johnson & Pichon (2007) advised university
administrators who are committed to creating a culture of mentoring, and who prepares
faculty for change and the expectation for more active mentoring. Researchers
recommend the development of practical ideas that span the recruitment and recognition
of competent mentors and the development of custom-made mentoring structures
(Johnson & Ridley, 2004; Stanley & Lincoln, 2005). The themes of intentionality and
deliberate action involved in the practice of mentoring for faculty are addressed in On
Being a Mentor, as are a host of other elements (e.g., salient behaviors, mentoring
functions, mentor characteristics, ethical principles) crucial to mentoring.
Saavedra & Saavedra (2007) stresses the importance around imploring professors
to become intentional and deliberate in arranging and managing relationships with
students and institutions to adopt a serious attitude toward faculty mentoring. Mentoring
is beneficial for faculty, as well as institutions, because it facilitates positive interpersonal
and career-based outcomes. Specific benefits of mentoring for students and new faculty
include improved academic performance and increased productivity, in addition to
enhanced professional skills and self-confidence, which includes expanding faculty
networks (Johnson & Pichon, 2007). Further, he suggests that mentors benefit in many
ways, too, with positive reinforcement in such areas as personal satisfaction, creative
renewal, friendship, and support. In addition, the discussion of relationship formation,
with respect to specific groups, is still a relatively new topic in the mentoring and
34
educational literature. Furthermore, books, in particular, lag behind articles with respect
to publication on mentoring.
In a study reported by Howard-Vital and Morgan (1993), the most frequently
perceived functions of a mentor were to build self-confidence, heighten self-esteem, and
strengthen motivation. In addition, mentors can help faculty cope with their teaching,
research, and service roles. Faculty mentoring offers numerous benefits, from “stronger
commitment to a career in academe, to “higher rates of achieving tenure and promotion”
(p. 141). It is important for junior faculty to seek out positive and healthy mentors not
only with their peers but, more importantly, with senior colleagues.
Johnson & Huwe (2003); Johnson & Ridley (2004) had mixed results with respect
to gender preferences of faculty mentors on the part of junior professors. In regards to the
role of a mentor, research suggests that while both male and female mentors offer career
and psychosocial support, they also tend to offer the females they mentor greater
relational support than the males (Johnson & Huwe, 2003). Obstacles to mixed mentoring
relationships include stereotypes that either sex may hold of the other, as well as “fear of
public scrutiny,” leading some individuals to avoid cross-gender mentorships (p. 154).
While men and women alike gravitate toward same-sex mentorships, cross-sex relations
have always been present in academe, historically a function of male domination in
tenure-track faculty positions. The researcher cautions the concerns rose in reference to
cross-sex relationships mostly relate to male mentor– female mentee configurations, a
caveat that has been supported empirically by research. Mentoring styles supportive of
female faculty needs are discussed in some detail, with emphasis on interpersonal caring,
35
collaborative mentoring approaches, and mentoring networks. Research-based findings
indicate that both White and African American students are oriented toward faculty of
their own race.
Same-race matches for minority students are not widely available, with the result
that many enter into cross-race mentorships. Importantly, it is noted, “cross-race
relationships are generally as helpful and satisfying as same-race mentorships” and that
“racial minority students are mentored at rates equivalent to White students” (Johnson &
Pichon, 2007, pp. 166, 176). It is imperative that faculty intentionally and actively mentor
across race and that they make the mentoring of minority students and faculty a main
concern. Additional obstacles that compound establishing positive mentoring experiences
with faculty for minority students include “stress and isolation, mistrust, stereotype
threat, and the model minority stereotype” (Johnson & Pichon, 2007, p. 167). Academia
now supports recognizing personal stereotypes and other strategies for assisting faculty in
bridging the racial gap. Indeed, the mentoring of minority students was one of the
primary reasons cited by colleges and universities for diversifying their faculty (ACE,
1998; Swoboda, 1990).
Leaders Supporting Mentorship. The role of college deans and department chairs
is critical to the success of mentoring in their domains. The focus on issues of structure
and culture for which deans and chairs are responsible is critically important to the micro
level of relationships. The deliberate mentoring of faculty has many benefits, including
retention, increased satisfaction, and stronger commitment (Johnson & Pichon, 2007).
Johnson identifies institutional obstacles to mentoring such as, promotion and tenure
36
systems that bypass faculty mentoring of junior faculty. Johnson sees the role of
administrators as central to the success of faculty mentorships: “I suggest that waiting for
a culture of mentoring to take hold naturally in your department, school, or institution is a
mistake” (p. 223). He advises administrators on the differences between formal and
informal mentoring structures and programs, he suggest formalized mentoring. Goals,
such as the mentoring of racial minority groups, are addressed. Administrators are also
encouraged to tailor mentoring systems that fit their own context, hire thoughtfully, track
mentoring connections, evaluate outcomes, and reward faculty performance: “When
administrators are serious about mentoring, faculty are serious about mentoring” (Taylor,
234).
The university culture can influence an African American female's decision to
accept or reject her role in fulfilling institutional goals. University support for the
leadership behavior a female strives to maintain as a productive faculty member is
critical. Thus, career-long support should include faculty induction and growth activities
(Blackwell, 1988; Tack & Patitu, 1992), as well as mentoring from those who can help to
eliminate the obstacles facing African American female faculty members who are
striving to secure a space in the "nest." The hiring of Black faculty members to serve as
mentors—guides, advisors, employers, sponsors, supervisors, and friends who form
strong bonds and are in a position of power to exercise a direct influence on students’
lives institutionalizes a retention strategy used by many predominately White colleges
(Grant-Thompson & Atkinson, 1997; Hickson, 2002). Black students indeed fare better in
academic environments that have sizable numbers of Black faculty members to function
37
in these roles (Fleming, 1984). Furthermore, organizations of Black students at
predominantly White colleges and universities indicated that hiring more Black faculty
members as their number one concern in meeting the special needs of Black students
(Weems, 2003).
Hickson (2001) conducted a survey of 250 students attending a historically Black
university in Texas to determine the importance of a mentor’s race. Most students wanted
professor mentors who cared about their futures and who were interested in their
education. Race was not their primary concern. This differed from a study by GrantThompson & Atkinson (1997) which showed that Black students’ achievement was
higher when African American mentored them, instead of European American
professors. This is particularly true in the case of underrepresented African American
men, in the mentoring process.
In Frierson, (1994) study of Black summer research students’ perceptions of
mentors’ race and gender; he observed that graduate students of color tended to receive
unequal or substandard graduate education experiences, so in turn, they advocated for
more African American faculty mentors. There could possibly be a benefit of being the
only African American female faculty in a department. It could increase crossdisciplinary exposure to persons in the university community because of one's
race/ethnicity and gender. For example, African American female faculty is frequently
asked to serve on college or university-wide committees or task forces. Although the
exposure and networking can be advantageous to the faculty member, her appointment to
a committee is solely because of her race, ethnicity, and gender (Phelps, 1995). Even
38
though there are benefits of being the only African American female faculty member in a
department, there are also a number of other challenges including feelings of isolation;
lack of supportive networks; and continually "proving" one self to their colleagues.
Moses (1989) cites a response from The Project on the Status and Education of
Women (PSEW) questionnaire that captures the phenomenon of validation versus
overload:
When I first arrived at the university (my first professional appointment) I
enjoyed the attention I received. After a short while, however, I realized that the
responsibility associated with being the only Black female in my college, and
only one of a handful in the university, was overwhelming. I have suffered several
instances of burnout and exhaustion. As a consequence, I have learned to maintain
a less visible profile as a coping and survival strategy (p. 15).
Although black faculty achieved success by majority institutional standards, it
does not factor into decisions about promotion, tenure, and merit pay, despite the fact that
this duality, just as important, clearly establishes an advantage over White faculty
members in contributing to the educational success of Black students, as well as the
overall mission of the institution (Moses, 1989; Phelps, 1995). Hughes and HowardHamilton (2003) provided evidence that concluded, the low numbers and dispersion of
Black women in academia causes them to connect sporadically and haphazardly.
Critical Mass14
Notwithstanding, the lack of a critical mass of Black and women faculty peers in
academia and the reports of cultural, social, and intellectual isolation among Black
women faculty suggest that Black women in the professorate may be particularly
14
Critical mass according to Merriam-Webster online dictionary is a size, number, or amount large enough
to produce a particular result. Therefore, this study will use critical mass to indicate a level of
representation that brings comfort or familiarity with the education environment.
39
susceptible to conflicts within their multiple role sets (Cooper, 1999). Within educational
policy scholars reveals that the most important challenges that African Americans face in
higher education are those of recruitment and retention (Cooper, 1999; Taylor, 2000).
Critical mass is an important concept in recruiting and retaining African
American students, faculty and staff, as well as in alleviating some of the obstacles that
African Americans face on college campuses (Hughes, Howard-Hamilton, 2003).
According to Miller (2003), “critical mass is an underlying theme of affirmative action.
However, the concept has been broadened in light of the case regarding affirmative action
at the University of Michigan” (p. 1). According to the Regents of the University of
Michigan, students from a wide range of backgrounds learn more from others who are
unlike themselves (Grutter v. Bollinger, 2002). In order to realize this goal, schools
should seek a critical mass of minority students to “ensure that all students, minority and
majority alike, will be able to enjoy the educational benefits of an academically diverse
student body” (Grutter v. Bollinger, 2002, p. 1).
A critical mass exists whenever there are enough individuals from a particular
group that feel comfortable participating in conversations and enough that other students
see them as individuals rather than as spokespersons for their race (Miller, 2003).
Furthermore, the needs for a critical mass of Black faculty members help ensure the
success of Black students, as well as faculty members. Previous research indicate that
Black individuals do best in institutional and organizational contexts in which there are
sizable numbers of people of the same racial identity to create a “comfort zone” as the
environmental waters are navigated (Grieger & Toliver, 2001; Toliver, 1998).
40
Status of Doctoral Faculty
Among CSU faculty in fall of 2009, there were 15,894 (70%) White; 96 (0%)
Unknown; 152 (1%) Native American; 2,831 (13%) Asian/Pacific Islander; 911 (4%)
Black; 1,813 (8%) Latino/A; and 1,006 (4%) Other. Approximately 2/3 of the CSU's Full
Professors are men. Associate Professors, half are men and more than half of Assistant
Professors are women. Women are overrepresented among Lecturers (CFA, 2010). Since
drastic budget cuts within the California system, recruitment and sustainability is a
serious issue within the CSU, especially the budget cuts impacting Lecturers, which
employees the highest percentage of women.
Overall, there has been an 11% reduction in the total number of CSU faculty from
2007-2009; percentage of change among CSU faculty by ethnic group is: -18%
Unknown; -16% Native American; -12% Black; -12% White; -9% Latino/A; -7%
Asian/Pacific Islander. With California being the most diverse state in the U.S. (this is
also reflected in student demographics within the CSU), but having 70% of faculty White
men send a strong message to our students and faculty of color, especially Black women
what CSU leadership are doing or not doing to recruit an ethnically diverse faculty. This
conversation leads the researcher into the appointment, retention, tenure and promotion
of faculty in the university system.
Appointment, Retention, Tenure and Promotion (ARTP)
A number of issues affect retention, promotion, and tenure of African American
female faculty. Some studies have identified racism, sexism, homophobia, climate,
isolation, salary issues, coping strategies, and institutional ethos, and the impact of these
41
and other issues on the lives and work of African American women (Allen, et al., 2002;
Delgado-Romero, Howard-Hamilton, and Vandiver, 2003; Edmundson, 1969; Jackson,
2001; James and Farmer, 1993; Mintz and Rothblum, 1997; Myers, 2002; Rusher, 1996;
Smith and Stewart, 1983; Winkler, 1982). Concerns about race equality and employment
in higher education often focus solely on recruitment and appointment.
Recruitment
Predominantly White institutions have not been particularly successful in
recruiting and retaining Black women Faculty. Patitu and Tack (1998) stated:
Yet, even with all the special attention that has been paid to their employment and
advancement, women and minority faculty have not made significant headway in
the academy; they continue to be clustered in disciplines considered to be
traditional of ‘feminine,’ in the lower academic ranks, and in part-time or
temporary positions (p. 8).
