Bremen District 228
EPAS Linked Reading Passages: American History-Regular
level (score range 16-19)
Overarching Enduring Understanding: Improve student
college and workplace readiness in reading.
Enduring Understanding: Raise student ACT/PSAE reading
scores from the 16-19 range to 20 and above. Reinforce
American history content knowledge.
Created by: Colin Milton, Kristy Collins, Matt Singer, Ed Lipowski, Andy Rybarczyk
Table of Contents
Unit 1: The Stamp Act........................................................................................................................3
Colonial America, 1765....................................................................................................................... 3
Unit 2: The Continental Army: America’s First Army ..........................................................................7
Unit: 3 Gun Owner: I, not cops, got bad guy ...................................................................................... 11
Unit 4: AP, Political Development Of A New Nation .......................................................................... 14
Unit 5: Andrew Jackson / Tariffs and Nullification .................................................................. 16
Unit 6: The Oregon Trail ................................................................................................................... 19
Unit 7: The Civil War and Reconstruction ......................................................................................... 24
Unit 8: Cross of Gold ........................................................................................................................ 28
Unit 9: 14 Wilson’s Points................................................................................................................. 32
Unit 10: Flapper ............................................................................................................................... 36
Unit 11: Margin Trading ................................................................................................................... 40
Unit 12: World War ll/ Where Historians Disagree ............................................................................ 43
Unit 13: Industrial Complex .............................................................................................................. 47
Unit 14: Civil Rights .......................................................................................................................... 52
Unit 15: New Frontier To Vietnam .................................................................................................... 54
Unit 16: Jimmy Carter ...................................................................................................................... 56
Unit 17: Tear Down This Wall ........................................................................................................... 62
Unit 18: Obama................................................................................................................................ 67
Unit 1: The Stamp Act
Colonial America, 1765
As part of an effort to defray the burgeoning expense of running the empire, Parliament passed
the Stamp Act in March 1765. The law was to become effective in the colonies on November 1
and was announced by Prime Minister George Grenville many months in advance; he
expressed a willingness to substitute another revenue-raising measure if a more palatable one
could be found.
The act required the use of stamped paper* for legal documents, diplomas, almanacs,
broadsides, newspapers and playing cards. The presence of the stamp on these items was to be
proof that the tax had been paid. Funds accumulated from this tax were to be earmarked solely
for the support of British soldiers protecting the American colonies. Violators of the law were
to be tried in the vice admiralty courts, a detail that would not be overlooked by its critics.
The British authorities were not trying to oppress the colonists and regarded the stamp tax as
entirely reasonable; even Benjamin Franklin, then a colonial agent in London, gave his
grudging acquiescence to the plan.
Despite parliamentary intentions, colonial reaction was adverse and immediate. The Sugar Act
of the previous year had been a tax on trade, in effect an indirect and external tax. But in the
Stamp Tax the Americans for the first time were faced with a direct, internal tax. This
distinction was argued effectively in the writings of John Dickinson, one of the early leaders of
the opposition to British policies. However, these arguments seemed to be incomprehensible
hair-splitting to Parliament and royal officials.
The effects of the Stamp Act were to unite some of the most powerful elements of colonial
society — lawyers, clergymen, journalists and businessmen. Opposition came in a variety of
forms. Some was reasoned and informal, such as James Otis’ The Rights of the British
Colonies Asserted and Proved, a pamphlet that proclaimed the unconstitutionality of taxation
by agencies in which the colonies were not represented.
A more formal response came in the meeting of the Stamp Act Congress in October 1765, an
inter-colonial effort to orchestrate opposition to the British plan.
The greatest impact, however, came through the Stamp Act riots in which violence was used to
intimidate potential tax agents and public demonstrations were employed to solidify radical
opposition. Shopkeepers agreed among themselves not to sell British manufactures
(nonimportation agreements) and strong-arm Sons of Liberty made certain that the merchants
maintained their resolve.
The general unpopularity of the Grenville program led to the failure of his government in June
1765; the Marquis of Rockingham replaced him and began the process of finding a way out of
the chaos. After much debate in Parliament, the Stamp Act was repealed on March 17, 1766
due in no small part to the protests of merchants at home who felt the pinch of the
nonimportation programs. The Stamp Act was repealed out of expediency, not because
American arguments about taxation had been accepted in England.
