Challenges and Opportunities
of the Young Generation
in Africa and Germany
A Contribution to our Common Future
A Common Paper
written by the scholarship-holders of the exchange programme
“Go Africa… Go Germany...”, realized by the Federal Agency for Civic
Education/bpb, following an initiative of the former President
of the Federal Republic of Germany, Horst Köhler
2009/10
A Common Paper on the challenges and opportunities of the young generation in A frica and Germany
We, the participants of the third German-African exchange programme “Go Africa… Go Germany 2009/10” 1 from Germany and
West African countries, are proud to hereby present the following
essay as a major result of our collaborative work.
Abdulrahman Salaudeen Adeshina (Nigeria)
Adam Natia James (Ghana)
Alexander Schwartz (Germany)
Chidiogo Akunyili (Nigeria)
Claudia Hargarten (Germany)
Constanza Zähringer (Germany)
Coretta Maame Panyin Jonah (Ghana)
Corinna Braun-Munzinger (Germany)
Emmanuel Antwi Akoto (Ghana)
Fabian Kiehlmann (Germany)
Fatoumata Binta Diallo (Guinea)
Isaac Owusu (Ghana)
Joseph Goakai (Sierra Leone)
Joseph J. Matimbwi (Tanzania)
Kai Striebinger (Germany)
Keren Asante (Ghana)
Kristin Heinig (Germany)
Liliane Uwimana (Rwanda)
Lotta Mayer (Germany)
Matthias Roth (Germany)
Nicolas Hausdorf (Germany)
Serge Otis Tokom Tchepnkep (Cameroon)
Susanne Meltl (Germany)
Coordinator: Miriam Shabafrouz, social scientist; “Go Africa… Go Germany 2007” scholarship-holder
1
The programme was conceptualised and organised by the Federal Agency for Civic Education/bpb
th
on the initiative of the former Federal President Horst Köhler and took place from August 16 to Seprd
th
st
tember 3 , 2009 in Germany, and from March 11 to March 31 , 2010 in Ghana and Nigeria. It was
designed to bridge the knowledge gap between African realities and German perceptions and German realities and African perceptions and, by bringing together the younger generation of academics
in a meeting of the cultures, encourage an interdisciplinary exchange and deepening of knowledge.
One of the major aims of the programme was to acquire a creative human basis for future GermanAfrican academics but also to facilitate exchange between them and established experts in the fields
of economics, politics and law, as well as politicians. The programme was aimed mainly at students
and young graduates aged up to 28 years in the subject areas of political science, international relations, economics and law.
Challenges and Opportunities of the
Young Generation in Germany and
Africa
A Common Paper written by the scholarship-holders of the exchange programme “Go
Africa… Go Germany 2009/10”, realized by the Federal Agency for Civic Education
/bpb, following an initiative of the former President of the Federal Republic of Germany, Horst Köhler.
1.
Introduction .....................................................................................................................2
2.
Basic Values and Attitudes of Young People in Germany and West Africa .........5
3.
The Daily Reality of Young Men and Women in Germany and West Africa ......13
4.
Political Participation of Young People in Germany and West Africa..................25
5.
Summary of the Study & Outlook ..............................................................................32
6.
The Way Forward: Recommendations for Improving Youth Policy in Germany
and African Countries ..................................................................................................36
7.
References ....................................................................................................................43
1.
Introduction
One of the core goals of the “Go Africa… Go Germany…” exchange programme is to promote a deeper understanding of German and African realities. This finds its expression in the
Common Paper, written jointly by the participants of each generation. For this Common Paper, we have concentrated on the question, how a German-African partnership can address
challenges affecting youth in Germany and Africa. As we are currently developing a network of young people motivated to contribute to the build-up of a long-lasting partnership between Africa and Germany, as envisaged by the former Federal President of Germany, Horst
Köhler, we want to contribute to a better understanding of crucial issues in both parts of the
world. Therefore, this paper aims to tackle the following question: How can youth policy
develop within a German-African Partnership, and how should a corresponding policy
be shaped in Germany and Africa? The focus is placed on Germany and West African
countries, in particular on Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Cameroon and Guinea. These are
all states and societies with varying political, economic and security situations 2, but still, their
comparison reveals the inherent underlying similarities with regards to the challenges facing
young people in these countries. After an analysis of the main characteristics and trends in
the field of youth policies in Germany and West African countries, we propose a series of
recommendations for their improvement. Through these recommendations, we also wish to
contribute to the current establishment of the Association for German-African Youth Education.
“Youth” is understood as a phase of life between childhood and adulthood, starting with
the beginning of puberty at the age of approximately 13 years. But youth is not only defined
biologically; one’s culture and society has a role to play in this definition. "Youth" takes certain forms and has a particular meaning depending on the society or social group. Therefore,
the end of this phase of life is much harder to determine than its beginning. Usually, one’s
social and economic self-dependency is taken as a marker. However, many young people
today are socially and culturally independent, i.e. they live in their own households, have finished basic education, lead their own social and cultural lives etc., but are still economically
dependent on their parents. Consequently, we chose 30 as the cut-off age for our definition.
The operational definition of the age group between 15 and 30 has been chosen because of
the diverse cultural contexts that this paper deals with.
2
Depending on the data available, we also refer to Africa as a whole or to diverging sub-regions.
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On a practical level, the youth demand rights and economic prospects . Both can be difficult,
and if the interests of youth and more influential social groups clash, serious problems related to political participation, economic opportunities, social and cultural influence and even
to security and peace can arise. In Germany, specific problems arise from the ageing population and resultant shrinking society. This is a world in which today's youth have to shoulder a
large burden in the near future and at the same time faces difficulties in finding adequate
work. This latter problem is the same across most of Africa, where many young people compete in societies where the majority of people are young and influential positions are monopolized by elders and the high number of youngsters is considered as a problem in itself:
The "youth bulge" seems to threaten the state's and society's stability – while youth would
say that the problem lies in the lack of chances, not in the youth itself.
As this paper tries to tackle the dual task of pointing out problems and finding solutions, we
have explored the diverse problems and challenges that young people in Africa and Germany face and have pointed out possible ways to improve current situations. We take into
account a range of problems affecting both German and African youth. Our aim is to find
out the potential that exists in a German-African partnership with a youth policy embedded
within this partnership. In this respect, the possibilities of a German-African Foundation centred on youth education are explored: What could the envisaged German-African Youth
Foundation contribute to solving the identified problems?
We are aware that the living-conditions of youth in Germany and Africa vary widely. However, they also vary across African countries and, most importantly, between different regions and social groups within those countries – as is the case with Germany. Therefore, the
variation does not prevent a comparison, as long as necessary differentiations are made.
More importantly: Comparison is especially interesting when differences exist – and only
through this type of analysis can both sides learn from each other.
Several sub-questions will guide our analysis and the development of proposals. The first
question we deal with is: Do German and African youth share the same attitudes and values? We start by describing and comparing basic attitudes and values of youth in Africa and
Germany, their wishes for their current and future lives with respect to politics and society,
religion, culture, family and everyday life. The second set of questions asks: What does the
daily reality of young people look like? Do African youth have similar opportunities and future
prospects as young people in Germany or vice versa? In this section, we explore the daily
challenges and realities of young men and women in both West Africa and Germany.
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Finally, we look into ways and the extent to which groups of young people desire to or actually actively participate in politics. What problems do they face in this respect and how is their
commitment rated by their peers and society? The recommendations that are dealt with in
this section are intended to contribute to the formulation of the specific role and tasks of the
newly founded Association for German-African Youth Education.
In the paper, we argue that youth in both analysed regions are facing several similar yet different challenges due to changing demands in a globalised world, conflicts between hopes
and wishes on the one hand and livelihoods on the other hand. We argue that these challenges sometimes manifest themselves in divergent ways, for examples the differences in
the labour market in Germany and West Africa. Yet, they are not essentially different in terms
of structure. So the youth in both regions wish to have a nucleus of social contacts providing
for personal acceptance as well as economic support; the need to develop their own fitting
value systems, as well as to find their economic and private roles in society. While every society needs to guarantee this, it has to make sure that the individual social environment of
youths and the special conditions related to their upbringing do not create constraints that will
ultimately be detrimental to personal and societal development. The youth need to be made
aware of the existing opportunities to influence these constraints, either politically or through
other participatory means.
The three chapters detail how these areas of conflict are set up in the fields of values and
attitudes, daily realities and political participation for the analysed regions. We come to the
conclusion that any successful attempts to design youth policies will have to acknowledge
each of these fields very closely in order to allow the youth to become mature and responsible citizens in the future – a task that lies at the very heart of the development of our societies. We also come up with clear-cut suggestions of what our envisaged sustainable partnership can do to promote this aim.
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2.
Basic Values and Attitudes of Young People in Germany and West Africa
“Young people from both Africa and Germany have long been identified in the popular imagination as both the cause and the victims of various social problems, ranging from spiralling
juvenile crime to economic crises, to epidemic delinquency” (Bessant 2003: 88). This statement, of course, does not refer to the majority of youth in society, but it shows that young
people simultaneously pose a risk and consist of the potential future of any society. With
young people being one of the major active components in civil society, it is imperative to
know their values and attitudes in order to be able to understand their problems and identify
ways to support their development. For a general overview of the values and attitudes of
young people in West Africa and Germany the obvious has to be stated: Even though there
are some general patterns to be observed, there are also huge differences related to region,
age, socio-economic status, education, migration background and many more. On the surface, there is a remarkable lack of data on what young people think, especially for West Africa (Honwana/De Boeck 2005: 2), but also for Germany (Dammler 2009: 24). Steps to
bridge this gap could fall under the scope of envisaged activities for the planned GermanAfrican Youth Foundation. What we will try to do in this chapter is give general ideas about
the value systems of young people West Africa and Germany, in order to assess the potential for the creation of a partnership between both sides.
2.1. Family and Social Environment
Generally, West Africans practice an extended family system. The family plays a very important role in almost every aspect of the lives of its members. Decisions from one’s career objectives, to their educational goals and choice of marriage partner are still influenced and often determined by the family to a large extent. Nonetheless, the youth today is facing an incipient change from traditional to modern social family norms: The break-up of traditional
norms (such as the hierarchy among the elderly and the youth, family solidarity etc.) is
changing significantly and opens up new chances for self-determination among the youth.
However, this process does not go without conflicts and is often difficult for the youth and the
adults involved.