Nationally slightly, more than 4.7% of faculty in higher education are African
Americans, only 2.2% are African American females. Even more dismal is the low
percentage (1.7%) of African American faculty members at the associate professorship
level. These numbers include African American faculty members at historically Black
institutions (Atwater, 1995). When one looks at the numbers at predominantly White
research institutions, they are much smaller. There are many myths and reasons for the
small numbers of African American female faculty members at predominantly White
research institutions. One myth is that the Black population is not large in numbers. Yet,
African American female faculty members at HBCU's are rarely considered in the pool of
available professors at predominantly White institutions (Atwater, 1995).
42
Retention, Tenure, and Promotion (RTP)
RTP is a difficult experience for all junior faculty irrespective of race, ethnicity,
gender, sexual orientation, class, or nationality. All junior faculty members are in a
vulnerable position because their institutional rank and position grant them less power in
relation to senior colleagues who vote on their tenure (Turner & Myers, 2000). While
institutional hierarchies, leave all junior faculty in a vulnerable position the difficulty
associated with the probationary period is intensified for faculty who occupy a
disadvantaged position within one or more social hierarchies structured around race,
class, gender, sexual orientation, and nationality (Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2008).
Biased behavior and decision-making remain serious problems in the promotion and
tenure processes of many universities and colleges, especially for black women. Often
those serving on promotion and tenure committees believe the people they evaluate have
educational and life experiences similar to their own and view scholarship in a manner
similar to their own (Phillip, 1993).
However, African American perceptions, teaching styles, and writing styles are
different, as are their educational and life experiences, and their views of scholarship.
With all other issues being equal, if those voting on the career success of African
Americans are among those who do not legitimize cultural differences, the career success
of African Americans is at risk. Advocacy for women and women’s rights in academia
can be as risky as they are necessary (Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2008). Women faculty
are often informally counseled to wait until tenure before “rocking the boat.” The five or
six years before the tenure vote, however, can go by slowly for a woman working in a
43
hostile environment, and rocking the boat may be necessary to stop the abusive treatment
of self or others. Voicing one’s concerns about hostile or harassing behavior is a risky
endeavor (Phillip, 1993). However, this is a critical time for African American faculty, in
general, and African American female faculty in particular. Recent literature revealed
that fewer tenured positions are filled after older faculty retire and many positions have
been eliminated (Aguirre, 2000; Gregory, 1997; Turner, 2002). Although women and
ethnic minority faculty are overrepresented at the assistant professor level, Alfred (2001)
and Singh, Robinson & Green (1995) found African American women faculty to be far
more disadvantaged at universities than White women and other racial minority groups.
Specifically, African American female faculty members are promoted and tenured at a
lower rate than either, African American men and White American women. Further,
Alfred (2001) and Turner (2002) revealed that African American women faculty received
fewer opportunities for collaborative research than their female counterparts.
Scholarship. Publishing is one the most important factor in the career success of
academics, almost as important in the RTP process is the venue for publication. The
opinion that African Americans have difficulty getting published in mainstream journals
is supported by Phillip (1993) who suggests that both women faculty and faculty of color
find it difficult to get published in journals considered prestigious. One factor that may
account for this difficulty is the research interests of many women faculty and faculty of
color relate to gender, race, and ethnicity (Phillip, 1993). Consequently, women faculty
and faculty of color often find it easier to publish in journals that focus on these issues,
although many of these journals are not among those considered prestigious. In addition,
44
according to Alali, Ross, and Calhoun (cited in Holland, 1989) even when the work of
women faculty and faculty of color is published, it may not be considered scholarly. In
Silver’s (1990) study of African American faculty at traditionally White institutions, he
recommends that "the research interests of African American scholars should be accepted
as legitimate, even if the focus is nonmainstream" (p. 36). Other dynamics relative to
research and publication include lack of resources and support. For example, African
American women faculty, especially when there is only one in the department, often
experience a lack of sufficient time to conduct scholarly research due to an abundance of
assigned minority-related service activities (Phillip, 1993). Black women faculty find the
management of time for research and publication difficult. If these women want to meet
the demands of research and publication, they are often forced to sacrifice more than their
male counterparts in terms of their personal lives (Tack & Patitu, 1992). .
Tenure and promotion routines within academic institutions are “rule-based
actions” (March, Schulz, Zhou, 2000, p. 6-7). The format of rule based actions is a
sequence of decisions that involve multiple decision faculty operating in a complex
structured temporal cycles. From the perspective of the institution, it is difficult to predict
each decision outcome. Faculty involved in these decision processes from beginning to
end face considerable ambiguity with respect to probable outcomes. Such ambiguity
often assumes that faculty decisions rely on the logic of “appropriateness” rather than the
logic of “rational calculation.” Such action is situational, where “choice involves
matching a situation with an appropriate behavior that fits to the situation” (March &
Olson, 1989, p. 22).
45
Secondly, from the perspective of colleges and universities, promotion and tenure
routines- tenure in particular, represent acts of major commitment that are costly and
unsettled (McPherson & Winston, 1988). Nevertheless, these routines are central
features of life in academia and the possibility for considering alternatives to these
routines is severely limited. Especially, when state budget crisis are impacting higher
education indirectly and leading to lay- offs of adjunct (part-time) faculty at an
astounding rate. The California Faculty Association15 (2010) reported that in the
academic year of 2008-09, approximately 300 lecturers were laid-off within the CSU
system (23 campuses). Furthermore, according to the American Association of University
Professors and the Association (1940) terminated of tenured faculty can only be “for
adequate cause, except in the case of retirement for age, or under extraordinary
circumstances because of financial exigencies.” The burden of proof for adequate cause
or financial exigencies rests with the university or college, and dismissal of tenured
faculty is a rare event. Tenure conveys the approval of the academic community as a
whole and ushers the fortunate candidate into a position with extraordinary job security
and prestige.
Many universities lack clear and specific standards for awarding tenure (Hill &
Warbelow, 2004). Disagreement even exists about how to “count” articles or books
(Douglas, 1986; Hill & Warbelow, 2004; Scott, 1994). Within a discipline, the prestige of
a particular journal or kind of scholarship can be subject to debate. For example, an
15
The California Faculty Association is the exclusive collective bargaining representative for the 24,00
California State University faculty, including tenure-track faculty, lecturer faculty, librarians, counselors,
and coaches in the 23-campus CSU system (http://www.csus.edu/org/cfa/)
46
article in a women’s studies journal sometimes viewed as a “second tier” publication
compared with a publication in a traditional discipline, even if the women’s studies
journal has wide circulation and a good reputation among interested scholars (Douglas, et
al). Although the standards for granting tenure remain ambiguous in the eyes of many
applicants, most academics agree that standards rose during the 1980s and 1990s as the
number of tenure-track and tenured positions dwindled relative to the number of
applicants (Hill & Warbelow, 2004)
There are limited ways of maintaining faculty quality without granting tenure.
Public institutions like CSU that have faced increasingly difficult budget restrictions and
cuts, resources expended on academic salaries have increasingly been seen as
constraining strategic flexibility. Promotion and tenure rules become representational or
they “stand in for other things” or “signify other things” (Douglas, 1986; Scott, 1994, p.
60). Finally, from a faculty member’s perspective, tenure and promotion, especially
tenure, are momentous points in their professional career, providing not only employment
security but also a guarantee of status in the academic profession (Douglas, et al).
According to Menges and Exum (1983) sustaining a career in academe requires
more than securing a position; it requires surviving promotion and tenure, which usually
determine who will remain and who will leave the academy. Tenure-track faculty
positions in American higher education institutes typically measured by the ranks of
assistant, associate, and full professor. The most important determinant of tenure and the
most important predictor of salary are faculty rank, women are more likely to be at less
prestigious institutions-those that do not grant doctorate degrees-and to hold non-tenure-
47
track positions (ACE, 1993; Bellas, 1997; NCES, 2000). Because women are typically
clustered in the lower academic ranks, they are less likely to be granted tenure, and
therefore less likely to experience job security and academic freedom (Gregory, 1999;
Valian, 1998). Studies indicate that Black scholars are virtually absent from the tenure
ranks of most majority institutions (ACE, 1993; Moore & Wagstaff, 1985).
Several studies have indicated that minority faculty members often find
promotion and tenure procedures to be ambiguous, inappropriate, unrealistic, or unfairly
weighed (Banks, 1984; Gregory, 1999). These studies conclude that some minority and
women faculty members never reach tenure because of the revolving door syndrome.
This syndrome manifests when minorities and women on a tenure track sometimes
retained for four to six years, evaluated unfavorably for tenure, then terminated. This upand-out process often repeated at numerous institutions until the unsuccessful participants
opt to leave the academy altogether (Banks, 1984; Gregory, 1999; Touchton, 1995).
To obtain tenure at most doctorate-granting, four-year colleges and universities in
the United States, particularly at research institutions, faculty members are required to
consistently conduct quality research and publish in scholarly journals-usually majority-dominated, refereed journals. Many minority faculty members whose work published in
journals that focus on minority issues have reported that their majority peers sometimes
fail to recognize the quality of their research, and focus instead on where they published
(Gregory, 1999).
Other studies indicate that research by minority faculty members on minority
populations-a common focus of many minority academics' research-is rarely considered
48
relevant within their fields or deemed significant contributions to the academy, and
therefore is not widely recognized as scholarly work (Epps, 1989; Wilson, 1987). For
Black faculty women, this can create a complex challenge because many tend to focus
their research in the very areas where they teach and provide community service
(Gregory, 1999). Black women traditionally have gravitated toward and remained in the
field of education because of that discipline's potential for challenging current paradigms
and providing leadership for young, developing scholars.
When one considers African American women faculty and scholarship, one
should not be surprise as to the limited amount of literature on this topic, especially when
considering that White males have been in control of the validation and distribution of
what’s considered “good” scholarship since the inception of higher education in
American (Aguirre, 2000; Collins, 1990). According to Kawewe's 1997 study of African
American women, in many ways, the white male’s control of scholarship production has
contributed to the problem that some African American women have experienced in
higher education regarding publications for promotion and tenure. The challenge for
black women in the academy is enter and remain in the academy. Efficient and effective
support systems should be in place to support the retention of Black female faculty in
academia.
Support Systems
To address adequately the challenges faced by African American female faculty
at predominantly White colleges and universities, a supportive environment is essential.
There has been well-documented that academic settings are microcosms of the larger
49
society, and for the ultimate success and retention of African American female faculty,
systematic changes in the academic environment must occur (Epps, 1989; Farmer, 1993;
Payne, 1989; Staples, 1984). The most important step for institutions that wish to prove
they are sincere about wanting to recruit and retain African American women faculty is to
provide support systems. Support systems include opportunities for African American
women to form “sister circles,” a terms commonly used by Black women when they ‘get
together’, and share counter-stories that refute some of the negative information they may
have received during their daily campus routines (Myers, 2002). Such support systems
are intended to provide a setting in which identity is not based on gender or racial
stereotyping.
Patitu & Hinton (2003) have indicated that positive interpersonal relationships
and support systems are important factors for a successful career. Findings show that
many successful Black women rely on household support, are involved in professional
networks and associations (Merriam, 1983), have extended support networks (Myers,
2002), and attend church on a regular basis (Taylor, 1978).
In an academic setting, supportive networks and hospitable academic
environments are particularly important for Black faculty women, who often seek
meaningful inclusion in various types of professional, social, and religious networks.
These networks provide a source of support, strength, and encouragement that enables
them to persevere in often stressful and competitive academic environments. bell hooks
(1999) called for African American women “to stir from our psychic slumbers, to rise
and rescue ourselves and one another” (p. 236). In other terms, to support other women
50
mentally, with the knowledge obtained and other resources that will be helpful to a new
or continuing faculty, rather than relying on other races to assist that new faculty member
with issues of classes, advising, RTP, dealing with senior faculty who may not be as
supportive or who are prejudice. Because of the disconnect among African American
women on campus due to environmental isolation that can occur when there are so few
on campus and dispersed in so many places sometimes it is hard to find this type of
bonding on campuses. On most university campuses, contact is difficult and random.;
therefore, having some type of structured mentoring program could alleviate some of
these issues. In addition to mentoring programs, support networks within an institution
could help facilitate Black women’s emotional, cultural, and social adjustments to
institutions.