As a face-savings gesture, however, Parliament approved the Declaratory Act (March 1766),
which stated in part that Parliament:
had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and
validity to bind the colonies and people of America, subjects of the crown of Great Britain, in all cases
whatsoever.
This statement of Parliamentary supremacy was wisely ignored by colonial opposition leaders,
who were contented with their victory over the Stamp Act.
Title/Source: The Stamp Act
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Question
Response
What des the Declaratory Act tell you
about the beliefs of Parliament?
That they believed that could make any law
needed to govern the colonies, thus they did
nothing wrong.
What major Colonial American leader
gave his approval to the Stamp Act?
Ben Franklin
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
T
T
T
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
What was likely the major reason that
the Stamp Act was repealed?
English Merchants were protesting the loss of
trade due to the nonimportation programs.
What was the main purpose behind the
Stamp Act?
To raise revenue to pay for defense of the
American Colonies
What requirement of the Stamp Act
does the author indicate would be very
important to the critics of the act?
Vice Admiralty Courts
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
T
S
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
S
T
Unit 2: The Continental Army: America’s First Army
Continental Army
Ideas 16-19
Question
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or
conceal his or her point
of view.
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
As discussed in the article, what major
events occurred from the time George
Washington was declared the leader of
the continental army, to their victory
over the British?
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
How did the British and American
armies differ in terms of their
organization and supplies?
Response
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
Although greatly outnumbered in
men and weaponry, what
advantages did the American
colonists have over the British
army?
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events
based on evidence
presented in the text.
Why do you think the author made a
point to state that the American
colonists were “most of all…fighting for
their freedom” when discussing the
advantage they had over the British?
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
Can we say that the American
colonists won the war without the
help of other nations? What
evidence is provided?
Unit: 3 Gun Owner: I, not cops, got bad guy
Ideas 16-19
Question
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or
conceal his or her point
of view.
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
Explain how this quote is significant
to the 2nd amendment, “I have
served my civic duty, and taken one
evil creature off of our streets,
something that our impotent
criminal justice system had failed to
do.”
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
What are some important pieces of
information in this article?
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
What are some key chronological
events that occurred prior to the
shooting?
Response
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
What is a major conclusion one can
make about the author’s views on
the 2nd amendment?
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
How did the response of the
authorities influence the decision of
the homeowner in this article?
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
What factors contributed to the
outcome of this situation?
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
What statements would indicate a
clear cause and effect relationship
in this article?
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
Clarify the author’s meaning of the
word “impotent” when describing
our criminal justice system.
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events
based on evidence
presented in the text.
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
What inaccurate generalizations
can be made about guns and/or
owners of guns?
Unit 4: AP, Political Development Of A New Nation
Title/Source: American History Unit 4, Ap, Political Development of a
New Nation
Ideas 16-19
Question
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
What were some qualities of
Jefferson that made him a good
president?
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
What are some successes of
Jefferson’s first term in office?
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
What are some examples of how
Jefferson went against his “strict
interpretation of the Constitution”
views?
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
Why did the Federalists believe
Jefferson would be a weak
President?
Response
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the text
What does the word “denounce”
mean?
Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson's fondness for philosophical study and his preference for communicating political ideas privately rather
than through public debate led Federalists to predict that Jefferson would be a weak, indecisive, and deceitful
president. President Jefferson exhibited a flexibility in adapting his principles to execute his goals that caused
Federalists to denounce him as an untrustworthy demagogue. However, Jefferson, president of the American
Philosophical Society from 1791 to 1815, believed that philosophical principles were useless unless they had a
practical application. His persuasiveness in private meetings, conversations, letters, and written addresses allowed
him to convey his ideas effectively to the public, coordinate policies with his cabinet, and supervise the passage of
legislation through the Republican-controlled Congress. In Jefferson's first term (1801-1805) the repeal of internal
taxes; reductions in the army, navy, and federal expenses; and the expiration of the Sedition Act conformed to his
principles of restoring a republican government that protected liberty, equality of opportunity, freedom of conscience,
and consent of the governed. In 1803 Federalists attacked the Louisiana Purchase as a hypocritical abandonment of
Jefferson's strict constructionist interpretation of the Constitution. For Jefferson the Louisiana Purchase required
him to modify his strict constructionist philosophy in order to achieve his goal of establishing an "Empire of Liberty"—
an American republic of independent, property-owning farmers. The Embargo Act of 1807 was the great failure of
Jefferson's second term (1805-1809) because he never clearly communicated to Congress or the public whether the
embargo was a delaying tactic until the nation was prepared for war or an alternative to war. In addition Jefferson,
the advocate of limited government, came under attack by Federalists for an extraordinary expansion of executive
authority to enforce the embargo, including the use of the army, navy, and militia. President Jefferson, weary and
disappointed by his second term, looked forward to retiring to Monticello.