In spite of the strong family ties, there are also numerous young people growing up without
their families, such as orphans, street children or urban youth living far away from their families in the village. For many of them, family is replaced by either friends (sometimes living the
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same situation) or by humanitarian workers, when they have access to assistance or other
dispensers of charity.3
As for Germany, the family, too, is still the first and most important social group of people and
one of the most significant social institutions. About half of the 17 to 29-year-olds in Germany
live with their parents. Over the years, the importance of the family as the centre of life has
actually increased. Whereas the older generation has an increasingly marginal influence over
the value system (Zinnecker 2000: 282), growing insecurities about the future led to an increased reliance on the family support structure (Shell 2006). However, there is as well a
tendency towards a loss of stability and normative liability, also resulting from an increase
in unmarried, single or separated parents. Thus, roles and living conditions within the family
are not simply given or fixed anymore; they are often negotiated among the individuals. On
the one hand, this means less personal bondage for young people, but on the other hand it
also involves being at the mercy of a wide range of options and the inherent pressure to take
decisions. As a result, the peer group is becoming equally important (Gille 2006) and sometimes it even takes over the function of a family (e.g. for building identity).
The support system of West African families is intense where each family member is
responsible for every other family member which makes it possible to call the West African
family system a ‘welfare institution’ – for many more reliable than the states’ welfare systems.
We also find that there is often more attachment to the family than to friends. Strong solidarity
can be a good and precious thing for family members, but it can also hamper the
development and career of individuals when they have to bear too much responsibility for
others and therefore invest less in their own career.
For those young people living on the street, the conditions are often worse. According to
UNICEF (1987) “the young people on the street face the unhappy reality of increasing separation from their natural families and became at risk for losing their limited access to basic
facilities, such as health, education and recreation”. It is the lack of such a caring relationship
that usually precipitates the choice, or forced acceptance of street life (Honwana/De Boeck
2005).
3
In this context, we had the opportunity during our stay in Nigeria to talk to pupils and teachers of
the so-called Al Madri schools in Kano for coranic lessons. As the city of Kano is sometimes far
away from their parents’ villages, they are in many cases dependent on Charity givers for their daily
meals.
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In Germany, most customary functions of a family have become formally integrated into the
society, such as the elderly care, health care or child care. There are a number of reasons for
this development, which have mainly been a result of significant changes in family law etc. A
big family is no longer seen as a shelter, but a factor that could increase the family’s poverty
levels. Social security is now based on employment and mostly free of social bonding. Marriages without children became a more profitable economic community than families with
children (Borchert 2003), as families with children provide financial support to their children.
That holds true especially during the education process, but also notably for post-education
(Gille 2006: 84). Unfinished education as well as unemployment tends to delay livingpartnerships (ibid., p. 61).
Due to the different historical heritages and public welfare systems, in times of higher insecurity on the formal job market, young people in Germany and West Africa seem to react in different ways. In Germany, pessimistic views on job fulfilment and the expected extent of job
flexibility tends to dissuade young people from starting a family. In West Africa, the higher
birth rate is often assumed to stem from the parents’ calculation that having more children
provides them with some sort of social security. This, however, cannot be the only factor influencing the decision of having children. It is also some kind of social expectation, a social
value of having many children or simply the lack of family planning.
However, street children in African countries face an altogether different reality. Once on the
street, young adults adopt one another, and refer to other street people as models. The daily
lives of many of these individuals are unstructured and unstable. Kennedy (1987: 20) has
stated that, “in the long run, this sense that nothing is stable can produce distortions of the
mind. Many young people on the street lose track of time and do not know how long they
have been living with no structure or specific purpose. They are unable to describe clearly
their activities on a given day”. As a result, they forget about planning for their future, live on
a day-to-day basis and can spend many years on the street without achieving any goal in life.
Because they are highly vulnerable and easy to influence, powerful people in society might
use them for anti-social activities such as armed robbery, hired assassinations and so on.
The state authorities that keep watch over the activities of these people are regarded as a
nuisance by some and criminals by others.
In sum it can be said that for the African, as well as for the German youth, there is an obvious need for social roots, not only for essential economic support, but also for a feeling of
acceptance. The family still holds a key position and is of major importance. However, there
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are recognizable changes in the relationship between parents and youth, which often tend
towards a more self-determined way of living.
2.2. Religion, Morality and Religious Institutions
A person’s morality to a large extent is determined by his/her religion in West Africa (Gyekye
2001: 18). Many spiritual systems coexist such as communities from Islamic, Christian and
traditional religions. According to the 2008 Annual Religion Index released in the Republic of
South Africa, close to 75% of Africans are religious, with Islamic religion being dominant.
This result is a debatable issue among scholars, as in some regions, political power is tied to
religious affiliation, which makes the publication of these numbers a political instrument. Religious values and traditions are often defended more openly than in Germany. For West Africa, it can be observed that especially in remote areas, having only loose ties with the state,
churches fulfil important functions in education and other humanitarian services. Due to this,
many people tend to make regular donations to the church, rather than paying taxes. Many
new churches or religious groups are currently doing intense missionary work here.
In Germany, in matters that concern religion, there is a tendency towards individualization.
Apart from the general religious institutions, several individual, often spiritual ways to meet
the search for meaning have emerged. As such, religion is something private and individual.
Belief and religious practices do not often conform to rules of the respective institutional religion, but are based on the personal idea of it. Everyone can subscribe to his or her own belief.
Belief itself is seen as something essential in regard to orientation in questions of meaning
and life. The definition of aspirational goals, especially in a time of unsecured future, excessive demands or unemployment can be a very important feature for the youth. The demand
for self- discovery, identity, orientation and motivation is immense (Mettner 2004).
Despite the decrease of their churchly commitment, one cannot observe any decrease in the
importance of spiritual and social values among young people in general. Family and peer
group can take over the value-supporting function of church and/or religion, moreover both
religious and non- religious young people can share the same value orientation, e.g. solidarity, equity. Generally, most young people in Germany support the institution of the Church,
but at the same time question and criticize it on questions of sexuality among others. It can
be interpreted as historical heritage, that most young people in the East have no or little relationship to church or religion, while young people in the West hang on to some kind of selfmade “patchwork-religion”.
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The churches in Germany play a major role in providing care facilities for German youth,
from kindergarten and day care for youth to holiday programmes. In total 1.7 million young
people are taken care off by institutions with religious ties, while 325 973 employees are involved in the field of youth care.4
In sum, it can be observed that in Africa, religion has a much more important role for value
orientation as well as social welfare for young people than it does in Germany, where there is
a strong desire to believe in the immaterial, but not so much a unifying belief system.
2.3. Motivations for Education and Career
In Germany, jobs which simply required a secondary general school certificate in the past are
by now demanding a higher certificate. In this context, education becomes one of the most
significant attributes for the youth. However, a higher education, ambition and effort do not
guarantee a high standard of living or the prospect of a secure job. Thus, more and more
young people are staying in the education system for longer periods of time. Their standard
of qualification has risen considerably. In total, 45% of the year-group earned a higher education qualification in 2008, and 34% opted for such study in 2007 (Statistisches Bundesamt
2009) 5. Although it would be premature to evaluate the im pact of the new BA/MA university
system in Germany regarding these numbers, recent years have known a rising percentage
of young people entering higher education (ibd.).
For youth in Africa, the situation is somewhat different. Formal schooling is less connected to
significant parts of the largely informal labour market, so for most young people in Africa,
there is no easy transition from school to a career. School enrolment and especially enrolment in higher education (only about 5% 6) are very low in Sub-Saharan-Africa to begin with.
Not only is there a lack of funding for extended educational careers. Even those who complete their school find that it has little to do with the demands of the labour market. Moreover,
many young Africans who start entrepreneurial businesses are blocked by bureaucratic or
administrative practices, a lack of access to resources, credit or infrastructure.
In a broader perspective, the importance of non-school learning is on the rise again in both
regions, especially through new media. In Germany, younger generations are already growing up as so called “digital natives“, getting familiar with computers and the Internet from an
early age on (Tully/Wahler 2008; Dammler 2009). In West Africa, young people, especially in
4
5
6
http.bagfw.de/uploads/media/GS_BAGFW_091221_web.pdf.
This is a relatively low percentage compared to the OECD-average of 56%, albeit it is difficult to
compare these numbers because of the unique dual education system in Germany.
http://www.arp.harvard.edu/AfricaHigherEducation 06.06.2010
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urban areas, also turn to international media in order to get their information (see Fair et al.
2009: 32). An increasing number of young people uses digital networking (for instance with
FaceBook or Twitter) in order to “manage“ and expand their social environment. These contacts tend to broaden the local-bound view and enable them to get ideas and organize options for work and education in other places. These technical tools also provide for huge opportunities for transnational and transcontinental youth partnerships. However, many are currently excluded of these new media, especially in Africa, as they have no or only limited access to them.
For some of the young people in Africa, spending years in school instead of starting their
personal business and living a good life is a waste of time in terms of money. A large informal labour market and a restrictive formal labour market for those with higher graduation
does not provide for incentives for formal education either.
As for Germany, speaking for the masses, the relationship between education, career and
personal wealth is more straightforward. Formal education is commendable, if young people
want to have good jobs. For the time being, young people tend to share a pessimistic attitude
about job fulfilment, but this makes young people from families with a higher educational
background work even harder in terms of education. Especially the younger group hopes to
have a good education while many girls are significantly more ambitious than many boys
when it comes to their academic goals (Gille et al. 2006: 37). However, at the lower ends of
the social strata, young people, especially migrants, often feel too remote from the benefits of
formal education to put in much effort.
Broadly speaking, in both West Africa and Germany, young people face a lot of pressure to
invest in their education. In West Africa, education is emphasis ed as a means for promoting
social development in general and social mobility for the individual by national and international politicians and NGOs alike: “through education, youth were to become the instrument
of modernization” (Honwana/De Boeck 2005: 229). In Germany, education is emphasized as
a key to keep pace with the global economy in providing for the basis of a competitive “society of knowledge”.
In terms of content, both the concept of modernisation for economic development and the
concept of the society of knowledge have largely focused on the technical part of education.
This is symptomatic of, as Tranberg Hansen (2008: 168) put it, of “a global eduscape [which]
spreads across national and cultural boundaries as a consequence of neoliberal education
reforms and actors' […] interpretations of the changes that manifest in school and everyday
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life”. Some have already identified a crisis in the German educational sector due to the lack
of ethical foundation for the increasingly specialized (higher) education (Finke 2010: 39). It is
hard to deny that this approach to education neglects a huge scope for pursuing the often
quoted aim of civic education: enabling people to become mature and responsible citizens
(see Petermann 2007: 64). Important as this is for the nations, it is just as essential for any
transnational partnership.