Support Networks within CSU
CSU has a variety of support networks within its system, the researcher noted
those found on campus websites. The majority of these organizations are to empower
African American faculty, staff, and administrators to make their campuses more
inclusive. Some of the programs promote faculty development in the classroom by
providing resources, faculty mentoring opportunities, resources for fostering a welcoming
and safe campus climate. These services provide community support and networking
opportunities for African American faculty, in addition to providing opportunities for
institutional collaboration with other African American faculty on campus. Most of the
Black Staff and Faculty Associations on CSU campuses provide a forum for Black
faculty to examine and explore difficult issues related to white privilege, race/racism,
51
sexism, social justice, while providing practical tips and strategies for improving campus
climates and the status of women while combating inequality with life-minded
individuals. The campuses listed below offer support systems:
• CSU, Chico. Women’s Faculty Association provides mentoring, networking,
and advocacy for female faculty http://www.csuchico.edu/wfa/index.php?pg=faculty
• CSU, Dominguez Hills. African American Faculty & Staff Association
http://www.csudh.edu/bfsa/
• CSU, Fullerton. African American Faculty & Staff Association. Multicultural
Mentoring Program and a ‘Sistertalk’ group for African American women on campus
http://www.fullerton.edu/AAFSA/studentorgs.htm
• Cal Poly Black Faculty & Staff Association: http://www.calpoly.edu/~bfsa/
• CSU, Fresno. Black Staff and Faculty Association
http://bfsa.csufresno.edu/directory/default.htm
• CSU, Sacramento. Black Staff and Faculty Association; Council for
Affirmative Action; and Black Alumni Association
http://www.csus.edu/org/blackalumni/
This research project focuses primarily on African American/Black women
faculty challenge of fighting to be hired and retained in academia. In the process, the
researcher has illustrated the overt and subtle forms of challenges that continue to impede
black women’s progress up the ranks in academia. The ultimate career goal of a professor
is to become tenured. Therefore, with the support of leadership within the institution it
can become a reality.
52
Institutional Implications
Responsibilities of Higher Education
Vision, commitment, and leadership are essential for systemic change in higher
education. It is important to initiate change at every level so institutional transformation
is pervasive rather than localized. Research has shown that revitalized mission
statements, organizational restructuring, curricular transformation, and the appointment
of minorities and women to high-level administrative positions contribute to a more
engaged and equitable campus environment (Association of American Colleges and
Universities, 2009). Since higher education now involves most of America, its faculty
and leadership should look more like America. Leadership in higher education is not the
sole domain of administrators. Faculty serve as leaders on committees in the
college/university, department, and in their professional fields. Wood (1997) argued that
women need experience with and exposure to female leadership role models to encourage
them to aspire to leadership positions. bell and Nkomo (1999) argued that women acquire
experience with female role models through access to formal and informal decisionmaking structures in the academy.
Researchers contend that African American females must understand the various
forms of power and how each are exercised in an educational context (Buttner, Holly,
Kevin & Billings-Harris, 2007). Five types of power cited frequently in educational
administration literature include reward, coercive, legitimate, referent, and expert power
(Buttner et al 2007). The type of power an African American female faculty member uses
in her professional roles is dependent on the context. The faculty member may have an
53
opportunity to use reward power when she invites or makes recommendations for her
colleagues to serve on committees, councils, or boards. Using resources, professional
contacts, or selective networks to reward others is the premise of this power (Sherman,
2005). Naturally, the sources of power can be monopolized, reinforced, or eroded
depending on a faculty member's conduct (Young, Chovanec, & Scott, 1994).
Few African American female faculty members become presidents, deans, or
department heads at predominantly White research universities (Blackwell, 1988;
Howard-Vital, 1987; Sherman, 2005; Wilson, 1987). If they are involved in
administration, they are usually at the associate level without the power to make
decisions. Still, African American female faculty must aspire to become administrative
leaders. They can assist policy makers, create nurturing environments, and eliminate the
intellectual void surrounding African American women (Guiffrida, 2005). Shortcomings
exist within the dominating context of faculty having the power to agree or disagree with
the researcherity of others in the department. Faculty opinions regarding gender,
ethnicity, and background are pertinent to the value they place on the power and
leadership of women (Guiffrida, 2005). The degree to which African American women
excel in academe may depend on the influence of colleagues who support their ability to
develop sources of power.
Several researchers have documented the need for creative continuing education
programs to assist women and members of ethnic minority groups in their efforts to move
into senior faculty and administrative roles in colleges and universities (Guang-Lea &
Louis, 2006; Guiffrida, 2005). Research suggests that higher education is a particularly
54
political environment and that conflict and resistance will be a major problem in creating
change. One of the reasons that higher education is open to politics is that hierarchical
researcherity is limited, and shared governance is practice widely (González, 2007).
Leaders typically do not mandate change. Persuasion and power have emerged in the
place of researcherity (González, 2007).
Presidents play many important roles to help advance a diversity agenda--roles
that most other leaders cannot play because they do not have the researcherity or
advantage that is critical to institutionalization (González, 2007; Smith & Wolf-Wendel,
2005). For example, presidents help to create institutional commitment by relating a
diversity agenda to the institutional mission, or by including diversity in strategic
planning and budget processes or establishing rewards and incentives (Hurtado et al.,
1999; McGovern, Foster, & Ward, 2002; Musil et al., 1999; Smith, 1989; Smith & WolfWendel, 2005). Presidents also help to create ownership by obtaining board support,
hosting campus-wide dialogues, and establishing commissions and committees. Campus
presidents even get involved in specific initiatives such as, transforming the curriculum,
measuring progress, and evaluating and creating accountability (Hurtado et al., 1999;
Smith & Wolf-Wendel, 2005). Some researchers, in fact, suggest that leadership is
perhaps the most important factor in ensuring institutional transformation and
institutionalizing a diversity agenda (Hurtado et al., 1999; Kezar, 2007; Kezar & Eckel,
2005; Tierney, 1991, 1993). While leadership demonstrate particularly important, few
studies have delved into the challenges that leaders face, as they take on what is
perceived, on many campuses, as a controversial topic.
55
Research has provided leaders with a variety of strategies to help move a diversity
agenda forward and to overcome common barriers, but there is limited exploration of the
politics surrounding the issue (Davis, 2002; Hale, 2004; Milem, Chang, & Antonio, 2005;
Musil et al., 1999; Smith, 1989). Other literature documents the political landscape and
dynamics that leaders face but offers no suggestions for addressing the politics
(Beckham, 2000; Bensimon, 1992; Rhoads, 1998). This often leaves leaders in a
precarious position: They know strategies that have worked to create change and some
strategies for overcoming barriers (such as role modeling or rewards), but they are left
helpless when faced with significant political resistance especially during an economic
crisis which the state of California is currently facing.
Having a diversity initiative for faculty recruitment would be more political now
than ever due to budget constraints. That does not negate the issue of the declining
standards in hiring African American female faculty. People do not operate in rational
ways and will resist issues about which they have fears. Research in higher education has
not focused on political barriers that often take on an irrational character, nor has research
examined the ways in which leaders can negotiate these situations.
Much of the literature on change focuses on technical strategies such as providing
training to help individuals to work in new ways or creating strategic plans to help
provide direction and new habits for people (Bauman, Bustillos, Bensimon, Brown, &
Bartee, 2005; Milem, Chang, & Antonio, 2005; Musil et al., 1999; Smith & Associates,
1997). While these are all important strategies for addressing resistance, these technical
solutions often do not address the politics that emerge related to change issues such as
56
diversity. Resource constraints also make college campuses political environments.
Public support for higher education has waned in the last 15 years, and resources are
limited on most college campuses.
These are just a few examples of the types of changes that are creating a more
political environment on campus. Each of these leads to trends that can affect diversity
agendas. For example, resource constraints can result in disagreement over developing
support systems for faculty of color that may not have occurred in flush financial times.
To a large degree, the struggle is over the resources of the university. In the most general
terms, economic recovery in the country may give universities more resources to
implement needed changes. Most major universities have enough flexibility in their
budgets to begin modest pilot programs along these lines. There is research that supports
this concept, that “with a vision, the leader provides the all-important bridge from the
present to the future of the organization” (Bennis &Nanus, 1985, p. 90). African
American faculty members cannot wait until their White colleagues decide to assist them
in becoming scholars. In African American Females in Academe: Power and Self
Development (1995), the researcher discusses power and self-development; African
American women can strengthen their leadership as decision-makers, and power brokers
within the world of academe.
Change in Higher Education
Historically, change is difficult in higher education. Dynamics unique to higher
education such as loosely coupled systems of organization and governance, and longstanding institutional traditions and norms cause underlying conflicts and frictions that
57
make change difficult (Birnbaum, 1988). Williams, Berger, and McClendon (2005)
submit that if changes in the institutional environment do happen, they are often at a
superficial level and only noticeable through revised institutional mission statements or
strategic plans that do not lead to major transformations. Several researchers (Kezar &
Eckel, 2002; Kuh & Whitt, 1988; Tierney, 1988; Williams, Berger, & McClendon, 2005;
Wong & Tierney, 2001) argue that institutional leaders would be more successful in
facilitating change, if they better understood the institutional culture in which they are
working. A cultural understanding implies an attempt to identify the beliefs, guiding
premises, assumptions, norms, rituals, customs and practices that influence the actions of
individuals and groups and the meanings that people give to events in a particular
organizational setting (Kuh & Whitt, 1988).
In Hemphill and Coons study (cited in Yukl, 2006), the term leadership is
described as “the behavior of an individual…directing the activities of a group toward a
shared goal” (p. 7). Transformational leadership within the CSU is encouraged to raise
consciousness about ethical issues and to mobilize their energy and resources to reform
institutions (Yukl, 2006). History reveals that African American females have pioneered
and forged new educational frontiers as both leaders and participants (Collier-Thomas,
1982; Gill & Showell, 1991). Therefore, African American female faculty will probably
lead transformations on predominantly White research campuses (Howard-Vital, 1987).
The findings of an ethnographic study of faculty work at California State
University at Los Angeles also prompted Wong and Tierney (2001) to conclude that
change in higher education is as much cultural in nature as it is structural. The researchers
58
emphasize that all too often, institutional leaders assume that structural change brings
about cultural reform, and that this is not always the case. They argue, “When individuals
desire to bring about constructive change, they would be well advised to consider what
structural and cultural levers might be utilized that enable constituents to act differently
and interpret their world differently” (p. 1106). Wong and Tierney (2001) suggest that
careful attention to both, the structure and culture, of one’s organization can assist in
creating the conditions for meaningful change.
Walvoord et al. (2000) conducted a six-year study of change in seven academic
departments at a Public Research I University. The researchers found that productive
change is highly dependent on cultural values, and on the “nurturing” factors for change.
They conceived that change must build on the core academic values present in each
department, among them academic freedom, autonomy, collegiality, specialization, and
reason; then redefine these values. In addition to building on departmental autonomy,
change also requires complex roles from central administration. The researchers
underscore that no strategy by itself is likely to be sufficient (Walvoord et al., 2000).
Schein (1992) also asserts that it is important for institutional leaders to
understand the culture at their institutions and use this knowledge to achieve change. He
submits that organizational learning, development, and planned change cannot be
understood without considering culture as a primary source of resistance to change.
Schein points out that a consensus on the core mission does not automatically guarantee
that organizational members will have common goals.
59
Summary of the Literature Review
African American women in general and African American female professors in
particular, have emerged from what Hudson-Weems (1989) terms as a tripartite form of
oppression, of racism, classism, and sexism. Nonetheless, in spite of these barriers, some
African American women faculty acquires tenure and promotion and achieves great
strides in the academy (Gregory, 1995). As institutions struggle to diversify their faculty,
they need to be cognizant of the interlocking effects of gender and race and its career
implications for African American women professors. For a university to represent a
legitimate educational option for African American women, it must have some positive
dimensions, as well as at least the possibility for future change in a positive direction.
60
Chapter 3
METHODOLOGY
Study Purpose
The purpose of this study is to explore the phenomenon of Black female faculty
recruitment and retention experiences in higher education. Based on these specific issues,
several research questions emerged regarding the underrepresentation of African
American female faculty at Northern California State University (NCSU). Based on the
findings of prior studies regarding the recruitment, retention, and tenure of African
American faculty, the following research questions are presented in order to access the
perceptions and experiences of faculty members currently teaching at a Northern
California State University: 1) What are the perceptions and experiences of the
recruitment process of African American women faculty? 2) What are the experiences of
African American/Black female faculty who went through the RTP process? 3) What
factors contribute to the successful retention, tenure, and promotion process (RTP) for
Black female faculty?
Sampling Procedures
The study sample included seven African American women who identified as
African American or Black, one woman identified as mixed race. These women come
from a variety of cultural, social, urban/rural backgrounds, and are residents of the greater
Northern California region. During the recruitment process, a non-probability
convenience sample was employed using email to distribute an invitation letter to
61
colleagues using social and professional contacts at a Northern California State
University.
Research Method & Design
The design of this research study is qualitative using autobiographical methods.
Unlike more traditional research practices, this approach to research attempts to “bring
together broad social analyses: “…the self-study of practice, the way language is used,
organization and power in a local situation, and [social or political] action” (Kemmis &
McTaggart, 2000, p. 568). Social transformation is accomplished through critical selfreflection of the participants and the researcher (African American female doctoral
student) with respect to the language, values, and intentions associated with educational
praxis. Henceforth, autobiographical methods include personal narratives, participant
observations, and informal conversations (Creswell, 2007). Creswell suggests these
methods facilitate “the study of groups of individuals participating in an event, activity,
or an organization” (p. 134). Autobiographical narrative techniques are gaining
prominence in education research (Brookfield, 2008; Nash, 2004). Various scholars have
used personal narrative to explore issues in health care, social work, and sociology (e.g.
Defenbaugh, 2008; Ryan 2006; Trotter, Brogatzki, Duggan, Foster, & Levie, 2006).
Additionally, autobiographical methods provide participants an opportunity to
theorize or make sense of their experiences through critical self-examination and selfreflection. These methods are especially important in establishing voice for women and
people of color who have historically experienced silence, exclusion, and experienced a
sense of powerlessness within the academy. Critical reflections, is used for narrative
62
inquiry to further interrogate issues of race, power, and status in this research. Ellis and
Bochner (2000), in their description of narrative inquiry, illustrates “confessional tales”
in which the “researcher’s experience of doing the study become the focus of the
investigation” (p. 740). This type of research can be empowering because it “breaches the
conventional separation of researcher and subjects” and fosters the disclosure of “hidden
details of private life,” highlights emotional experience, and challenges the absence of
subjectivity in traditional forms of research (p. 744). Ellis and Bochner (2000) also note
that the “narrative text refuses the impulse to abstract and explain, stressing the journey
over the destination” (p. 744). In this qualitative study, the researcher is attempting to
analyze common themes from interviews rather than analyze numerical data collected.
This study will maintain an insider’s perspective throughout by capturing African
American women faculty personal experiences, feelings, beliefs, and explanations of
structure and relationships (Hatch, 2002). The inductive nature of the research further
ensured that the phenomenon in reference to African American women emerged from the
research findings, instead of falling into a predetermined theory (Merriam, 1998).
Instrumentation
The researcher developed the interview questions, utilizing the basic essentials
described in the literature review as being binding components of sensitive and relevant
to African American females in academia. The intent is to make available information to
recruiting officers, Retention, Tenure and Promotion committees, CSU presidents, and
the CSU Chancellor’s office.
63
Data Collection Procedures
Each individual that signed a consent form participated in a detailed interview.
The interview was private and consisted of twenty open-ended questions. Seven
interviews were conducted at a mutually agreed upon location where privacy and
confidentiality were both upheld.
Study Participants and Setting
The research subjects were seven African American/Black female Ph.D. tenure and
non- tenured track faculty at a Northern California State University. All research records,
including consent forms, notes, and audio tapes will be stored in a locked file cabinet in
the researcher’s office. Participants are identified by a pseudonym (using fictitious
names) in any reports or publications that may result from this study, nor will the
academic institutions will be identified.
The researcher also probed beyond the participant’s answers to obtain
clarification or further details where needed (Berg, 2004). All interviews with the
participants were face-to-face. Gillham (2000) notes that the “overwhelming strength of
the face-to-face interview is the richness of the communication that is possible” (p. 62).
The researcher can be responsive to the context and adapt techniques to the
circumstances (Merriam, 1998). The initial interviews had a scheduled time- frame of 60
to 75 minutes. Ultimately, four of the seven interviews lasted 50 to 60 minutes, and the
other two interviews lasted about 40 minutes due to the respondent’s schedule constraints
on the day of the interview. The actual timeframes for the interviews provided adequate
opportunity for addressing the interview questions and gathering information-rich data.
64
Each interview were recorded with an audio tape-recorder after consent to the
taping was obtained from each respondent. The participants were also informed that they
could stop the taping at any time during the interview, if they so desired. The researcher
took notes during the interview to capture any insights or distinct statements by the
participants. Merriam (1998) notes that interview notes allow the investigator to monitor
the process of data collection as well as to begin analyzing the information itself. Each
respondent except one, willingly and liberally shared information, responded to probes on
certain issues, and elaborated when asked to. Despite the flexibility, adherence to the
protocol was of vital importance to the interview process, as to stay focus on addressing
the key interview questions; which, in turn, answers support the study’s main research
questions.
Immediately following each interview, the researcher also wrote down reflections
that included insights and general impressions gained from the interview. The reflections
assisted in provided a tentative sketch of African American female faculty at the
institution. Since each interview took place on site, at the faculty members office (except
one) there were also opportunities to capture impressions about the institution and the
office environment. According to Miles and Huberman (1994), reflective remarks usually
strengthen coding in pointing to deeper or underlying issues that deserve analytic
attention. The process allows for the informal theorizing about emerging patterns and
their relationships (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Upon conclusion of the interview,
participants were asked if they had any additional information to add that would be useful
65
to the investigation then thanked for their time. The researcher then terminated the
meeting.
Data Sources
For this particular study, all 23 California State University campuses were
explored in order to compare sister campuses faculty demographics. The data obtain
provided an overall profile of faculty in the CSU. However, only one California State
University in Northern California matched the criteria to investigate an in-depth
phenomenon of African American female faculty within the timeframe given for the
study.
Several institutions identified through critical examination of the California
Faculty Association union website. The CSU Chancellor’s office website (executive
orders, affirmative action programs, human resources, ARTP policies) utilized which met
the following predetermined criteria: a) the existence of a institutional mission statement
which “values diversity,” the strategic plan, as well as written policy statements by the
chancellor; b) the presence of a faculty demographics for each 23 “sister” campuses.
Austin (1990) determined that “institutions of similar type tend to have similar cultures”
(p. 67). According to the CSU Chancellor’s website (2010):
California State University is the largest system of senior higher education in the
country, with 23 campuses, approximately 433,000 students and 44,000 faculty
and staff. Since the system was created in 1961, it has awarded nearly 2.5 million
degrees, about 90,000 annually. Its mission is to provide high-quality, affordable
education to meet the ever-changing needs of the people of California. With its
commitment to excellence, diversity and innovation, the CSU is the university
system that is working for California (p. 1).
66
The Chancellor’s office implemented executive order 883 on October 31, 2003
(still valid) that outlines the system-wide guidelines for nondiscrimination and
affirmative action programs in employment. The following figure presents the ethnicity
of all 23 CSU sister-campuses of full-time faculty in fall 2009.
Figure 1. CSU Faculty by Ethnicity (2009)
Barajas, 2010
The figure above illustrates and supports the significant gap in demographics
between white faculty and faculty of color at all 23 CSU campuses. It also suggests
limited progress in diversity recruiting by campus administration, but continuing the
practice of recruiting and appointing predominately White faculty. Research indicates
that a diverse faculty directly contributes to educational quality and excellence, better
prepares students to live and work in an increasingly global, pluralistic society, and
exposes students to a broader range of scholarly perspectives.
67
The diversity recruitment, retention, and tenure mandate described by the CSU
Chancellor’s Human Resource office does not reflect the overall breakdown of ethnicities
within the CSU (Leading this researcher to question the sincerity to the commitment of
diversity among its faculty). The enrollment for students of color has increased, but the
hiring faculty of color has not (Antonio, 2004; Broido, 2004; California State Faculty
Association, 2008 Nevarez & Borunda, 2004). California's overall demographics are
rapidly changing and so are the demographics of students in the classroom (CFA, 2008).
Figure 2. CSU Representation of Faculty to Students (2009)
Barajas, 2010
Figure 2 represents the 23 CSU sister campuses, and the significant racial and
ethnicity gap between faculty of color and students of color. Many have argued the need
to diversify faculty effectively and efficiently serve students in terms of role models,
mentoring, enhanced curriculum/pedagogy which in turn could lead to greater retention
68
and graduation rates among students of color (Cook & Cordova, 2006; Cole & Barber,
2003; Stanley, 2006; Umback, 2006)
The figures above provided an overview of the CSU system-wide campuses racial
and ethnic representation among faculty and students. The researcher will narrow down
the study to one CSU campus in northern California, noted below. The table below
describes the ethnic and gender breakdown from 2006-2009.
Table 1
Ethnicity and Gender of Faculty at Northern California State University (NCSU)
YEAR
2006
2007
2008
2009
Total Faculty
1655
1654
1583
1506
Ethnic Group
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
African Am.
41
33
37
32
35
33
34
37
American In.
7
10
7
12
6
9
7
7
Asian
62
85
66
83
72
96
75
92
Latino/
46
62
45
60
47
63
44
55
3
3
1
2
---
---
---
---
White
601
620
628
593
578
569
546
547
Other
37
25
38
31
---
---
---
---
Filipino
9
11
7
12
---
---
---
---
Declined
---
---
---
---
33
42
28
34
Hispanic
Pacific
Islander
Source: www.ncsu.edu (psydomym)
69
Table 1 above illustrates a significant gap in demographics between
predominately White faculty and faculty of color at Northern California State University
(NCSU). Except for African American faculty, there is a significant gap between the
recruitment of males to females by ethnicity. Black female faculty at NCSU slightly
outnumber black male faculty from 2006-2008. In 2009, there was slightly more Black
male faculty then female faculty as demonstrated in table 1 above. The underrepresentation and low academic status of African American faculty members is a
persistent problem (Wilson, 2002). The researcher will focus this study on African
American female faculty at Northern California State University (NCSU); table 2 below
reveals the demographic population over a four-year period.
Table 2
African American Female Faculty at Northern California State University (NCSU)
YEAR
2006
2007
2008
2009
African
41
37
35
34
American
The number of African American women faculty at NCSU is declining, but they also
represent one of the smallest groups on the campus. African American faculty has been
part of a revolving door in higher education (Patitu, 2002; The Journal of Negro
Education, 2000).
70
Data Analysis
The brief demographic survey served to garner some basic data on the range of
characteristics represented by the study participant, allowing for a descriptive analysis.
In addition to quantifying the demographic data collected at each respondent’s interview,
interviews transcriptions conducted by the researcher, resulting in many pages of
transcribed qualitative data. In addition, the interview data was maintained solely by the
researcher, and kept in a password-protected electronic format. In order to analyze the
data the researcher looked at the multitude of responses for each question and identified
emerging themes and notable variations, which will discuss further in the findings section
(chapter four) which will include direct quotes from participants. Gillham (2000) notes,
those are “key” and of central importance vis-à-vis other elements of the pattern of
evidence.
After gathering the qualitative data and demographic data, the researcher
conducted a descriptive (demographic data) and then a thematic analysis (qualitative),
looking at patterns of reoccurring themes and ideas presented in the interviews. The
researcher will use the demographic information to analyze if it influenced the
experiences expressed in the participant’ interviews. Additionally, as part of the analysis
the researcher will compare the information collected from participant with previous
research findings to look at how they compare and contrast with existing ideologies. For
qualitative data, the researcher will look at emerging themes, organizing them and then
use quotations to illustrate each identified theme. The results are discussed in the
final chapter.
71
Protection of Human Subjects
Each participant signed a consent form developed by the researcher, prior to
participating in the project. The consent form the purpose of the study; what the
participants are asked to do; the voluntary nature of the project; the confidential nature of
the project; and who the participants can contact if they have any questions about the
project. The researcher submitted a human subject’s application to The University
Internal Review Board (IRB) for Protection of Human Subjects on November 2, 2009
which was approved as “Minimal Risk. “
Conclusion
Although many have written about women of color, in non-fiction, fiction, poetry,
essays, dissertations, and in discussion around the recruitment and retention of women of
color, few have captured the experiences of African American women in qualitative
research, giving them voice. This study attempts to form a foundation for future research
that draws from those reoccurring themes in existing literature and document them in a
scientific realm. In addition to outlining the struggles, the researcher hopes to highlight
the strengths of these women and to make concrete suggestions of how to take this data
and improve on the ways departmental committees are considering applicants, and the
policies around ARTP committees.
72
Chapter 4
FINDINGS
This study documents the narrative data on recruitment and retention experiences
and perceptions of seven African American female faculty at NCSU. The expectation is
that this study will serve several purposes. First, this study will contribute to the literature
on Black female faculty. Secondly, it is the researcher's hope that administrators and
faculty on hiring and RTP committees can comprehend the salient factors that affect the
success of African American women faculty and act accordingly, so they can be
recruited, promoted, tenured, and acquire full professorships. Lastly, hopefully African
American female faculty members will be encouraged to preserver giving that they have
much to offer to the teaching, scholarship and service to California State University.