On a concluding note, it can be said that in both parts of the world, if attached to or detached
from job opportunities, education fulfils a largely functional role on an individual level,
whereas the field of so called “civic education” – being enabled to become a mature and responsible citizen rather than a wealthy individual – is not a veritable part of the calculation at
present.
2.4. Cultural Values and Leisure Time
In terms of values regarding leisure time, consumption, youth (sub-)culture and role models,
it would be very hard to describe general observations. Difficulties arise mainly for two reasons. Firstly, as the Sinus-Study suggests for Germany and Honwana and De Boeck do for
Africa, young peoples' lifestyles vary hugely in respect to age, milieu, socio-economic status,
gender, region and religion, so there is a lot of diversification within the nation states. Secondly, the increasing importance of mass media, especially the Internet, which can be observed in most parts of the world, tends to provide the youth with more options and higher
volatility concerning their lifestyles. Thus, being connected to the Internet, young people tend
to diversify and “sample” different lifestyles even more and are crafting what might be called
patch-work identities from a global pool of opportunities (Ferchthoff 2007: 183). For African
youth even more than their German counterparts, the conveyed images and lifestyles are
often in stark contrast to the traditional values of family and society alike, which leaves young
people torn between both worlds (Hillebrand 2007). While huge differences obviously exist
between these processes in settings such as urban Dar es Salaam, where there are some
opportunities to express, develop and negotiate identities of young people (Perullo 2005) and
more remote rural areas, it has to be said that these opportunities are largely lacking
throughout the continent. As are young people around the world, urban youth in Africa are
largely being left alone with the task of using media sensibly and gaining media literacy7.
This, in combination with the contrasting culture systems and an often persisting refusal to
talk about pressing issues in the families (which often also lack the knowledge), has particularly grave consequences for issues like sexual risk prevention (MacPhail et al. 2007: 477).
7
For cities in the global South see Tranberg Hansen (2009: 202), for Germany, see Dammler
(2009).
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Young people are overrepresented in criminal and violent political activities. While these vary
between membership to para-military or armed rebel groups, involvement in organized crime
and smaller street criminality, it is evident that in many cases societies do not offer enough to
young people.
Even though Gille (2006: 167), trying to generalise, finds that pro-social, family-oriented and
self-fulfilment values are all growing in importance, whereas hedonistic values are decreasing in Germany, the issue of being lost between media conveyed images of youth identity
and contrasting value systems in families, school and peer groups is an important topic for
youth policy. Sadly, while policies exist for promoting media skills for career opportunities,
dealing with media content in a reflective and adequate way is an issue that has been largely
neglected so far.
“Visible” youth cultures in Germany, for example, punks, gothics, skinheads, football
fans, skaters, role players, Jesus fanatics, hip hop heads etc. (Farin 2010: 3 ff.) gather
roughly 20% of the young people that more or less follow their rules and behavioural patterns. However, they have a strong influence over the rest of society and are important
for the constitution of identity and a sense of belonging for certain young people. Therefore they are also named as artificial tribes, providing their members with access to solidarity and some sort of social order. They also provide a platform for expressing creativity and receiving acceptance and respect. Many companies use these youth cultures to
access young consumers and through this, commercialise their subcultures, making
them compatible to larger masses (Farin 2010: 6). But civic education can also use the
same approach and impart specific positive values found in certain youth cultures and
train young people with respect, avoidance of violence and active tolerance (Baer et al.
2010: 28). This is especially relevant when it comes to young right-wing extremist groups
often found in infrastructurally weak regions in Eastern Germany as well as young people
with different migration backgrounds that are more susceptible to mobilisation by religious-fundamentalist or criminal groups in problematic urban areas.
2.5. Conclusion
In this section, a wide range of conceptions regarding family, education, politics and lifestyles
have been assessed, in an attempt to understand how these conceptions and values were
embedded into the respective realities and political cultures in Germany and Africa. We
therefore sought to identify similarities, overarching topics and overall structures connecting
youth across the continents that lay the base for the following sections.
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3.
The Daily Reality of Young Men and Women in Germany and West Africa
At first glance, young people in West Africa and in Germany experience very different daily
realities in their respective societies. Nevertheless, when analysing the challenges and opportunities faced, not only do similar patterns emerge on some issues but it also becomes
obvious that in a globalizing and in part already globalized world there are a variety of links
and connections between the African and the European continent that influence young people’s lives now and in the future. In the following, we outline some of the main challenges and
opportunities in West Africa as well as in Germany: poverty and inequality, training and education, the labour market, demographic changes, health care and environmental issues.
Many of them will require taking joint responsibility and action and can thereby draw profit
from joint action from Germany and African countries.
3.1. Poverty and Social Inequalities Affecting Youth
With an estimated 300 million people living in the sub-region, West Africa is one of the
poorest regions in the world, suffering from the effects of economic mismanagement, local
corruption, globalization and inter-ethnic conflict (Oduro / Aryee 2003). The region contains
many of the Least Developed Countries in the world. The Human Development Index (HDI)
(UNDP 2009) indicates that out of the 15 ECOWAS member states only Cape Verde is
ranked highest in the index, with an index value of 0.708 and a ranking of 121. Only five of
the member states are ranked in the Medium Human Development category, the remaining
ten all find themselves in the Low Human Development category. According to the measure
of absolute poverty most sub-Saharan African countries have large proportions of the
population falling below the absolute poverty line of $1.25 a day. Income levels and poverty levels have spatial, ecological, occupational and gender variations. Wherever high poverty incidence occurs, the youth and children bear the brunt and carry a disproportionate
share of the poverty burden. Thus in the rural areas and arid zones of West Africa both within
the countries and at the sub-regional level, high poverty rates blight youth’s opportunity for
good education, employment and good health. Young women carry a multiple burden
since they are often disadvantaged as women, poor as food crop farmers and often further
limited by reason of geographic location. Inequality is high in the sub-region and this is evidenced in the high Gini coefficients in West Africa. Togo has a relatively low Gini coefficient
with 34.4 and shows thereby lesser inequality than the other countries in this sub-region, going up to 52.6 in Liberia (HDR 2009). 8 The absence of comprehensive social protection pro-
8
A value of 0 represents absolute equality, and a value of 100 absolute inequality.
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grammes and polices further worsens the situation and provides little options to break the
unending cycle of poverty.
Germans generally enjoy a high standard of living, combined with high life expectancy and
high education levels (UNDP 2009). The rate of absolute poverty as it exists in West Africa is
very low in Germany, as a social welfare system ensures that the minimum subsistence
needs are met for (almost) everybody. 9 Hence, poverty in Germany mainly refers to relative poverty, which relates to social inequalities. At first glance, Germany appears to be performing well even in terms of relative poverty: If one takes a look at Germany, income inequality (as measured by the Gini-index) is lower in only nine countries (Germany has a coefficient of 28.3).10 A reason for concern, however, is that both poverty and income inequality in Germany have been increasing significantly since the mid-1970s.11
Young adults are currently most affected by relative poverty: In 2008 about 25% of
those aged between 19 and 25 years lived on less than 60% of the median income. Main
reasons are longer periods of education, precarious employment after entering the labour
market and a tendency to leave the parents' house at an earlier age (Grabka / Frick 2010).
Another specific aspect of social inequalities is the prevalence of child poverty. In 2006,
one out of six children in Germany was affected by poverty (Deutsches Kinderhilfswerk
2006). In 2005, 13.4% of children below the age of 15 received social welfare benefits in
Germany; the situation being particularly severe in East Germany where 24.4% of children
were supported by social welfare, compared to 11.3% in the Western part of the country
(ibid.). These findings gain particular relevance when seen in the context of the relationship
between the socio-economic background and educational performance of a child, which in
turn favours replication of existing social inequalities (see section 1.2.b).
9
10
11
However, even if the social welfare system is supposed to be available to everybody below a
certain income level, absolute poverty exists for people who (for various reasons) do not claim
social welfare benefits. There are no official statistics on this, but estimates indicate there are about
300,000 homeless people and 5,000-7,000 street children, many of which are likely to live in
absolute poverty. (see: http://www.leben-mit-hartz-iv.de/Armut_in_Deutschland_Fragen_und
_Antworten.pdf)
Further, the UNDP Human Poverty Index shows that even compared to other OECD countries,
poverty is low in Germany (only the Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands received better
scores.)
On poverty trends, see: F. Claus, Armutsentwicklung in Deutschland, Diakonisches Werk Württemberg, 2007, http://www.leben-mit-hartz-iv.de/Armutsentwicklung_1973-2005_D.pdf; on inequality see: OECD, October 2008, Growing Unequal? Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries, Figure 1.2: Trends in Gini coefficients of income inequality in OECD countries,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/420515624534
- 14 -
3.2. Training and Education Defining Limits and Opportunities of
Youth
Free and fair access to basic education is an essential precondition for the integration of
young people into society. Successful education and training is a major key to avoid unemployment and social disintegration. These assumptions underlie our analysis for West African
countries as well as for Germany.
All governments and international bodies recognise that education is a fundamental right. Yet
literacy levels in West Africa are catastrophically low. Official figures (which may be underestimated) reveal that there are more than 65 million non-literate adults in West Africa.
This is more than 40% of the region’s adult population, and more than 50% of the female
adult population. Of the 15 countries that make up the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), three (Ghana, Nigeria and the tiny island state of Cape Verde) have
populations which are at least by two thirds literate. Of the rest, only one (Liberia) has recorded literacy rates over 50%, whilst in four, Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Niger, fewer
than 30% of all adults, and fewer than 20% of women, can read and write (OECD 2009).
Reasons for this include the fact that not all children are in school and the poor quality of
education: the disastrous lack of trained teachers and literacy facilitators is a key factor in
this. It was calculated that there is a shortfall of more than three quarters of a million trained
teachers in West Africa’s primary schools. Tackling this quality teacher gap must be an urgent priority for extending the provision and improving the quality of education in West Africa.
West African countries have been making progress since the 1990s, with literacy rates
creeping up. This is demonstrated by the fact that literacy rates are higher among younger
people (aged 15 to 24) than among adults (aged 15 to 49). Cape Verde has achieved 97%
literacy in young people, and in Nigeria, Ghana and Togo at least three quarters of young
people can read and write.