These issues are important considering the decreasing number of Black female faculty
every year at NCSU (see chapter 3). It is the researcher’s intent to explore the
phenomenon of Black female faculty recruitment and retention experiences in a Northern
California State University. According to several recent studies, faculty of color,
especially women, continues to struggle with remaining in academe once there (Cook &
Córdova, 2006; Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 2007; Maher & Tetreault, 2007).
Chapter four has two sections: The first section of this chapter presents the data in
a narrative format with an image of the lives of Black women faculty at NCSU from the
face-to-face interviews. The second section discuss in-dept the theoretical framework, the
emerging themes, and their relation to the results. Chapter five includes a discussion,
conclusion, and recommendations.
73
Research Question 1 explores African American female faculty perceptions and
experiences in the recruitment process. The first section of the open-ended interview
questions describes their pathway to NCSU; their experiences in the recruitment process,
hiring process, compared to their expectations once appointed as a faculty member. Aisha
responds:
I already lived in the area and I really wasn’t interested in moving out of the area,
so that was the biggest attraction to me. I came as a part time instructor. I saw an
ad in the local newspaper, that they were looking for part-time instructors to teach
a particular course, and at that time, that was the field I was working in. So I
applied for the part time job, and after I worked here, part-time for awhile a full
time position came open. I recall when the position became available; there were
several faculty who encouraged me to apply. I don’t know if I really formed any
expectations during the hiring process. I had taught here as a part time instructor
for a couple of years, so I new what it was like to teach here, but not as a full time
faculty member. I think the biggest transition for me was working on a university
campus in a faculty position, it was different than any other job I’ve ever had, so
it was a fairly big transition.
The transition from a part-time instructor to a full-time faculty member appeared
to be a big step for Aisha. Previous teaching experience in the department part-time and
the encouragement of department faculty members to apply for the tenure-track position,
suggests two beliefs, one she has the ability to teach, and two she had established some
collegiality among full-time faculty. An advantage, for Aisha over other applicants is that
she was already teaching in the department. Collette has a similar experience this is how
her pathway at NCSU began:
As I was completing my doctorate at UC, a professor at NCSU recommended that
I apply to her department. She felt that I would be a good fit. I applied as an
adjunct faculty member when a full-time position opened. I was encouraged to
apply, but the only problem was that I was not yet ABD16 so I was given a year to
ABD refers to “All But Dissertation” which means that all doctoral course work is complete, but not the
dissertation.
16
74
complete my studies. And I was hired as a full-time faculty member. I never even
gave NCSU a thought. I was really enjoying the work I was doing, and never
thought about the path. The doors opened up and it was real natural how it all
panned out.
Research studies report, there is a lack of African American female faculty due to
many not having a doctorate degree (Alex-Assensho, 2003; Stanley, 2006; Turner &
Myers, 2001, 2004). Even though Collette did not have her Ph.D. at the time the position
was available, she was able to established collegiality as a part-time lecturer, and prove
her competency as an instructor. Once her doctoral study was complete, she was offered a
full-time teaching position. Bertha, Collette, Denise and Evelyn were already teaching
part-time as an adjunct17 faculty member at a University of California (UC)18 institution
before hired as a full-time faculty member at NCSU. Aisha and Collette both taught as
part-time lecturer19 at NCSU. Collette was the only participant that taught part-time at
both UC and NCSU before obtaining a full-time tenure-track position. The literature
presents strong evidence of over-representation of Black women in part-time
lecturer/adjunct positions (Perna, Gerald, Baum & Milem, 2007). The others were
referred by a friend/colleague that knew of a position opening at NCSU and were
encouraged to apply. All of the participants were already in professional careers, with at
least half teaching in the NCSU or UC systems.
17
An adjunct professor is a person who teaches on the college level but is not a full-time professor. Rather,
an adjunct professor works for an institution of higher learning on a part-time basis. They can teach one or
they can teach multiple courses during a semester. However, future courses are not assured. Adjuncts
usually do not receive benefits such as health, life, or disability insurance nor do they receive employer
contributions for retirement http://ezinearticles.com/?Adjunct-Professor-Definition&id=2430104
18
The University of California (UC) is a research institution which has ten campuses at Berkeley, Davis,
Irvine, Los Angeles, Merced, Riverside, San Diego, San Francisco, Santa Cruz and Santa Barbara.
19
A lecturer can be part-time or full-time non-tenure-track faculty with a primary responsibility for
teaching. College lecturers at a minimum hold a master’s degree in the field appropriate to their
appointment. It is safe to say that adjunct and lecturer are the same.
75
Only Aisha and Faye expressed their expectations of NCSU. Faye’s comment was
not expounded upon, she simply states, “my expectations were met.” Aisha, taught at
NCSU as a part-time instructor for a couple of years, and had an idea of what it was like
to teach in her department. This could possibly explain why Aisha appeared confident
about her ability as a faculty member, and why she felt her expectations of NCSU were
met.
Collette appeared to have an optimistic attitude; she began her experience at
NCSU with an open mind, her plan was to observe the culture of the environmental.
Bertha's, unlike Colette, experience at NCSU was not a positive at all.
Bertha reported: When I came here it was a complete disaster, there was too
much micro management. Within my first semester, I was already fighting. People were
imposing on my classes. I thought it was weird. More then one professor came in
unannounced within one semester, including an Assistant professor to see what I was
doing. I did ask -- why are you coming to my class? Do we come unannounced? Once I
started asking about the policy, the war started. The first year was already a disaster. I
was already looking for another job. It was just a disaster.
Thomas and Hollenshead (2001) study of Black women faculty reported lack of
respect from colleagues, organizational barriers, unfriendly, and non-collegial attitudes.
Bertha experienced most of the negativities mention in Thomas and Hollenshead’s study.
Denise felt she had to assimilate into a system of predominately White faculty.
The hiring process went smoothly once I understood the politics behind it. I was
not the true me. I took off some of my earrings [this is a form of assimilation into
the dominant American social milieu; many black people feel they need to change
their style may it be dreadlocks, braids, or a mini Afro in order not to be perceived
76
as negative, threatening], or worse as Denise states; they think it’s political. Once
I got here, it wasn’t as smooth as I thought it was. There was some dissension
among the faculty with hiring me, but I guess it was overridden. I was given a
mentor, but he didn’t really help me with anything.
Denise's removal of her earrings so they would not be a distraction to the hiring
committee during the interview, and with hope it will increase her chances of getting the
job is demonstrated in many studies. These studies defined assimilation as the degree to
which one is associated with a privileged group. For example, blacks may be associated
with whites when they are said to “act white” (i.e., conform to white behavioral
stereotypes) or “look white” (i.e., possess a lighter shade of skin, not being too ethnic)
(Yoshino, 2002).
Gwen shares her experiences:
The hiring process in academics is a whole different process, within the
departments, and college levels. I found it quite comfortable for the simple reason
when I interviewed for the position, the chair was African American. There were
two African Americans on the interviewing committee along with another person
of color. So I was comfortable. But once I got to NCSU-- I had a rude awakening.
The chair was no longer the chair, and some of the committee members had
retired.
Gwen felt comfortable in the interview, because there were people who look like
her partaking in the RTP process. Whereas Denise attempts to "fit in" in a system without
being seen as completely different or too political; African Americans constantly adjust
their Blackness in order to make White folks feel more comfortable. The literature
discusses some people of color assimilating, or as Mohanty (2003) describes it
“cooperation and harmony.” Assimilation is a form of cooperation; harmony can be
interpreted as making “whites feel comfortable, by not expressing too much Black
identity.
77
Evelyn states, she has a unique experience and perception when welcomed to
NCSU by a black female staff member named Alice. Evelyn's tone of voice expresses her
delight and appreciation with her first experience at NCSU:
Part of the hiring process in this particular department was to present a lecture. As
I was preparing for my presentation, I typed something and asked the staff person
to make copies. I had a typo, and without saying anything to me she retyped the
whole thing for me. She asked if there were any mistakes, I corrected them and I
thought wow! After my presentation she walked me to my car and said, “I wish
you luck” then she gave me a hug. I didn’t even know that people did that, people
would just leave you. So I said, "I want to come back and work here, if not for
anything else, but for that lady".
African American female university staff members have not been studied as a
(gap in the literature) source of support to faculty. This study has found that two African
American female faculty reports university staff employees were a source of support to
their hiring process and RTP process (see comment from Bertha as noted below). Studies
have shown that university staff employees of color are overrepresented in service
positions, and are scarce in executive, administrative and managerial staff positions in
higher education (National Center for Education Statistics, 2002).
The second half of interview questions focused on university and departmental
support systems for faculty once appointed to a full-time tenure track faculty position,
which assist new faculty through the maze of RTP. The literature (Damrosch, 1995;
Rhode, 2006; Schuster & Finkelstein, 2006; Sykes, 1998) reveals an increased emphasis
on higher standards within the academic profession. Not any of the faculty interviewed
had a RTP format from their department to follow, in order to better prepare their file.
However, all seven participants did receive help compiling their RTP file from other
78
faculty members (the help was not necessarily from within the home department). Aisha
states:
I can say that was a really rough period. I do not believe that people were trying to
obstruct me. They really didn’t know how to support me. People were
individualist, they had been here for a long time it was more of I got here, now
you get yours. It wasn’t hostility, it was just you’ll be okay just figure it out.
Along the way there were certain individuals, two African American male faculty
members, who took it upon themselves to make sure I knew the things that I
needed to know. What would have been really helpful is, if I had someone to
mentor me. It was rough.
Interestingly, Bertha received support from a colleague and staff member, she explains:
I had help from a black female faculty member and a black female staff member. I
was in their office every day to get through. I don’t think I would have made it
without them.
Collette, Faye and Evelyn were the only three participants that had positive
support systems in their departments; all the other women received support from other
faculty members or a staff person outside of their department. Collette states:
The faculty in my department support their own; even though we might not all get
along. Senior faculty try to make sure junior faculty get through RTP; make sure
there is a strong letter really highlighting a person’s strengths.
Faye replies:
There was nothing formal, but one of my colleagues opened his RTP file to me to
use as a model. I was very happy, and to be fair there were other faculty members
that volunteered their file to me as well.
The stories from Aisha and Bertha echoes previous research that Black
individuals do best in institutions which has a sizable numbers of people of the same
racial identity to create a “comfort zone” (Grieger & Toliver, 2001; Toliver, 1998).
Other researches address the positive aspects of having more than one African American
faculty member in a department because it increases the possible opportunities for
79
research, teaching, and service collaborations. This also provides a sense of security in
numbers and a sense of camaraderie. Aisha, Bertha, Denise, Evelyn and Gwen states that
there is at least one other Black female faculty in their department. Only two participants,
Collette and Faye are the only African American female faculty in their departments.
However, they are the only two women reporting a supportive department and supportive
colleagues. One could argue that Faye’s acceptance was because her complexion is of
lighter skin. Faye notes she is of mixed race. Studies find that women who are lightskinned complexion often receive more privileges then Black women of darker skin
(Bielby & Bielby, (1996).
Collette’s department is comprised of faculty of color, which established a culture
of making sure that every faculty member is successful through RTP. My assumption is
because Collette’s department is multi-ethnicity, the dominant culture is not threatened,
and faculty is encouraged to “prove” themselves and maintain teaching creditability and
success at ease.
Five of the seven participants answered this series of questions relating to RTP
with anxiety and frustration in their voices. It appears the retention, tenure and promotion
process is a distressing experience. However, Collette and Faye contradicted the
researcher's assumption. Both women stated, they were so relaxed, Faye even mentioned
being happy.
80
Collette appears to be pleased and proud:
When I was moving through the process, people would say change this or do that,
make sure she does this before the primary committee20 reviews the file.
Vitally important is the supportive department and colleagues Collette and Faye
have, which better prepares them for a successful RTP review. For faculty women of
color, mentoring, peer mentoring, or some type of “formal mentoring” process is an
urgent necessity. Consistent with research regarding mentoring (Johnson & Huwe, 2003;
Johnson & Ridley, 2004) the interview participants felt that going through the retention,
tenure and promotion process is a difficult task, especially without the support and the
mentoring of colleagues. Research demonstrates that non-tenured women faculty and
faculty of color are virtually without mentoring, except for the mentoring relationships
they pursued with each other (Myers, 2002).