Another problem in West Africa is brain drain; high-level expertise needed for socioeconomic progress has left the country in search of greener pastures. Information Technology which can help in getting more people educated and also employed has not impacted
the way it should, mainly due to lack of infrastructures to support this modern way of education.
In Germany, compulsory education starts at the age of six and generally lasts nine years.
Usually after four years of primary education, pupils have the possibility, with the agreement
- 15 -
of teachers and parents, to re-orientate and choose a school or academic track according to
their skills and interests.
Lower secondary schools (Hauptschule and Realschule) graduates start their professional
career with an apprenticeship which qualifies them for the labour market. Nevertheless many
young people drop out of school and do not obtain a school certificate. National statistics
show that there are more early school leavers in the eastern than in the western federal
states (SZ, November 11th, 2009). Their social and professional prospects are very poor and
they often end up unemployed. With a lower secondary school certificate in hand, the probability of starting an apprenticeship for young people from migrant families is around 20%
lower than those without a migration background (Beicht/Granato 2009). Inequality of
chances, not only concerning migrants but also based on the socio-economic background, is
a major challenge that the German educational system is facing.
Higher secondary school education results in roughly 50% of students choosing an academic
career (Shell Youth Study 2006). In the past decade there have been far-reaching university
reforms on the national and European level. The Bologna Process aims to harmonize
higher education in the European Union area by making academic degree standards and
quality of education more comparable and compatible. Implementation of these reforms led
to difficulties and discontent among large parts of students in several European countries. In
2009 protests and student strikes were organized in German cities. Protesting for the abolition of 2007 established tuition fees, the re-organization of admission criteria for university,
the strengthening of students voice in university policy and improvement of the general study
situation have been claimed (Münch 2010). All this shows that there is a strong demand for
an improvement of the reforms.
3.3. The Labour Market Including and Excluding Youth
High levels of unemployment, child labour, and low quality of employment are some characteristics of the West African labour market, with youth unemployment figures significantly
higher than that for the general population. In Ghana, for instance, the official national unemployment rate is 6.4% but the youth unemployment figure is 13.4% (Ghana Ministry of Employment and Social Welfare 2009). Unofficial figures may be significantly higher and the
large informal sector makes it difficult to measure. It is also worth mentioning that levels of
unemployment of young women are higher than those of young men. Poorly educated or inexperienced individuals are less likely to get any job offers. The transition period between
school and employment is often very long in West Africa especially for urban youth. Working
conditions are poor, because each worker can easily be replaced. Health and safety in the
- 16 -
work place is compromised and many young people are exposed to serious dangers at the
workplace.
Child labour is relatively prevalent in West Africa; according to the United Nations (International Children’s Emergency Fund12) one in three children in Sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in child labour, often working under hazardous conditions (in mines, agriculture exposed to chemicals and pesticides or with dangerous machinery). Early exposure to the job
market has a detrimental impact on their education and long-term earning potential. Young
people in West Africa require the same level of education and skills as their counterparts in
other countries, to be competitive in the on-going globalization process.
In public debates as well as in opinion surveys, unemployment is regularly identified as one
of the major societal problems in Germany. While Germany experienced almost full employment of the labour force in the 1960s, there has been a general downward trend since
the 1970s (Bundesanstalt für Arbeit 2010).
Strong differences can be observed between East and West Germany. In September 2009,
unemployment was almost twice as high in the East as in the West, with rates of 12.3%
versus 6.9% (and an average rate of 8% for all of Germany). Less pronounced regional differences also exist between the Northern and the Southern part of the country, with the
South showing the lowest unemployment figures (Bundesanstalt für Arbeit 2010). Young
people are particularly affected by unemployment, with the youth unemployment rate 13
as given by the OECD constantly above the general unemployment rate in 2005-2008
(OECD 2009). Nevertheless, with a youth unemployment rate of 10.4% in 2008, Germany
compares favourably to the OECD average of 12.4%.
Another issue young people face in the labour market is the prevalence of precarious employment. Young people encounter a labour market that demands increasing flexibility,
which often means working on temporary contracts and for low salaries (DGB-Jugend 2007)
or long periods as interns with a very low or non-existent salary. This uncertainty is not related to the level of education, but applies for university graduates and young people with
other types of education. For young people who undergo vocational training outside university, a particularly important challenge is finding a training position in a company after high
school. After completing the period of vocational training, which usually lasts about three
years, finding a regular job is often equally difficult. At each of these two points, young peo-
12
13
http://www.unicef.org/protection/index_childlabour.html
For the age group 15-24.
- 17 -
ple are particularly at risk of becoming unemployed (DGB 2008). Finding a job as a trainee
is particularly challenging for young migrants (Beicht / Granato 2009).
3.4. Health Care and its Significance for Young People
The health care facilities and services in West Africa and Africa at large have many loopholes in the areas of policy development regarding access to and cost of health services, as
well as management issues which make it impossible for government to deliver effective and
efficient health care services. In recent times, the cost of health care services to individuals in
West Africa has been on the increase because governments can no longer afford to pay for
public health care systems. Unlike most developed countries, the formal health insurance
sector is either absent or not functioning, and the few private health insurance schemes
available cover only a small group of people, primarily the elite in society, and those who
work for large corporations that pay for medical benefits of their employees.
Government and private expenditure on health as a per-cent of the total health expenditure
in Africa is said to be 47.1% and 52.9% respectively (World Health Statistics 2009). The rural poor, who form a vast majority of the West African population including a large portion of
the youth, are left helpless, unable to afford basic health services even in emergency
situations. Statistics show that more than 50% of African population which include the youth
do not have access to modern health facilities (Hoke 2009). Additionally, 42% and 69% of
the African population have no access to safe drinking water and sanitation respectively
(World Health Statistics 2009) which exposes them to higher health risks.
Access to health care includes access to affordable essential medicines. Developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa face a double challenge in this respect: First, there is a shortage
of research and development to improve treatment of diseases that predominantly affect
developing countries. Patents often do not provide sufficient incentives for research on diseases such as malaria, which is widespread in West Africa, because the purchasing power of
many malaria patients is relatively low (Health Action International 2010; Trouiller et al.
2002). Second, existing high quality medicines (such as second line antiretroviral drugs
against HIV/AIDS) are often very expensive. This applies in particular to medicines that are
protected by patents and have no available cheaper generics. As a consequence, treatment
with such drugs remains either unaffordable to the poorer parts of the population in West African countries, or the high prices put a heavy burden on public health budgets (Medicins
Sans Frontieres 2009). Without proactive improvement in health care and access to medication, many of the children and youth in Sub-Saharan Africa today will be susceptible to re-
- 18 -
duced lifespan, lower educational achievement, weakened immune systems and, ultimately,
the replication of these conditions in the next generation (World Youth Report 2007).
Health care is an important pillar of the German welfare state. When compared to international standards, the German health care system is well functioning, as it has a high level of
financial resources and professional capacities. In general, the population enjoys equal and
easy access to basic health care but scientific studies show a considerable influence of social standing on people’s well-being. People who are socio-economically disadvantaged are
exposed to a greater risk of illness and disease. Moreover, there is a public debate on the
so-called “two-class character” of the German health care system: besides the compulsory health insurance, Germans have the possibility to contract a (more expensive) private
health insurance. It is said that people with private health insurance receive a better medical
treatment. In future, these tendencies might even be reinforced: with the number of people
living in relative poverty rising, we can observe a structural change towards a stronger market orientation of the German health care system due to financing problems. That means
that, for example, fewer health services are covered by the public health insurance. People
have to pay additional sums, which makes the access to health care more difficult for the
socio-economically disadvantaged.
This in particular affects the younger generation. Children and adolescents growing up in
(relative) poverty suffer greater health risks than others in their age group. Lower class youth
tend to sustain unhealthy consumption habits 14 and exhibit worse psychosocial well-being.
Concerning the younger generation, scientists speak of a “new morbidity”: While somatic
diseases are on the decline, more young people are affected by mental illnesses like depressions, anxiety disorders, violence and anti-social behaviour. Chronic illnesses appear more
often than acute illnesses, obesity and eating disorders are widespread (Bundestag 2009:
78).
3.5. Demographic Changes and the Significance of the Youth
High fertility rates coupled with a relatively low life expectancy leaves West Africa with a
young population and a marked improvement in health conditions reflected in the lowering
of infant mortality rates albeit marginal has resulted in very high population in the region. The
high birth rate in the sub-region can be traced to the incidence of early marriages, high marital fertility and a lack of use of contraceptives. 60% of the West African population is less
14
E.g., 37 % of the lower class youngsters smoke, but only 15 % of upper class youngsters; 38 % of
lower class youngsters do not do sports, but only 14 % of the upper class; 46 % of lower class
youngsters drink Coke and sugar-containing soft drinks every day, but only 12 % of the upper class
youngsters (Shell Jugendstudie – Jugend 2006: 4).
- 19 -
than 25 years of age and 70% are under 30 years.15 Currently West Africa is experiencing
a fall in the median age, which is increasing the dependency ratio considerably. Young
people have been forced to become the bread-winners as a result of disease and wars. High
levels of poverty, unemployment and a seeming lack of opportunities results in desperation;
this often leads young people to fall prey to warlords, criminal gangs or illegal migration facilitators. The large numbers of exuberant young people often left to their own devices in
countries that offer little opportunities to them undermines the possibility of progress
and risks destroying the political and social structures of countries within the sub-region.
This has severe implications for a region known for its volatility and instability, which is especially the case for countries recovering from protracted conflicts.
Germany, by contrast, has an ageing and shrinking population. Statistically, 100 people of
working age (20 to 65 years) had to support 25 people of retirement age in 1975. This increased to 32 pensioners in 2007. This ratio is expected to increase further to more than 50
in 2030. In addition, the number of children and young people below 20 years of age is expected to decrease by 25% from the current level by the same date. Overall, the size of the
population in Germany is expected to decrease to 77 million by 2030, which is equivalent to
a 6.4% decrease from 2005 (Statistische Ämter des Bundes und der Länder 2007). This
causes significant pressure for reform on social security systems, in particular the pension and the health insurance system, as a shrinking labour force has to support an increasing number of retired people (Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Soziales 2003). While
today’s young generation is facing rising contributions to the pension system, they have to
expect lower benefits once they reach retirement age themselves. Furthermore, in the absence of a substantive reform of the pension system, social security contributions are not
sufficient to finance retirement benefits. The difference is paid from the government budget,
which leads to an increasing public debt, which again will have to be paid back by the
current and future generations.
3.6. Migration
Youth are a large component of all migrants, particularly in migration to other developing
countries, with the probability of migration peaking in the late teens or early twenties
(McKenzie 2006). These movements within and outside Africa are done by young West Africans voluntarily and involuntarily for the purpose of education, employment, avoidance of
wars, violence and poverty. To many, including in some cases the educated, those who were
successful are those who have returned enriched from industrialised countries and can now
afford all their dreams. The fact that many fail in their search of success abroad is often not
15
http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/8/24/39802965.pdf
- 20 -
realised enough by those planning to migrate and also hidden by those living in poverty in
Western countries.16
Since the emergence of modern states in the 17th century, the international legal system has
been built on the bedrock of two principles: sovereignty and territorial integrity. Within this
system, which includes a series of norms and constraints imposed by international law, governments police their country’s borders and enforce their right to restrict entry (Human Development Report, 2009). Consequently, many governments institute increasingly repressive
entry regimes, turn a blind eye to health and safety violations by employers, or fail to take a
lead in educating the public on the benefits of immigration (Human Development Report,
2009). Individuals who desire to migrate to developed countries have to go through rigorous
bureaucratic processes to acquire passports, visas and other travelling documents. In most
cases only a few people succeed in this process. Thus many of the youth resort to using illegal means of travel and in the process put their lives at risk. Upon their arrival at their destination or in case they get stuck somewhere on the way, they often live and work under very
precarious conditions.
Policies governing migration and intra-regional mobility in West Africa are more flexible. Political unions like ECOWAS engage their member states in bilateral agreements that make
the process of migration easier. This could be one reason why migrations between developing countries outnumber every other form of migration. In fact, much of African international
migration is intra-regional. Out of a total of 14.5 million migrants originating in Sub-Saharan
Africa, 10 million (or 69%) move within the region (BICC 2009: 15, as cited in IOM 2008:
408). Although intra-regional migration is relatively easy and simple, most of the people who
travel without the proper documentation find that they cannot access available services and
jobs. The immigration policy in West Africa, similar to that of developing countries generally
favours high-skilled and educated workers. The youth who may have low skills and qualifications because they are still studying are at a disadvantage. The United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) estimates that about 30% of Africa’s university educated professionals live outside the region. These skilled workers, doctors, engineers etc. are
attracted by the better living conditions and the more attractive career opportunities abroad
(InterAcademy Council 2004 as cited in Kapur/Crowley 2008). This is detrimental to the
growth and development of the West African sub-region in particular and Africa as a whole
since the reserve of educated people who would be needed to promote the course of development will diminish overtime.
16
This was one topic brought to the point by the Crown Troup, performing political issues with contemporary dance in Lagos, March 2010.
- 21 -
Germany is a country of immigration. 20% of the German population are migrants or have a
migration background. 17 Concerning those under 25 year old, this figure jumps to around
25% (Statistisches Bundesamt 2008).
Despite this fact, the legal framework is rather restrictive towards immigration. In the context
of the harmonisation of EU policies on migration and asylum, German policies are in favour
of a reduction of the further influx of immigrants. Located in the heart of the European Union,
Germany is not the only migrant destination. In spite of sharing responsibilities for the people
who reach Europe’s borders, migrants are forced to take more and more dangerous routes to
Europe. Every year thousands of people die en route and those who survive are either immediately sent back to their countries or detained in camps, with only a small percentage of
them gaining entry to Europe. Over decades, immigrants and especially refugees living in
Germany have been legally disadvantaged in many respects – and this has only slightly
changed. The restrictive legislation means a special hardship for young refugees and asylum
seekers: for example, Germany signed the UN Convention on the Rights of Children only
under the condition that children’s rights should not affect the country’s possibilities to control
immigration. In practice, that means that a young person aged 16 is fully responsible for their
asylum procedure, can be held in custody pending deportation and be deported from the
country without due process.
Concerning migrants with a permanent residence permit, the German government only
started integration programmes several years ago, preventing migrants from becoming fully
integrated in German society. This even affects the second and third migrant generation,
most of them born in Germany. Still, the daily realities of those young people with migration
background differ often from those of other young Germans: More than 60 % of them have
already experienced discrimination in their daily life, which is sometimes related to a rise of
aggressive behaviour and delinquency amongst those young people (Shell 2006). For example, this can be observed in the educational system where most of these young people are
sent to the lower secondary school (Hauptschule) and many are without a certificate. This
also affects their future job prospects and exposure to training. However, their failures can
only in part be explained by insufficient efforts of integration or education, e.g. with regard to
their knowledge of the German language; like many children of socially and economically
disadvantaged families, their chances in the educational system are minor irrespective of
their efforts (Diefenbach 2008: 75-79; Geißler 2008: 14-22). Even if many young migrants
identify with Germany and its political system, the experience of discrimination deters them
from feeling “at home” (Shell 2006). In addition, more than 50% of young Germans think
17
The term “person with migration background” includes migrants of the first generation as well as
migrants of the second and third generation – people who are often, but not in every case, German
citizens.
- 22 -
there should be less migration to Germany, an attitude which is in most cases justified by
material interests and fears of an increased competition on the labour market (Shell 2006).
Young Germans do not emigrate often but a lot of them go abroad for a while to study or
work. In the European Union, the mobility of young people is supported by higher education
exchange programmes for students and by programmes for cross-border volunteer activities.
Moreover, there is a considerable East-West migration within Germany, especially among
young people who move from east to west in search for a job or training position (Statistisches Bundesamt 2007: 58).18
3.7. Environmental realities
The current and future major environmental challenge that young people in West Africa will
face is the issue of climate change. Recent studies show that the region will be among the
world’s worst affected by climate change (IPCC 2008) with majority of the local groups who
depend on natural resources being highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change, indicating that their resource base – already severely stressed and degraded by overuse – is expected to be further impacted by climate change (Leary et al. 2006). The problem of climate
change poses a serious risk of drought as one-third of the African population living in
drought-prone areas are vulnerable to the impacts of droughts (World Water Forum 2000).
All these have far-reaching disastrous consequences for natural resources that threaten
West Africa’s rich but fragile ecosystems. The challenge of climate change has led to problems of dysfunctional urbanisation. This is because the migration of environmental refugees
to urban areas is exerting pressure on the environment in these areas, as well. For instance,
Lagos which does not have adequate resources to keep up with its high population has had
problems of violence19, increased slum population 20, poverty 21 and social inequality all of
which are characteristic, in varying degrees, of other West African cities 22.
18
Eastern Germany loses around 50 000 inhabitants every year, most of them young people under
30 years. This means a loss of around one million people since 1990.
19
Recent violence such as the 2002 clash between Yoruba and Hausa gangs in Lagos that resulted
in hundreds of deaths and injuries (Gandy 2006).
20
50% of Nigerian cities’ population lives in informal settlements (Ademiyuli/Solanke 2008).
21
70% of Lagos’ population works in the informal sector (DFID 2003).
22
West Africa has a high number of international population (6.8 million or 4.7% of the regional population). Cote d’Ivoire still hosts many migrants (2.6 million or 15% of the national population). This
percentage was, in fact, double during the 1990s before the recent internal instability. Migratory
flows mainly involve temporary workers from land-locked countries (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger)
to the more prosperous coastal countries (Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Senegal), and also the
worst scenarios, where more than 80% of the population live in slum-like conditions, are found in
Western Africa: that is, in Sierra Leone (96%), Guinea Bissau (93%), Niger (92%), Mali 86%) and
Mauritania (85%) (UN-HABITAT 2004).
- 23 -
Climate change will be one of the primary challenges facing German Youth in the 21st century. Even though its future impact is difficult to predict and assess, Germany and the European continent will be directly affected by climate change (Müller 2009). The effects will include changes in ecosystems due to varying temperatures, precipitation as well as coastal
flooding, water stress and fires (the latter mainly in Southern Europe).
However, when compared to Africa, the impact of climate change is generally predicted to be
less severe. The vulnerability of Germany and Europe is relatively low when compared to
other regions of the world; Germany is less likely to suffer large-scale immediate effects due
to direct exposure to weather phenomena related to climate change. In addition to this, the
German state is able to adapt due to its high level of technological and economic development and functioning institutions that will permit it to gradually adapt technologically and socially to a changing climate (Homer-Dixon 1999). It is, however, certain that Germany will not
be spared by secondary effects of climate change. In an interdependent world, regions more
severely affected by climate change will generate corridors of instability: Large amounts of
refugees, epidemics, violence and terrorism are possible and likely outcomes as regions become increasingly destabilised by a changing climate (Stern 2007). Furthermore, in the long
run, Germany and the EU will be directly affected as they are among the world’s top emitters
of greenhouse gases.
Climate change will undoubtedly affect the entire spectrum of the global population but it is
primarily the younger generation that will bear the brunt of these changes caused by irresponsible behaviour today. German policy makers have a direct influence on the rate of climate change as well as the development and proliferation of green technology. They can
also provide additional support for the sustainable development of African economies.
As the analysis reveals, youth are affected in particular ways by developments in each of the
policy areas. Accordingly, the specific interests of young people need to be expressed and to
be taken into account within the policy-making process. In order to achieve this, it is crucial
that the youth themselves are aware of the respective policy issues, formulate their interests
and make these heard though active involvement in politics.
Such involvement will need to take place at various levels, ranging from local to international
politics, depending on the issue at hand. In many of the areas addressed above, there are
connections between the situation of youth in African countries and in Germany therefore
exchange and cooperation will be essential to arrive at sustainable policies, taking advantage
of joint opportunities.
- 24 -
4.
Political Participation of Young People in Germany and
West Africa
Political participation is a prerequisite for a vibrant civil society and thereby for the functioning
of a democracy. As an integral part of society, young people need to be involved at young
age in the political process so that they learn to influence politics through peaceful means.
But how interested are they in politics? What possibilities do they have? And finally: how is
their participation rated by their societies?
4.1. Willingness for Political Participation
Active political participation is the end of a long process. First, young people need to get interested in political questions and can – in a second step – develop the willingness to participate. Thirdly under certain conditions, willingness might then be translated into concrete political action. Thus any youth policy has to follow these three steps with the ultimate aim of
high active political participation of young people.