Bertha comments:
The department did not tell me anything about my file. My department is so lazy
they don’t do anything. My department never told me how to get my file. They
would just say, bring a copy of this, then bring a copy of that. The dean told me
that my file was terrible, what is going on in your department? I expected to see a
file that was organized and clear. When I was up for tenure I had to make up from
last time, catching up to what I should have been doing. There is no help!
Several researchers (Aguirre, 2000; Boice, 1993a; Green, 1989; Tack & Patitu, 1992;
Turner, 2003) examined the institutional contexts that faculty of color find themselves in
at academic institutions. Their findings reveal that unwelcoming work environments,
20
Primary Committee consists of tenured senior faculty elected to review the junior faculty "WPAF"
Working Personnel File, and write a comprehensive report to a higher level of Reviewers "Secondary
Committee" who will also write a positive or negative report. The Dean's report and all other reports are
then forward to the highest level of Administration for approval.
81
perceived racial discrimination, and difficulty in obtaining promotion or tenure, indeed
often prompt faculty of color to leave higher education and choose other occupations.
Bertha also noted that members of the Black Faculty and Staff Association, and
members of the California Faculty Association helped her with her file. Evelyn had the
help of a staff member compiling her file.
My RTP experiences the first year was fine, was really fine, but the second year
with the chair, his support was dwindling, going down. But he could not fight
against good student evaluations. I had published. I had good community service.
So I was strong and the third year also. The letter from my chair was not as strong
as the year before, he just commented on my file, but personally he just said that
he support. But I didn’t have to respond to any negative evaluations, I just worked
very hard and my file was good all the time.
Turner and Myers (2000) found that faculty of color in academia face many obstacles not
experienced by their white colleagues, especially in the area of promotion and tenure.
Most full professors (tenured), had good relationships with their colleagues, had a
mentor(s), participated in governance, particularly being in leadership, i.e., chair of a
department, or committee; had a good sense of self (confident); and had the opportunity
to publish with colleagues or conduct some sort of scholarly activity.
Research question three address factors which contribute to the successful
retention, tenure, and promotion process (RTP) of Black female faculty. Participants’
responses provided evidence as to whether or not these women are headed toward a
successful road to tenure and/or had a successful experience through the maze of RTP.
Researchers agree a successful tenure process could be the launch of increasing the
number of African American undergraduate and graduate students in higher education which in part, is dependent on the presence of African American faculty on college and
82
university campuses (Blackwell, 1989a; Epps, 1989; Miller, 1993; Nicholson, 1982;
Peterson, 1990).
Gwen reports her experiences with her colleagues and mentoring, she stated:
Not including the African American faculty. I have very little of a relationship
with my department colleagues. The department does have a mentoring program.
It was not a positive experience, the person assigned to me, we didn’t really
interact. Even today, it’s more hi how are you doing. Whereas a lot of the other
people who had mentors had them accompany them to different events and
forums on campus.
Five of the seven participants noted that they generally get along well with their
colleagues. Only Bertha and Denise has negative experiences and perceptions of their
colleagues and department leadership. Aguirre (2000) further argues that racial and ethnic
minority faculty is often constrained from entering valuable academic networks and
collegial relationships that are important to establishing a presence in their academic
careers.
Bertha spoke very fast, as if she had wanted to voice this many times:
Let me just put it like this, my relationship with my colleagues; we are at war in
this department. It is 100% negative. The relationship is already flawed because
of no respect of policy for minority, it is so bad.
Even though Denise had tenure at the time of the interview, she conveyed a sense of loss
hope, she states:
I felt like I was under a microscope. This is the time I went for tenure. He asked if
I wanted to go full time, and I said yes. “The gang” started emailing other faculty
what I will teach if I go full time. He questioned if I could teach.
Patricia Hill Collins (1992) agrees that many Black female faculty are under
“surveillance” being watched by other faculty members.
83
However, four of the seven participants had positive relationships with their
colleagues in their respective departments, below are what they expressed:
Collette reveals:
I have a professional relationship collectively with my colleagues, for the most
part. I participate in faculty meetings. I’m a key player in the department to move
things along. I think people see me as a leader, people come to me for resources
and support with a professional matter.
Evelyn mentions:
Experiences with my colleagues has been positive, I really like the faculty.
Faye expresses:
The emotional support, encouragement and collaboration among my colleagues is
definitely there.
Aisha notes:
I believe that I’ve made quite a contribution to the department. They trust me and
trust my decision-making capacity, so I see myself as a leader in this department;
definitely, as a leader.
In the article, African American Females in Academe: Power and Self
Development, Bey (1995) discusses power and self-development and how it can
strengthen African American women's leadership as decision-makers and power-brokers
within the world of academe. Five of the participants in this study stated they had a good
perception of themselves. Below are a few of their responses:
Collette facial expression was one of sincerity and concern, she states:
Yes, I feel that my voice needs to be heard. I feel that I represent our students
because our faculty make up is not representative of our students.
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Gwen notes:
Typically, I do attend department meetings. The decision making process at least
have the appearance to be democratic, although often, I see that the votes fall in
particular direction.
Evelyn’s tone was very strong and confident, she states:
To be honest with you, I think we are very powerful, I really do. I can be honest
right. I think we benefit from people being afraid of our skills, really. Okay, this is
a black woman you have to be careful, or they will “eat you up” and that is not
true, but that’s how we are looked upon. We do make sure that our voice is heard
and then we work together.
Two participants gave different self- perceptions than the other five participants, Faye
states:
There is a perception that I am different from everyone else that I stick out when
we all are together in a faculty meeting.
Denise expresses:
I don’t perceive myself as totally integrated. I just do what is required. She went
on to say: You get to a point where you just want to live, instead of fighting all
these battles. Things may go back to how it was in the1960s, people of the same
color, like it use to be, maybe a little brown, no native Americans teaching
anymore.
The two comments above are disturbing to me. In Bay (1995), she contends that
the self-worth of African American female faculty, cannot be dependent on the opinions
of other White faculty members. Otherwise, women particularly African American
females, will feel unappreciated and under-valued. Even though Bay's focus is on
Predominately White Institutions, her analysis in this particular article relates to NCSU
where faculty demographics are predominately White.
The criteria for promotion and tenure discussed in the faculty RTP policy
handbook identified only 20% of time allocated toward scholarship demonstrated through
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published and unpublished materials, while teaching performance accounted for 60% of
a faculty member's time with respect to evaluation criteria. This institution's evaluation
criteria stated that research may or may not be published, and included other scholarly
productivity (e.g., participation in workshops and conferences) as part of the research
criteria. Similar criteria exist for other teaching institutions, especially with regard to the
percentage of time devoted to research and publication.
Other dynamics relative to research and publication include lack of resources and
financial support (not a surprise to faculty considering the budget constraints throughout
the CSU). All participants note there is no funding available to support their research
agendas:
Gwen appears disappointed that no support is now the culture of the campus:
There is no money to support research and scholarship. Every now and then the
chair may send an email stating there is a little pot of money, put in your
application right away if you’re interested, but there is basically no financial
support.
Collette’s tone was a bit sarcastic:
Research, none, it makes it really difficult; there is no money, so it’s off your
back/own resources. There is no travel, but the expectation is that we be creative
and scholarly, it makes it hard to be motivated to be creative and scholarly, and
we are evaluated the same way, but there is not support to be creative and
scholarly. It’s just rhetoric, no support.
Aisha’s response to support mechanisms in her department was very interesting,
she states:
We don’t have financial support available. What we do in our department for new
faculty is that we lighten their load in their first year, so they can begin their
research and scholarship agenda. We also pair them up with a mentor, and we also
have informal groups where people work together to do research project. This is
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really where junior faculty pair up with someone who is more experienced in the
scholarly area. We work it that way. And yes, I feel this was available for me. My
first publication was with a faculty member who had a contract and I co-authored
with her.
Aisha story was powerful; her department was supportive, and the department
continues to support new faculty research agenda in the midst of budget constraints.
Interview Questionnaire Summary
Part two of this study is designed to add depth and breath to the findings. This
section reports the predominant themes of the narratives shared by participants:
collegiality, mentoring, RTP process, self perception (identity), and having a voice
(governance). These themes are consistent with findings from the research literature
(Berg, 2004; Glesne, 1999; Merrian, 1998). The intent of the researcher is that the
common themes can be used to offer insights, suggestions and recommendations for the
recruitment and retention of faculty of color in higher education.
The researcher would only consider an issue as a theme if a minimum of four
participants described it in their story.
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Table 3.
Identified themes from seven interviews
Themes
Aisha
Bertha
Have a positive relationship with
√
√
√
√
√
Collette
Denise
Evelyn
Faye
Gwen
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
colleagues in their department
No formal mentoring program, but
African American faculty in other
departments volunteered mentorship
Lack of formal procedures
regarding the RTP process (i.e., no
formal guidelines of required
materials that should be in a RTP
binder)
Most of the interviewees felt it
important to have a voice in faculty
meetings, and participated in
governance
Did not feel powerless, but had a
sense of power in their department
Identified some faculty members in
their department as gangs (i.e., a
group of faculty, typically white,
who plotted against them)
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Relationship with Colleagues
When asked if you can describe your relationship with your departmental
colleagues all faculty had a positive response, except for Bertha “let me just put it like
this, my relationship with my colleagues, we are at war in this department. It is 100%
negative.” Aisha's experience is similar to Bertha's but not as negative and suggests that a
workable cordial relationship can exist between the faculty members:
Aisha stated:
I’ve had the experience of people not being very helpful at all, and that was a little
disheartening, so I had a little bit of both. I think I would have benefited more if I
had a formal mentoring program were I had an identified mentor, with learning
opportunities throughout.
Most participants expressed conservative attitudes and beliefs about their
colleagues. Four participants stated they got along well with their colleagues, while three
participants stated they did not get along well with faculty in their department. However,
the researcher's deep sense of conviction suggests the participants maintained the
fortitude to look beyond the situation and develop fruitful relations with the individuals.
The one participant who worked solo with her feelings of loneliness, isolation in a hostile
environment (her department) and with a lack of support; her support came from a faculty
and staff member in another department, which took her under their wings. That is how
she got tenured. Mentoring!
Mentoring
Black feminist and critical race perspectives have suggested that creating and
sustaining strong connective relationships with other Black women are essential to their
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social and psychological wellbeing (Hughes & Howard-Hamilton, 2003). The literature
(Gregory, 2001) speaks specifically about Black women connecting with mentors within
their academic discipline, establishing a supportive network of colleagues in and outside
of their departments. More specifically, with other women no matter what race or
ethnicity (Madsen, 2007).
Most participants stated, there was no formal mentoring program, but one was
needed. There was a wide range of comments from each professor. Denise comments:
My department gave me a mentor, but he didn’t really help me with anything. …it
didn’t work really well. Maybe it worked with other people. There was some
apprehension, not a real connect.
Denise has had negative experiences with her colleagues and department as a
whole. It was disheartening for me to see her frustration, anger, and her lost sense of hope
that there would probably be no changes in her department.
Evelyn didn’t seem to mind that she wasn’t given a mentor, she states:
No, I was not given a mentor, but people took it upon themselves to mentor me,
like James and Harry, they just took me under their wings. To be honest with you,
it’s been Alice, she knows everything about the department, when you are about
to do something, she tells you, she guides you and tells you even though she is not
a professor, but a staff member. She has really been a rock. Even when I go crazy,
Alice has just been there. Sometimes you find competitiveness among professor,
but Alice is a safe haven, where I can go to, but I didn’t have a mentor.
Gwen described her experiences:
Yes, my department does have a mentoring program and the faculty member who
was assigned to me, we really didn’t have any interactions, only hi, and how are
you doing in the mail room. Whereas a lot of other people who had mentors
would accompany them to different events, at least my perception was that others
were more interactive.
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When asked about their experiences in achieving tenure or working toward that
goal, the participant’s perceptions and experiences varied. For some, there was no
problem for others concerns included absence of mentoring and direction from other
senior faculty. They described more negative experiences than positive.
Retention, Tenure, and Promotion (RTP) Process
In this research study, the important criteria for African American female faculty
after having been recruited by the institution, is the appointment as a faculty member,
achieving tenure, and obtaining promotion to full professorship. Five of the seven
participates shared a common theme of feeling plotted against by their perspective
colleagues. Two participants of the study, used the word “gang” to describe a group of
her colleagues. Denise referred to white faculty members in her department as a gang.