Germany: low interest, modest action
In Germany, political interest among the youth is very low. In 1984, the percentage of politically interested young people stood at around 55%, more than two decades later, in 2006,
this figure is 39% (Shell Youth Survey 2006).
Part of the explanation for the minor political interest is the lack of trust in political institutions.
Among those institutions, political parties, the government and parliament occupy the lowest
ranks, whereas more party-independent institutions like the judiciary are held in high regard
(Reinhardt/Tillmann 2001). However, despite a rather distanced stance towards politics, the
overwhelming majority of young people agree with the norms and principles of democracy
(Shell Youth Survey 2006).
Even though a majority of the German youth show a very low level of political interest, there
is a willingness to influence political decisions. Despite a comparatively high hypothetical willingness for political participation in short-term activities, the reality is different. While half of
the youth expressed their willingness, for instance, to participate in a strike organised by a
union and approximately 40% would consider an active membership within a citizens’ initiative, not even 10% had engaged in this kind of activity before (Gaiser/Rijke 2001). Looking at
participation in traditional politics, the picture looks even darker; only 2% of the German
youth have devoted their commitment to the active work in political parties (Gille et al. 2006,
- 25 -
Wiesendahl 2001). In contrast, the willingness to participate in elections is still very high at
92% (Gaiser et al. 2006) and voluntary services are a common integral part of young people’s life (Shell Youth Survey 2006).
With regards to preferred fields of involvement, the numbers above reveal that conventional,
formal politics are not considered very attractive. Here, the loss of young members in political
parties is particularly striking. One reason might be the parties’ loss of credibility, which undermines the ideology that commits its members and as such hinders the youth’s interests to
be active in party-work. Many prefer and show participation in informal political groups with
their unconventional, flexible and decentralised forms of commitment, in so-called New Social Movements, with those targeting ecological and societal problems on top of the list
(Gaiser et al. 2006). This is also the case for temporary forms of action without any long-term
commitment.
Ghana: high interest, modest action
In South Africa, around 65% of the youth is very or somewhat interested in politics (National
Youth Commission 2003). In Ghana, a large majority of interviewed youth (71.7%) expressed
an interest in political and governmental affairs (Logan/Machado 2002). However, only a
small proportion of the youth actually participates in politics.
Still, far from being politically apathetic, Africa’s youth are redefining the way that they engage in politics and the wider democratic process as the African political system fails to adequately address or include them in their developmental agenda. Similar to Germany, they
feel an increasing disconnection from conventional politics and are thus moving towards nonpartisan political organizations towards motivation and mobilization around specific causes or
issues, such as climate change, HIV/Aids or the promotion of good local governance. Young
people prefer participatory experiences where they have a feeling of urgency and where they
can see tangible results of their efforts.
Partly, this shift in fields of commitment is due to the fact that political parties and institutions
have failed to engage the youth. As of now, it is still doubtful whether a clear, consistent and
realisable programme of youth development has been articulated and implemented in most
African countries. Ghana for example still has no National Youth Policy up to this day.
In conclusion, many young people in Africa in general, as in the case study of Ghana, are
conscious on social problems and possess the energy and idealism necessary to change the
world. Unfortunately, most do not see politics as the vehicle through which they can exercise
social responsibility, but rather as a forum that ignores or even excludes them.
- 26 -
4.2. Ability and Possibility to Influence Political Decisions
Despite a significantly higher percentage of young people interested in politics in West Africa
than in Germany (64% compared to 39% based on different studies), it is interesting to note
that active involvement does not vary as much. This leads us to examine the abilities (personal pre-requisites) and possibilities (structural conditions) for political participation in the
two regions.
With regard to possibilities for political participation, there are several ways in which interest
can be translated into concrete political action:
-
Representative system: voting, party system, etc.
-
Political discourse
-
Political protest
-
Violent protest and illegal forms of contestation
These possibilities however are not guaranteed equally in all countries.
Germany: many possibilities – limited abilities
In Germany, there are many possibilities for political participation. With regards to traditional
politics, it is possible to join a political party, especially the respective youth organisation.
These exist in all major parties (like “Junge Union” (CDU), “Jusos” (SPD), “Julis” (FDP),
“Gruene Jugend” (Alliance 90/The Green Party) etc.) and they are also embedded in the respective European organizations (EPP, PES, ELDR etc.). Despite the right to be elected into
regional or national parliaments for any German above the age of 18 by constitution, it is the
absolute exception to see non-party members in parliament because candidates need the
support of party members and structures. For the newer, more decentralised and informal
forms of political participation, the possibilities are not directly linked to the institutionalised
aspect of politics. The possibility to access the Internet, for instance, gains importance as a
means to easily reach a big number of concerned persons who might push for change.
Despite many institutionalised possibilities of formal participation, such as party youth organisations, national federations of youth organisations or publicly funded youth clubs, one’s
social background is a large determining factor in one’s ability to participate. There is no consensus regarding the correlation between social class and the willingness to influence political decisions. However, Gaiser and Rijke (2001) find that members of a lower social class,
especially those who are unemployed, are less active than those with employment and a
higher income – a finding that seems to confirm the thesis of political marginalisation of low
- 27 -
social classes (Shell Youth Survey 2006). Looking at the influence of the level of education,
the picture is much clearer: The higher the level of education, the more likely one is to be interested in politics and actual political participation (Shell Youth Survey 2006). Whereas the
level of education plays a minor role with regards to going to the polls, unconventional forms
of political participation as described above find most of their supporters among the very
well-educated youth.
With regards to the gender, it is striking that political interest varies vastly between the two
sexes; male youth voicing their political interest three times as much as female youth – a
trend that can no longer be explained by a lack of education (Reinhardt/Tillmann 2001). Regarding the differences in willingness for political participation, while young women are more
likely to be engaged in informal groups, young men are more active in traditional interest
groups and organisations (Gaiser/Rijke 2001). This is also the case for West Africa. Logan
and Machado (2002) report that educated youth and males in particular were more interested
in politics than the uneducated youth and females in general.
West Africa: limited possibilities and abilities
In West Africa, the political participation of young people differs from country to country.
However, the general situation does not reflect the ‘demographic edge’ that young people
are said to posses s in the region. According to the World Bank Development Report (2007),
young people in West Africa are prominent among the world youth population but largely
marginalised and excluded from key processes in their societies. Many of them have little or,
in most cases, no access to education, employment and better livelihoods.
Honwana and De Boeck (2005) point out that in most of these countries, young people constitute the bulk of the population but lack the political space for genuine involvement or participation. Here, governments tend to ignore their interests and make policies without consulting them. A study on youth vulnerability and exclusion by the Conflict, Security and Development Group (Ismail et al. 2009) in seven West African countries reports that governments
in the West African region are notorious for excluding young people from what is generally
considered mainstream areas of governance, political space and engagements.
At the political party level, young people’s participation is limited to activism in the youth
wings – often on the margin of political parties. The hierarchic organisation of parties and the
structures that favour seniority place a premium on age and money making it more difficult
for young people to participate (Gavin 2007). Besides structures being rigid and baring access to newcomers, the youth are often used as propaganda for votes- and legitimacy- 28 -
seeking parties. To some extent, political participation by young people is only experienced
during party conventions and elections and ends immediately after the latter (Goakai, forthcoming). Youth remain largely underrepresented in cabinet positions and party leadership
structures, further emphasising their absence between election periods.
In addition, with the older elites in power manipulating control of and access to resources to
safeguard their hegemony, participation at the national level becomes difficult for many
young people. A visible form of participation is to either leave the country, voice opinions on
the political order through, sometimes violent, protests and demonstrations or becoming
adopting the party line (Ismail et al. 2009).
Furthermore, young people’s political roles or participation over two and a half decades ago
mainly included serving as political thugs and ‘ballot multipliers’ for politicians during elections (see YOVEX Sierra Leone and Liberia country reports as examples). Today, young
people are still marginalised in politics – with very little opportunities for active involvement.
4.3. How is their Political Participation Rated in Society?
As indicated above, youth political participation varies across countries. The possibilities to
participate are, among others, a result of the trust that the decision makers have towards the
young. They are in the position to put the structures in place so that the young can participate. This section will examine how societal actors react towards the young who do participate in political processes.
Germany: symbolic policy
Young Germans participating in party politics oftentimes experience disregard and neglect by
older party members (Burdewick 2003: 217). This disrespect might be even more discouraging because the young are confronted with a marked discrepancy between theory and practice; it is common symbolic discourse of German political leaders to criticise the supposedly
low political participation of the young or exaggerate the youth's importance (European
Commission 2009: 2) and sometimes even use them, especially deviants, for their electoral
campaigns. However, as soon as the young members advance ideas of their own, claim
mandates and question long established traditions, they encounter resistance (Picot/Willert
2006: 262, 283).
An in-depth qualitative study by Ingrid Burdewick (2003) using a youth parliament in Wittingen as an example, shows how local politicians, parents and peers rate the political participation of high school students. Generally, established politicians welcomed the creation of
- 29 -
the youth parliament (Burdewick 2003: 165-169). But on a concrete decision-making and implementation level, adults let the young know who is “in charge” and did not take the youth
parliament’s resolutions into consideration.
Despite this, parents and teachers in the Wittingen-example welcomed and supported the
participation of the young in the youth parliament (ibid.: 146). In general, 67% of German
adults think that young people do not have the competency for political matters and should
rather commit to dealing with societal problems (IDW 2007).
The feedback from the students’ own peers was not more encouraging. They were for the
most part disinterested in the work of the youth parliament and even are ridiculed it (ibid.:
157f.).
Young women are even more disadvantaged because they have to survive in the domain of
the male-dominated politics (ibid.: 249-250). Some parties have created quotas to favour female representation in party structures but this is not mandatory. Burdewick however points
out that young people are often not equal participants in political processes. They still need
assistance and educational support, but should also be respected for their autonomy and encouraged (ibid.: 277).
West Africa: ignored potential
A study by USAID/Ghana indicates that Ghana’s youth represent an enormous resource but
they are rarely seen as important agents of social and economic transformation
(USAID/Ghana 2006). Some educated youth in Nigeria argue that it is not the sole responsibility of adults to decide on crucial political matters without paving the way for the younger
generations to begin to learn and to shape their society (Okey 2007).
In the views of the ruling class, they have limited trust when it comes to the youth and their
formal political participation because of their involvement in election-related offences such as
disrupting campaigns, defacing posters, intimidating opponents, stealing ballot boxes, papers, etc. (Okey 2007). Being seen as politically and mentally immature to understand governance, youth-involvement in politics is welcomed by only a few.
4.5. Conclusion
In sum, the political participation of young people in Germany and West Africa can hardly be
discussed in a single context. The willingness, conditions and opportunities of young people
to participate in politics either in Germany or West African are affected by different aspects
- 30 -
and circumstances that cannot be categorized on the same grounds, but a comparison can
allow the identification of several similar challenges.
The low political interest among German youth in comparison with their counterparts in West
Africa has been discussed. One of the reasons for the low interest in Germany is the lack of
trust in political institutions although there is an overall interest to influence political affairs
through participation in elections. In West Africa the situation is different. Youth expresses
high interest to participate in politics but only a few actually participate. Most of West African
as well as German youth are motivated and they do participate in non-mainstream politics
that involve issues that they feel have a direct impact on them such as HIV and AIDS or climate change.
One’s social and educational background is among the most important explanations for a
lack of ability to participate in politics. This explains the low participation in Germany and the
limited participation in West Africa. In Germany there are many formal and open possibilities
and structures to join political parties or political oriented youth organisations, but one’s social and educational background still plays a crucial role. In West Africa, social background
and access to education also determine, to a large extent, one’s ability to participate in politics. However, the structural possibilities to do so are in some countries more limited in comparison to Germany.
It appears that in West Africa, youth political participation and influence is still a rhetorical aspect that has not been successfully put into practice. Even in Germany, youth involvement
often remains symbolic, with politicians seeking for votes and legitimacy.
The challenge is to guarantee the preconditions for being actively involved in politics – most
importantly through civic education; to find ways to encourage political participation among
and between the youth in Germany and West Africa; and connect it to meaningful and significant results despite the prevailing differences in conditions and circumstances between
the youth of these region and also within the countries. Lessons can be drawn from the similarities and differenced between both sides and real progress can be made towards increasing youth involvement in politics.
- 31 -
5.
Summary of the Study & Outlook
This Common Paper written by the participants of the “Go Africa… Go Germany…” exchange programme addresses main issues of youth livelihoods in Africa and Germany.
Youth, in our opinion, need special attention for several reasons: Firstly, as highlighted in this
paper, they tend to be affected worse by poverty, violence, health problems, educational impasses and other potentially damaging issues than the national average. Secondly, they are
hugely underrepresented in politics all over the world, so there is little scope for them to
change this situation actively in formal politics. Thirdly, the future development of any country
rests on the education of young people on the basis of equality, acceptable economic conditions, social attention and justice – in short: on them becoming mature and responsible citizens. Since these aims cannot be achieved on a national level in the globalised world, one
needs to identify ways in which the connection between different regions can become better
structured and natural for future generations. The realisation that there are global problems
and that these problems need global-orientated solutions has highlighted the fact that we are
all interconnected and have a lot to learn from each other. In order to tackle these problems
a broad-based involvement from all segments of the population is needed, especially from
the youth. In this respect, the exchange with other regions demonstrates our commitment to
strengthening relationships between Europe and Africa for overcoming this gap.
The present paper has identified three main issue areas of common concern for an AfricanGerman partnership in the field of youth policy. These areas will be important in structuring
the shape and actions of the envisaged partnership. The corresponding three thematic
sections in this paper dealt with values and attitudes, daily realities and political participation of youth in both Africa and Germany. In exploring these fields we not only assessed a
wide range of conceptions regarding family, education, politics and lifestyles but also tried to
understand how these conceptions and values were embedded into their respective realities
and political cultures. We therefore sought to identify similarities, overarching topics and
overall structures connecting youth across the continents that we believe to be evident in our
findings.
Our analysis begins with the main values and attitudes of the youth. Concerning family and
social environment, we have been able to show that young people in both regions look for a
nucleus of social contacts, which provide for personal acceptance as well as economic support. For both it holds true that the family is still the preferred model. Changing economic and
social environments, as well as the tendency of modern western-oriented societies to outsource former functions of the family to the state lead to more individualisation and inde- 32 -
pendence of young people. This also brings with it a number of insecurities and liabilities,
especially as many young people cannot be absorbed into the formal labour market and thus
need to sustain themselves.
With regard to religion, there are more clear-cut structural differences between the analysed
regions. Even though spiritual orientations seem to be just as popular among youth in Germany as they are in Africa, religious institutions perform a completely different and far more
important role in Africa. There, they are heavily involved in economic welfare, unifying social
activities and identity construction and if they work well, this provides scope for good policy
outcomes. However, if used for questionable aims, they can also create problems along religious cleavages. African-German policy cooperation should be very aware of both sides and
make an informed assessment about which institutions can be cooperated with to the benefit
of young people.
Individualisation is a common theme that came up in the research of motives and attitudes
towards education. While the low-profile appeal (albeit high political reputation) of education
in Africa for large parts of the youth and the high pressure for an ever higher and specialised
education in Germany seem to pull in different directions, both can be interpreted as a prioritisation of education as a means for the individual economic benefit. In Africa, rational economic calculation tells people to stay out of the educational sector due to scarce opportunities and detachment of the educational sector from the labour market. In Germany, the economic rat-race makes people pursue an ever higher degree, preferably in areas of high economic profitability.
In the area of culture and consumption, youths adapt to trans-regionally, sometimes even
globally conveyed images that are largely not of their own making. To make matters more
complex, these images are often in stark contrast with the value systems in their social environment. While in Germany as well as in Africa there is evidence of a lack of media monitoring as well as a lack of opportunities to discuss and explore experiences of young people,
this is notably more so in Africa. This should not be considered a minor problem, as it affects
vital health issues such as HIV/AIDS as well as the general design for the young people's
lives.
As a second step for our study, we decided to look at the daily realities, in which the attitudes and values of the youths are set. This point has two interesting dimensions. Firstly, it is
interesting what the individual desires and with what the aspirations of young people are confronted with in terms of their actual livelihoods. Secondly, these daily realities can also be
- 33 -
considered to shape the youths’ mindset in some way or another. Poverty, inequality, education, work, health, demography, migration, security and ecology were analysed and in assessing these areas a higher level of affectedness of youths compared to the national average in both regions could be identified. We were not surprised to find out that daily realities of
young people are drastically diverging between Germany and Africa with higher standards in
Germany and considerably lower ones in Africa. The contrasting findings in nearly all of
these policy-fields hint at common economic and political root causes which have led to the
diverging situations in the analysed regions. For example, equal allocation of goods and services and a peaceful and clean living environment are essential for survival and prerequisites
for any kind of social participation within societies. But they cannot possibly be separated
from global North-South policy-making and legitimacy-patterns contributing to the problems
in the above-mentioned areas.
However, when looking beyond the concrete manifestations and histories of the labour market situation, education, health care and environment, we not only found common themes but
also uneasy parallel developments and tendencies: be it the accentuation of inequalities,
cutback of health care and social security systems, rising youth unemployment, brain drain, a
global warming challenge, as well as hopeful investments in education that ultimately do not
provide sufficient security for the youth. All constitute results and impacts of two continents,
already connected in their fate. As none of the above-mentioned problems will be solved on
a national level in the long term, sustainable solutions are highly dependent on honest transnational dedication and cooperation of the national actors. Some level of trust and comprehension are indispensable when dealing with common policies.
As a third step, we turned to the issue of political participation in both regions, as this is the
most common way the needs and desires of young people and improvements to their living
environments can find their way on to the political agenda. In Germany as in Africa we found
willingness and interest in political action among the youth, even though the interest was
considerably lower in Germany than in Africa for the data available. Concerning the transformation of this interest into concrete political action, we found youth in both regions pursuing a tendency towards specific causes in opposition to conventional political party membership. The latter are the object of distrust and frustration of young people on both continents.
This distrust and frustration is matched by the youth’s limited ability and lack of possibilities
to influence formal political decision often coupled with a lack of understanding of the political
processes. Nevertheless, in both regions political systems informally deny decision-making
to young people. Young people as policy-makers are an absolute exception, even more so,
when the social background or gender is not the “appropriate” one. Youth interests and opin-
- 34 -
ions are rarely respected or perceived as legitimate, thus, they are the losers in the pursuit of
policies and the struggle for mandates.
Similarly, political systems in Germany and African countries tend to place youth into the service of the established political apparatus, not representatively taking into account their issues and daily realities. Youth issues are at the margins of the public sphere while young
people in established political parties often have to choose in between producing political
commitment of their own which is often rather symbolic and not being taken into account, on
the one hand, or being instrumentalised by established politicians in pursuing policies that
they are not interested in and not their own original idea. The case of several African countries is thereby an especially sad example with youth used to commit acts of political violence. Formal politics in both regions thereby takes the form of the inaccessible; a domain for
the established and well-educated; generally an activity assumed to be too complex for
youth. It informally denies decision making to young people, while claiming to act in the
youths’ best interest.
Drawing from the findings of this paper, an adequate strategy for enabling young people to
act as what they really are – young and therefore future-oriented citizens of their states, on
the one hand and members of the global community on the other hand – are the three steps
road-mapped in this paper. First, we have to seriously and thoroughly explore what the youth
want for themselves, their social environment, their states and the global community. Secondly, we have to compare these hopes, needs and concepts with the daily realities they
face and figure out the real opportunities for improvement in these areas in an open (in terms
of access as well as direction) debate with the other societal actors. Lastly, we have to make
sure there is provision for an open political process as well as that the youth fully understand
the workings of these processes and are also aware of sensible alternatives for influencing
political decisions, if necessary.
It is crucial for the development of any society that the youth are made aware of the respective policy issues, formulate their interests and make these heard through active involvement
in politics. Such involvement will need to take place at various levels, ranging from local to
international politics, depending on the issue at hand. In many of the areas addressed above,
there are inter-linkages between the situation of youth in African countries and in Germany;
therefore exchange and cooperation will be essential to arrive at sustainable policies, taking
advantage of joint opportunities.
- 35 -
6.
The Way Forward: Recommendations for Improving
Youth Policy in Germany and African Countries
From the analysis described in the summary of the study, a number of points of action
emerge. In order to address the various challenges young people in West Africa and Germany face in their everyday lives, policy interventions are required at international, national,
sub-national as well as local level. Appropriate policies at each of these levels will need to be
determined based on a thorough analysis of the specific situation of the youth to be targeted
and may differ depending on the local context. Additionally, measures can be taken within
the German-African Partnership, affecting other areas of national youth policy.