Bertha comments:
As I was going up for tenure and promotion, the RTP committee in this
department, the same people, the “gang” who were coming to my classes was
putting things in my file trying to set me up for failure. The “gang,” started
emailing each other asking people what I will teach if I go full time. He
questioned if I could teach.
The core of Black feminist thought is the concept of standpoint, which suggests that the
inherited struggle against racism and sexism is a common bond among African American
women (Collins, 2002). Mentoring was a common comment throughout all the women's
stories the importance of having a mentor while moving through the RTP process makes
life a lot less stressful and less complicated. However, racism and sexism can be
perceived as barriers to tenure and retention. According to the faculty in this study,
mentoring is critical during the tenure process.
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Participation in Governance
The literature encourages Black female faculty to participate in all department
meetings, college meeting, and university-wide meetings in order to stay abreast of the
politics, and actions of faculty members. The researcher reflected on the interviews when
participants described their participation in governance, most women had expressions of
confidence and leadership at faculty meetings, see testimonies below:
Faye states:
I feel that my voice needs to be heard. I feel that I represent our students because
our faculty make up is not representative of our students.
Aisha notes:
I’m a key player in the department to move things along. I believe in having a
history in the department and very involved, they trust me and trust my decisionmaking capacity, so I see myself as a leader in this department.
All participants expressed their need to be engaged in governance within their
individual departments. Having a voice in faculty meetings was very important to all the
women. Knowing the “rules of the game” is an important concept for faculty.
Participation in faculty meetings strengthens their academic survival.
Being Powerful
In Teresa Bay paper on African American Females in Academe: Power and SelfDevelopment throughout the discussion, she states that leadership viewed as the power
and control African American women exercise in their roles as faculty members. As the
researcher reflects upon the confidence these women displayed when asked the question
of how they perceived themselves, they became very serious. Several of the participants
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mentioned feeling powerful, and having a sense of power. Even through the racism, for
instance, Bertha asserted, “I will fight back, and no one has power over me. The extreme
story throughout this study has been Bertha; she has endured many trails and tribulations
as she demonstrated in many of her passages presented in this dissertation. Despite the
perils and conditions that she perceived herself as having, she still endured to tenure, she
asserts: I feel that I’m powerful and not a victim.” Evelyn also stated that she perceives
herself as powerful, she states: “To be honest with you, I think we are very powerful, I
really do.” Collette described herself as “a key player in the department to move things
along. I think people see me as a leader, people come to me for resources and support on
professional matters.” Bay (1995) states, faculty who uses their opportunities to serve on
committees, make recommendations, has a leadership role on a committee, is a resource,
have professional contacts, etc., has a sense of power, and others see this person has
having value and a contribution (p. 22). The researcher describes participants in this
study as members of two groups–African Americans and women– who have been
historically oppressed and marginalized; their unique voice offers important insight into
their needs to be a successful professor at an institution where the faculty are
predominately White.
In summary, whether the participants felt fully equipped to become a full-time
faculty member at a 4-year institution; negotiate their promotion, retention, and tenure
process; or undoubtedly ill-prepared, was not the gist of their experience. Rather, it
appeared as if the major lesson was individual character, drive, and self-motivation,
which all of the participants initially or eventually discovered, as the most necessary
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resource to successfully earn tenure and promotion. Their experiences; however, do
provide rationale for further review of recruiting efforts, and increasing effective
mentoring programs that emphasize better matches and informative communication
among senior and junior faculty. Overall, the respondents’ experiences spoke
considerably on the encounters of Black women and other traditionally underrepresented
groups in the academy, regarding the need to possess a strong sense of self as well as the
importance of actively seeking assistance when ambiguities arise. However, most of all,
the participants demonstrated that earning tenure and promotion, despite the rigor and
obstacles, is possible.
The final chapter of this dissertation presents the results related to the research
questions, summary of the overall study, conclusions drawn from the research findings,
discussion of the research findings, recommendations, and future research.
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Chapter 5
DISCUSSION
Introduction
This chapter presents a synthesis of the findings with those from previous
research, highlights the research questions, and suggests future directions for research
investigations. The qualitative data strongly emphasizes the belief that “mentorship” and
“governance” (Stanley, 2006, 2007; Arnold, 2006; C. González, 2007) is a key factor in
recruitment and retention among African American female faculty at NCSU. Overall, the
participants reified all the major points of previous research reviewed for the study.
Participants felt that having mentors and a voice in governance uniquely affected their
retention at the university (Lewellen-Williams et al., 2006; Millett & Nettles, 2006; C.
González, 2007). Participants that had mentors, or some form of mentoring, identified
their help as assets to their success in obtaining tenure. The different types of mentoring
they received came at many different stages of their academic lives and in many different
ways. A significant contributing factor for many of these women is that someone took a
sincere interest in them, and guided them to successes in retention, tenure and promotion.
As a result in many of the research participants now mentor other faculty or feel
an obligation to help other faculty, once tenure is obtained. Researchers encourage
faculty to participate in career-long support that include mentoring to help eliminate some
of the obstacles facing African American female faculty members who are striving to be
retained, promoted and tenured (Aguirre, 2000; Blackwell, 1988; Patitu, 1992). Overall,
this study’s findings support what the literature says about mentoring. Mentoring
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relationships are necessary to overcome the feeling of isolation of African-American
females, along with access to valuable networking opportunities. Without positive
collegial relationships, these women are excluded from the "information loop," missing
out on travel funds, grant money, support services and other similar opportunities.
Research shows non-tenured women faculty and faculty of color were virtually without
mentoring, except for those with each other (Dobele, Hartley, & Benton, 2006, Stanley &
Lincoln, 2005). Perhaps this explains the increasing amount of frustration and alienation
experienced by African-American females who so often find themselves searching for
support that has depth and validation.
Most participants stated that they felt like powerful Black women within their
departments. Research participants (Bertha and Gwen) stated that faculty in their
respective departments questioned their intelligence, even though both a graduate of a
University of California (UC). Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework confronts and
challenges traditional views of education in regard to issues of meritocracy, and equal
opportunity (Crenshaw, 1989, 1993; Delgado Bernal, 2002; Solorzano & Yosso, 2001a;
Villalpando, 2003). Participants expressed the frustration they felt because of this
mistreatment. Hill-Collins (2000) stressed how black women lives are extricable linked
to a history of racist and sexist oppression that institutionalizes the devaluation of them as
women while it simultaneously idealizes their white counterparts. This location places
black women in a bind because they become very visible because of their race and
gender, as Faye mentioned her presence in faculty meetings were obvious; she mentioned
her perception of being different from everyone else, and that she sticks out when at
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faculty meetings. BFT highlights issues of being devalued, ignored, and disrespected
(Hill Collins, 2000; Robinson & Clardy, 2010), which Bertha consistently mentioned in
her interview:
I thought being a Ph.D. was a good thing, apparently not, I thought being a human
being. I think they have lost all sense of humanity in this department. I don’t
know why. It was crazy, harassment, trying to get me out of the department. The
first year, once I started raising questions on policy, department policy, the war
started, they tried to get me out. They asked me when am I leaving, they said, if
you are leaving then I will leave you alone.
BFT stresses the importance of empowerment, which leads to transforming unjust social
institutions. Applied to higher education, BFT is important in assisting Black women to
effectively deal with the wide array of microagressive indignities (i.e., racists attitudes
and behaviors) encountered in their daily campus experiences (Howard-Hamilton, 2003).
BFT (Collins, 1990, 1998, 2002) recognizes the marginalization felt by many Black
women in academia, which is sometimes described as the “outsider within status”
(Howard-Hamilton, 2003, p. 21).
Most of the participants were either tenured or working in a tenure track position.
Several of the participants who discussed the issue of tenure acknowledged their peers
and colleagues who supported them in the process. Positive letters were written on their
behalf, colleagues offered them advice on the process, and also helped them pull their
tenure files together. Not surprisingly, some participants felt that the tenure process was a
maze to get through. This attitude was consistent with the findings in the literature which
show that in order to move through the RTP process, one must be fully informed of the
ritual process (Tack & Patitu, 1992; Tierney & Rhodes, 1993; Williams, 2001).
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The literature highlights the fact that black faculty experience severe
marginalization on campus (Brown et al., 2007; C. González, 2007; Saavedra &
Saavedra, 2007; Vasquez, 2007; Alfred, 2001; Turner, 2003). In this study race was not a
major theme among the participants influencing their RTP process. However, Bertha and
Denise stated feelings of being watched by other faculty members, even to the point of
faculty members “ganging up;”[more than two or more faculty plotting against them in
some form or fashion]; having colleagues questioning teaching capability. These are
themes that are also prevalent in the volume Tedious Journey’s (Robinson & Clardy,
2010).
While all participants have gone through all or parts of the retention, tenure and
promotion process, the majority stated that because of faculty and/or staff support
(mentoring), having positive relationships with their colleagues, and having a sense of
power as a black women by participating in governance, a combination of these all made
the RTP process manageable and successful. The women in this study, regardless of their
various experiences, maintained that RTP is attainable. Since all participants stated being
the only African American female faculty in their department, or at least one other (no
more than 2 in a department), the fact that there were so few blacks around them also
meant that there were few colleagues of their same racial or cultural background to
bounce ideas off of when they wanted some feedback. Black Feminist Thought (BFT)
encourages Black women to create their own self-definitions that validate other Black
women.
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Although published scholars in the literature suggest that it is essential for Black
women to connect with one another (Hughes & Howard-Hamilton, 2003; Collins, 2000),
Black women’s underrepresentation in the field makes this recommendation difficult to
achieve, especially in face-to-face interactions, in some cases. Just like Collette who
stated that she co-published with an African American female faculty at another
institution out of state. In other cases, it is virtually impossible to find another AfricanAmerican female and/or male to interact with in the same unit, department and/or
division on some college campuses (Brightharp, Henry, Hinton, et al., 2005).
Both Black feminist thought and critical race theory provide useful cues for
redressing the disenfranchisement that Black women continue to experience in
institutions of higher education. The concept of standpoint, which describes the bonding
that occurs among Black women as a result of their common struggle against racism and
sexism, suggests that connective strategies may work to strengthen and empower these
women. Furthermore, critical race theory relies heavily on the sharing of personal
experiences (known as “counterstories”) and the creation of supportive and welcoming
environments (“counterspaces”) in helping Black women overcome the challenges
related to systemic racism that are compounded by the lack of critical mass. It is within
this context that the following individual and institutional strategies are offered to counter
some of the difficulties that Black women working in higher education face when
attempting to establish and sustain relationships with one another.
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Recommendations
After careful review of the data reported by the seven participants in this study
and reviewing the literature that provided the theoretical framework and historical
context for this study. There are a few components to be addressed that can help advance
African American women to achieve a faculty position, and be retained and tenured. The
following recommendations directly or indirectly tie to the research findings.
Recommendation 1. Selecting Diversity-Sensitive Search Committees
Select individuals, especially as chairpersons who are highly regarded in
departments, the university community, and local community. Have respect of diverse
constituencies. Such committees must include individuals that have been successful in
recruiting minorities and women and are skilled at conducting respectful, effective
meetings. They should include women and minorities if possible, and at least one or two
members that are knowledgeable about current equal opportunity/affirmative action
practices (Turner, 2002).
Recommendation 2. Recruiting Resources (Mailing lists)
Recruit from Women’s Colleges; Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCUs), and other minority institutions. Women and minority-focused professional
organizations; Women and minority-focused electronic listservs; minority associations on
campuses, for example, Black Faculty and Staff Associations, they can be an outreach
resource.
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Recommendation 3 – Look for outside funding to promote research agenda
A significant finding is the lack of support for faculty research agenda’s. Based
on this finding faculty can seek external funding through research and sponsored projects.
Most faculty tend to overlook this department on campuses. However, external funding is
an option to support faculty research and scholarly activities. The Office of Research and
Sponsored Projects have officers on staff to support faculty with research and proposal
development, in addition to identifying funding opportunities. Services offered by this
office can assist faculty with grant-writing workshops, access to funding databases, and
proposal submission.
Recommendation 4 –Join a faculty organization
Joining a Black Faculty and Staff Association or California Faculty Association
as a support network builds a coalition of friends, family, and colleagues around to guide
and support as needed. For people of color, a sense of community is key component of
success, and tapping into the power of others who will speak on their behalf of groups
supporting them. Another strategy that Black women faculty and staff may find useful in
connecting with other Black women in the academy is participation in local, regional, and
national professional organizations. Twale and Shannon (1996) have noted the findings
of several researchers who contend that “association involvement has often offered a
more hospitable environment than the academic workplace” for women in higher
education (p. 117).
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Recommendation 5 – Promote institutionalized mentorship
Creating and/or enhancing effective mentoring relationships between senior and
junior faculty whereas the new faculty member has an opportunity in the selection
process of that member. This institutionalized approach must be comprehensive and
include financial resources, human resources, and material resources.
Recommendation 6 – Departmental sample RTP binders
A sample of a successful departmental RTP binder, many of the participants of
the study reported they had no guidance, formal or informal. One participant stated that a
faculty member gave his RTP binder for her to use as a guide. Patitu and Hinton (2005)
cited the following as the most common barriers these women faced in the pursuing
tenure and promotion: “conflicting information, unwritten rules, lack of direction, and
nitpicking or triviality” (p. 87). Therefore, having a RTP sample binder is valuable for
black women faculty to use as a model for how it should be put together.
Recommendation 7 - Don’t Give Up!
Keep your eyes on the prize; the negotiation of promotion and tenure for a faculty
member of color can be an emotional, spiritual, and even physically (health-wise)
threatening process (Hill Collins, 2000; Mabokela & Green, 2001; Radford-Hill, 2000;
Rendon, 2000). If one does not have stamina and inner drive, one may give up. Faculty
should seek and receive assistance when necessary (e.g., ask senior faculty to review
drafts of manuscripts, RTP file). The women in this study relied on a number of resources
in order to assure their success. All of the participants reported having some form of
support (particularly senior faculty in either their department or another department).
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While this research provides a platform for the voices of seven participants in this
study to be heard, the issue of having a small number of African American female faculty
members in colleges and universities across the country will not be eradicated with my
study. Therefore, there continues to be a need for future research in the area of Black
women and their pursuit of the professoriate, and their pursuit of promotion, retention
and tenure.
The preparation of future and current faculty should address all dimensions of
their success as professors in academia working toward retention, tenure and promotion.
The policy implications of the findings are to develop systematic campus support systems
for faculty of color. Federally funded research agencies have established multiple forms
to involve scholars of color in mentoring and development programs in research (The
Journal of Higher Education, 2009). Sponsored research officers can assist faculty, staff
and administrators to search and identify these agencies through the university’s grants
and sponsored research office.
Future Research
I believe that more qualitative studies are needed in the area of African American
women in academe, especially in regards to doctoral candidates who are interested in the
professorship; as well as the ARTP process for Black female faculty. There are countless
quantitative studies on race, ethnicity, and gender that provide sound and rational
explanations on the phenomena of issues and situations, but those studies could be
enhanced and more applicable if they were conducted, solely and/or in part, qualitatively
(Merriam & Associates, 2002). Obtaining the narratives behind the statistics is powerful
103
and could provide meaning to wider audiences within and outside of the academy
(Babbie, 2001).
While I believe that the research methodologies used for this study were
instrumental in helping me explore participant’s lives in academe. I do believe that future
studies on this topic could be improved by:
1) broadening the geographic sites of data collection to include not only one site
but all twenty-three CSU campuses, this may increase the applicability and
generalizability of the data findings;
2) increasing the sample pool of Black female faculty members, as with the
number of research sites, could also provide richer data;
3) Finally, while I realize that the nature of qualitative research is not necessarily
for quantifying purposes, I do believe that in order for systematic change to occur, such
as the need to implement effective mentoring and search committee’s for women and
faculty members of color, that unfortunately, it will take more than seven out of the
thousands of Black women faculty members stories to promote and justify a revolution of
programs and services. Therefore, it is imperative for researchers to extend the uses of
CRT and BFT as a framework to analyze educational inequities. Scholars use CRT to
account for the role of race and racism in U.S. Higher Education, which commonly used
methods of storytelling to show the permanence of race (Solorzano, Villalapndo, and
Oseguera, 2002). Utilizing CRT and BFT as a tool of analysis in education will help lead
toward the standardization these frameworks to ensure the quality and richness of the
research presented (Lee, 2008).
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Author’s Reflection
This study revealed several layers in terms of how seven Black female faculty
members of this study successfully got appointed to a full-time faculty position,
negotiated promotion, retention and tenure at a four-year institution in California. Their
narratives discussed their successes and struggles as they sought and attained one of the
highest honors in academia, promotion and tenure (AAUP, 1969). The participants’
experiences of how they negotiated access to as well as access within a stratified system
speaks volumes to their commitment, tenacity, sacrifice, and their willingness to accept a
challenge and not become discouraged. Each of the participants ultimately accepted and
lived with the consequences of her choice to pursue an academic career at a Northern
California State University. Without a doubt, what each of the women in this study
achieved both within and across their respective disciplines was remarkable and historic
in that they helped pave the way for other Black women and faculty from underrepresented groups to follow.
The researcher of this study set out to examine the experiences of a select group
of black female faculty members with the intent of highlighting some of the common
obstacles they overcame during their time of retention, promotion and tenure at NCSU
and some of the common supports they used during this process. The research focusing
on the experiences of African American female faculty is still extremely limited. Most of
the research focuses on the underrepresentation of blacks through statistical data. It is
hoped that this qualitative study will provide more in-depth knowledge about some of the
factors which led to keeping these seven faculty in the faculty pipeline. All of the
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participants overcame major barriers and obstacles with help from mentors, role models
and research and teaching opportunities. While the journey for the participants in my
study was not always clear or easy, they were able to maintain focus and achieve their
goal of “going up the academic ranks” of the professoriate by drawing upon mentors and
other faculty members in their departments. Also, the participants in this study were
successful for a variety of reasons, including the fact that they were all persistent, and had
a good sense of self “feeling of power.”
In summary, the data on the underrepresentation of black female faculty in
academia has been out for a while and my study only adds to the abundance of literature,
which demonstrates that some of the same problems regarding the underrepresentation
are still prevalent today. The main problem is the will for educational leaders address the
problems, not ignorance of the existence of a problem. However, in order for this
problem of underrepresentation to be delineated, a more consistent and serious effort will
have to be made starting from the beginning of the pipeline until the end. It is hoped that
this study will serve as a platform for further discussion on the retention and recruitment
of African American female faculty in California State University and beyond.
106
APPENDICES
107
Appendix A
PROTECTION OF HUMAN SUBJECTS
November 23, 2009
To:
Adrienne S. Thompson
Doctoral Candidate
Educational Leadership & Policy Studies
From: John Schaeuble, Chair
Committee for the Protection of Human Subjects
Re:
Protocol 09-10-054(Nov)
“African American Women Faculty Experiences and Perceptions at a Northern California
University: Recruitment and Retention”
The Committee for the Protection of Human Subjects approved your application as “Minimal
Risk” at its November 16, 2009 meeting.
This IRB approval is with the understanding that you will promptly inform the Committee if any
adverse reaction should occur while conducting your research (see “Unanticipated Risks” in the
CPHS Policy Manual). Adverse reactions include but are not limited to bodily harm,
psychological trauma, and the release of potentially damaging personal information.
The approval applies to the research as described in your application. If you wish to make any
changes with regard to participants, materials, or procedures, you will need to request a
modification of the protocol. For information about doing this, see “Requests for Modification”
in the CPHS Policy Manual.
Your approval expires on November 30, 2010. If you wish to collect additional data after that
time, you will need to request an extension for the research. For additional information, see
“Requests for Extension” in the CPHS Policy Manual.
If you have any questions, please contact me at 278-6666 or the Office of Research
Administration at 278-7924. Thank you.
108
Appendix B
INVITATION LETTER
December 1, 2009
TO: Administrative Staff Member
My name is Adrienne Thompson, Doctoral Candidate in Educational Leadership &
Policy Studies, at California State University, Sacramento. I would like to interview
African American women who are full-time tenure or tenure-track faculty members to
participate in my research study. The interview will be confidential, and consist of 20
open-ended questions that will take approximately 90 minutes to complete. Participants
will be identified only by a pseudonym in all data collected for this research.
The purpose of my study is to investigate, describe and analyze the experience of African
American women faculty in diverse ranks and departments. These accounts will provide
a case study resource from which to assess the strengths and limitations of existing
recruitment and retention procedures and policy. The goal is to develop recommendations
which will inform the revision of existing recruitment and retention procedures.
If there are African American women faculty who are full-time tenure or tenure-track in
your department who may be interested in participating in my study, please refer them to
me or you contact me at 916-271-2761 or sac48753@csus.edu.
Thank you in advance for your assistance.
Adrienne S. Thompson
Adrienne S. Thompson
109
Appendix C
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
Purpose of the Research
You are being asked to participate in a study conducted by Adrienne Thompson, Doctoral
Candidate in Educational Leadership & Policy Studies, at California State University,
Sacramento. This study will investigate the recruitment and retention experiences of
African American female faculty at California State University, with the principal
objective of developing recommendations to revise existing policy and practice. My
dissertation chair is Dr. Carlos Nevarez, Associate Professor in Educational Leadership &
Policy Studies Doctoral Program.
Research Procedures
You will be asked to participate in an interview consisting of twenty open-ended
questions about your experiences and perceptions regarding the recruitment and
retention, tenure, and promotion process. The interview will last no longer than 90
minutes at a location of your choosing. With your permission, the interview will be
audio recorded, from which a transcription will be made.
Risks
Some of the interview questions may be personal and may trigger emotions associated
with RTP or perceptions of being treated differently, but you don’t have to answer any
question if you don’t want to and you can stop at any time. You may participate as much
or as little in the interview. If the questions cause any unpleasant memories to resurface,
or you become emotionally distraught you can contact the University Psychological
Counseling Services at (916) 278-6416.
Benefits
You may gain additional insights into the factors that promote successful recruitment
strategies geared toward African American women faculty. It is hoped that the results of
this study will help to clarify the strengths and limitations of the existing policy and
practice of recruitment, retention and promotion of African American women faculty and
provide institutional leaders to a basis from which to make improvements.
Confidentiality
To preserve the confidentiality of all information gathered in this study, you will be
issued a pseudonym . A pseudonym will also be used for your department and institution.
110
With your permission, the interview will be audio taped in order for the researcher to be
completely engaged in the conversation. The tape will be destroyed after all the
interviews have been transcribed, and the data analyzed, no longer than 6 months after
the interview. All tape transcripts and notes from the interview will be kept in the
researcher’s home office in a locked file cabinet until data analysis has been completed,
and will be destroyed no later than 6 months. If you decide at any time that you would
like to stop the interview, your data will be withdrawn from the study and destroyed.
Compensation
There will be no compensation for participating in this research study.
Contact information
If you have any questions about this research, you may contact Adrienne Thompson at
(916) 271-2761; astfaith@yahoo.com. My dissertation chair, Dr. Carlos Nevarez, is also
available at (916) 278-5557 or nevarezc@csus.edu
Participant print name
Date
I agree to have this interview audio taped
Participant signature
Yes
No
Participant print name
Date
Participant signature
Researcher’s print name
Date
Researcher’s signature
111
Appendix D
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Background Information
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
What attracted you to California State University, Sacramento (Sac State)?
How long have you been at Sac State?
What is your faculty standing? Assistant, Associate, or Full Professor, Lecturer
Can you explain your pathway to Sac State?
What is the field in which you received your Doctoral degree?
How do you describe your ethnic identity?
Faculty Experience
7. What do you recall about your hiring process?
8. When you arrived at Sac State, how did your experience compare with your
expectations formed during the hiring process?
9. Can you describe your relationship with your departmental colleagues? Did you
department have a mentoring program or provide a mentor for new faculty? Can
you describe your experience with it?
10. Do you participate in department meetings and governance? To what extent do
you feel included in decision-making within your department?
11. Are there African American women faculty in your department in addition to
you?
12. How do you perceive yourself overall in your department?
13. Can you describe your participation in the department’s hiring and retention
process? To what extent were you able to inform the position description,
recruitment and vetting processes?
Department/University
14. Do you know of any efforts within your department and/or university to conduct a
targeted search to recruit and retain African American women faculty? If so, what
are these efforts?
15. Do you believe that all faculty are treated the same in your department and
institution?
16. Are there African American women in your department, including yourself,
serving in leadership positions? Can you describe their leadership role?
17. What are your perceptions of leadership, generally, in your department and
university?
18. Do you have any experiences that relate to racial issues in your department or the
university? If so, how did you handle it?
112
19. What support systems are in place for conducting research and scholarship in your
department? Do you feel these are available to you?
20. What support systems does your department have to assist you through the RTP
process? Can you describe your RTP experiences thus far?
113
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