Strengthening the participation of young people in political decision-making is likely to
foster a better representation of their interests. In this respect, the following policies appear
pertinent:
-
Youth quotas in administration appointments, e.g. 15% of all appointments should
be reserved for people under 30 years old. Youth quotas institutionalizing the appointment of young persons in high administration offices increase the possibilities of
policy changes that would take youth interests into account. Highly qualified, young
adults can contribute meaningfully and prove that the promotion of youth participation
is not just a lip service.
-
Provide sufficient places for young people to meet and articulate their interests.
Youth clubs and other places where young persons can assemble freely, discuss
topical issues in a relaxed environment are necessary to facilitate an exchange of
ideas and mobilize the youth towards action.
-
Honour voluntary societal commitment of students in schools and universities
through scheduled free-time slots in their day or other incentives. As schools and universities are the focal point of adolescents and young adults, they should actively encourage the political or societal commitment of their students. Incentives should be
provided in order to increase a community-orientated conscience among the students. This can include the provision of classes in community action and civil service.
-
Democratize the administration of schools. The immediate environment shapes
the political participation of young persons. Either it encourages them to get involved
or it discourages them. Schools are the backdrop of all further development and
- 36 -
therefore it follows that in order to encourage more political participation, the youth
should participate in the school’s management. As school councils take decisions that
directly impact students’ lives, students need to be involved. At these councils, they
can prove their ability to take responsibility for their immediate environment. School
councils should therefore have equal representation from parents, teachers and students. Students should have equal voting rights. Decisions should be made by simple
majority voting.
-
Provide the preconditions for young people to access information relevant to
their civic education and career paths. For the youth to be active citizens, it is necessary that they can find the relevant information whenever they need it. Therefore, better access to infrastructure for research and fast internet connections would be an
added asset for supporting their active involvement.
Establishing a German-African Youth Foundation
Building on joint opportunities and tackling the challenges faced by African and German
youth will require sustained exchange, involving and empowering youth with various backgrounds. The following section outlines how a German-African Youth Foundation could play
a crucial role in this respect, by providing opportunities to get to know each other, to exchange ideas and visions and to participate in political decision-making.
Aims of the German-African Youth Foundation
The German-African Youth Foundation should be an institution that builds networks and fosters exchange between young people from Germany and African countries, with the objective
of identifying topics of common concern and facilitating innovative thinking to solve these issues.
Accordingly, as a starting point, the German-African Youth Foundation should enhance mutual understanding, aim at broadening the youths’ horizons and contribute to overcoming
misconceptions about each other. Beyond this, the Foundation should create an open space
for free speech and critical thinking, allowing youth in Germany and in African countries to
develop and exchange ideas. An important aim will be to strengthen young people's motivation and capabilities for political participation in local, national and global contexts, through
innovative forms of political participation.
- 37 -
Target Group
In order to maximise its reach, the Foundation should define “youth” as broad enough to remain relevant in a global context yet infuse socio-cultural and economic specificies of target
group countries. These recommendations are generally targeted at young people between
14 and 30 years of age, however the target group may need to be specified further for each
of the specific programmes and policies in question.
The Foundation should be inclusive and aim at reaching all youth, irrespective of their socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds. University students and graduates, or respectively high
school students from families with a higher education background, can be expected to be
particularly inclined to participating in the activities of a German-African Youth Foundation.
Therefore, in order to ensure broad participation and continued relevance, the Foundation
will need to especially target socially and economically disadvantaged young people. The
Foundation should offer opportunities for youth attending different types of high schools (including public as well as private schools and all three German types of secondary school:
Hauptschule, Realschule and Gymnasium), university students and young professionals
(university graduates as well as those with other types of training). Efforts should be made to
reach out to and connect with the multitude of young people who are deprived of formal education.
Activities of the Foundation should equally target male and female youth and ensure a gender balance in its activities. It should be open for youth with disabilities and offer special support for participation if needed.
In order to reach as many young people as possible with limited capacities, the Foundation
should pay special attention to multipliers such as journalists, teachers and youth who are
already actively engaged in politics or society.
Guidelines
To achieve the aims of the German-African Youth Foundation and ensure that recommended
policies benefit the desired target group, the following guidelines will be employed.
-
Promote and build on existing youth programmes – The idea of a youth Foundation is not entirely new. Several institutions and organisations that have projects and
programmes to address some of the challenges highlighted in this paper already exist. It is therefore a strategic imperative that the German-African Youth Foundation
- 38 -
builds synergies by creating networks with some of these organisations and help
build on their programmes. This would help the Foundation to reach out to more people since the already existing programmes have the necessary structures in place for
success.
-
Strengthen “for youth, by youth programmes” within local communities (ownership) – To improve the effectiveness and sustainability of programmes introduced
by the Foundation, it is important that individual youth in the local communities are involved in the initiation, planning and implementation of programmes. Local ownership
of the programmes will augment their dedication and increase the likelihood of the
programmes ’ success.
-
Support individual multipliers through self-empowerment – The activities of the
German-African Youth Foundation can only reach a small group of people at a time. It
is therefore necessary that individuals who benefit from the Foundation’s programmes become multipliers in their communities. Thus, they must be supported with
the necessary logistics and resources needed, thereby empowering them to successfully carry out various projects.
-
Use local languages where needed – The activities of the German-African Youth
Foundation would want to reach all the youth in both urban and rural areas. In order
to ensure that individual youth understand and buy into the programmes put in place
by the Foundation, local language must be used where necessary to enhance participation.
-
Develop a platform for information exchange – The German-African Youth Foundation must put in place a common document that would serve as a guide in the
planning and implementation of activities on the national and international level. This
is to ensure coherence in what is done across board and also that organised activities
address the aims of the Foundation. Publications could however not only cover these
“constitutional or basic” aspects of cooperation but also be extended to develop bicontinental magazines, journals or reviews (like the Joint MAG).
-
Consider social events when trying to organise activ ities – Social events are a
good way to allow good interaction and informal education in many aspects of life.
Programmes and activities organized by the Foundation should be fun, interesting
and educative. This would encourage youth dedication and support for success.
- 39 -
-
Avoid clichéd and overdone representation, but rather show diverse societies –
The German-African Youth Foundation in organizing programmes (social or cultural
events, for example) should not only focus on one aspect of the culture of a group of
people that is commonly “known” and misinterpreted. It should rather contribute to
breaking down these stereotypes by showing the diversity of life.
-
Ensure easy access to all events – The German-African Youth Foundation should
ensure that access to all its events and programmes is easy and affordable. Entrance
fees should be relative to the participant’s income and the Foundation should provide
for a mechanism to subsidize the costs of those who might otherwise be unable to attend. There should be simple procedures to access information and to participate in
activities organized by the Foundation.
Means
In order to implement programmes and activities of the Foundation, proper mediums and
structures must be put in place. The following are ways by which the Foundation intends to
implement its policies to accomplish set goals and targets.
-
Exchanges – These exchanges which would take place at both inter- and intracountry levels are platforms that would be created to enable the youth to interact and
learn from each other. The Foundation would be put in place to:
o
Facilitate access to or provide scholarships and grants for
- study abroad programmes
- German-African internships, i.e. two successive internships in similar companies/ institutions on each of the two continents to grasp different working
methods and cultures. This would enable the intern to develop constructive
ideas to advance the companies’/institutions’ goals.
o
Facilitate the creation of networks and pen friendships among the youth in
their own countries, and internationally.
o
Assist in the continuous planning and implementation of yearly “Go Africa…
Go Germany” programmes. Past participants of the programme can meet periodically to deliberate on issues and continue discussions for positive change.
o
Organise annually “Go Africa… Go Germany…” conferences, each dedicated
to a specific topic of common interest. Such conferences would both offer an
opportunity to explore issues in depth and to strengthen networks among former participants of “Go Africa… Go Germany” exchange programmes.
- 40 -
o
Enhance web-based information sharing. This would include the creation of a
database accessible by all that would provide information on opportunities for
the youth especially within their own countries and in other parts of the world.
o
Create opportunities for peer teaching and training through mentoring programmes.
o
Organize inter-cultural exchanges between young musicians, artists and youth
in creative industries. This would be an opportunity for the youth to develop
their talents and learn more about other cultures.
-
Cross-continental activities without physical interaction – This can be done by
using information and communication technology to:
o
Hold annual essay, arts and music competitions.
o
Organize a forum for educational debates and discussions on economic and
social issues. Ideas on possible solutions to these issues can be generated.
-
Coordinated activities at respective national levels – Due to resource constraints,
the German-African Youth Foundation would need to focus on organizing frequent,
well-coordinated activities on the national level. These activities should:
o
Support media formats (e.g. youth radios)
o
Provide an opportunity for quarterly conferences, workshops and seminars on
various social topics (education, job search, health etc.) that are of concern to
the youth
o
Create an avenue for analyzing and critically evaluating public education curricula because the mis - or under-representation of the “other” can significantly
contribute to sustaining stereotypes. The goal is to lobby for “sound” covering,
i. e. a differentiated depiction of different realities, of Europe and Africa respectively
o
Organize activities in schools and involve teachers in order to reach young
high school students. Possible activities in schools might include the visit of
experts, the organisation of project days, the creation of German-African
youth clubs or the facilitation of role model games of international politics.
o
Encourage the organisation of cultural events and competitions.
o
Seek funds to support research activities focusing on attitudes, values and interests of young people.
- 41 -
Partners
In order to successfully execute these various activities, the Foundation should seek the
partnership of other players in this field. There is the need to distinguish between different
levels of partnership.
Generally, the Foundation should seek partners that can support it through material and immaterial resources. Different prominent people such as high-ranking politicians, popular persons within the educational system or civil society such as professors, journalists or “elder
statesmen” or other ambassadors could provide valuable contacts and publicly endorse the
Foundation’s purposes. The fact that the project itself goes back to the initiative of a Partnership with Africa of the former Federal President of Germany, Horst Köhler, shows, to what
extent the personal commitment of influential persons is necessary at the initial stages. However, this support needs to be institutionalised because of the persistent changes in office.
For material support, the Foundation should seek partnership with companies who are willing
to significantly contribute to the financing of the Foundation without claiming any influence on
the Foundations operations.
On a more practical level, with every executed project, sufficient media coverage should be
assured in order to fulfil the Foundation’s aims. Journalists, on a local, national and international level, should be permanently informed about and included in the Foundation’s activities
and during specific projects.
- 42 -
7.
References
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