Unit 5: Andrew Jackson / Tariffs and Nullification
Andrew Jackson -
Tariffs and Nullification
While Jackson did believe in states' rights–as witnessed by his hesitation to interfere in Georgia's dispute with the
Cherokees–he also firmly believed in asserting the power of the federal government. This assertion became clear in
the dispute that arose South Carolina and the issue of nullification.
Even with John C. Calhoun out of his administration for all intents and purposes, Jackson found that the South
Carolinian could still cause trouble. In July 1831, Calhoun delivered a detailed statement of his views on nullification:
the Union was a compact, so each state could review the acts of Congress and nullify–within its own borders–those
laws and acts it deemed unacceptable. The first true test of the nullification idea came a year later, in January 1832,
when Henry Clay announced his new tariff plan, the Tariff of 1832. What had begun as an attempt to even out the
flaws of the Tariff of 1828 quickly became a battle between Jackson, who tried to preserve the power of the federal
government, and Calhoun, who wanted only to win a form of judicial review for the states. Jackson countered Clay's
bill with one he supported, a bill that would provide some relief to the South but upheld the protections for the North
and West.
The tariff battle became even more personal when, in the midst of the tariff debate, Calhoun led the fight to block
nomination of Martin Van Buren as minister to England. The Senate deadlocked on the nomination and it fell to
Calhoun, as Vice President, to cast the tie-breaking vote. Calhoun gleefully voted against Van Buren. The move
backfired, however, as Jackson swore he would avenge the loss. For his part, Van Buren gained sympathy support
around Washington.
Jackson's tariff bill ultimately prevailed and passed both the House and Senate by a wide margin. South Carolina,
however, held out. The state called a special session of the legislature to consider its options. With the Union
appearing to be breaking up and civil war seemingly looming on the horizon, Jackson ordered army and navy forces
to stand ready in Virginia and Charleston. The South Carolina legislature voted on November 24, 1832, to declare
Jackson's tariffs null and void and prohibit their collection within the state–and it warned that any force used in an
attempt to change the state's decision would force a vote of secession.
Jackson scrambled to stop the "nullies." He looked to the support of Unionists within South Carolina and moved
munitions into North Carolina. In his annual message to Congress he explained that if the tariffs were found to be
excessive, they would be reduced and reformed. Then, in a December proclamation, he spoke directly to South
Carolina, delivering a message of nationalism and unity, explaining that the Constitution empowered him to enforce
the Union's laws and asking whether South Carolina really meant to be treasonous. Finally, Jackson introduced what
came to be known as the "Force Bill," which granted the government the authority necessary to enforce tariffs.
Jackson knew that support across the nation stood firmly on his side, and, indeed, the combined pressures soon
brought South Carolina back in the fold. As the Ordinance of Nullification did not take effect until February 1833,
South Carolina offered a chance to hash out a compromise before then. It elected Calhoun a U.S. Senator, so that he
could bargain in Congress for a good compromise, and so that he could resign as Vice President.
The administration welcomed the change of heart, and Jackson threw himself into crafting a new tariff bill. Clay finally
introduced a bill that offered graduated reductions in the tariffs over ten years–a reckless move that would severely
harm the nation's economy a decade later, but for now stood as the best option. The bill soon passed both houses of
Congress. Meanwhile, Calhoun had tried and failed to kill the Force Bill, so Jackson signed both bills into law on
March 2, 1833. A week later, South Carolina repealed the nullification ordinance. To celebrate, Jackson set off on a
long tour of the country in the spring of 1833, visiting Staten Island and receiving an honorary degree from Harvard
University.
Title/Source: Andrew Jackson – Tariffs and Nullifictaion
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Question
Response
John Calhoun was a part of Jackson’s
administration as he served in what
role. Latter after he resigned he served
the government in what capacity?
Vice president and Senator from South
Carolina
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
T
T
T
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
Public opinion rested on which side
during the Tariff dispute?
Andrew Jackson
What does the word Nullification, in
the context of this article mean?
To claim that and act or law is not valid and
will not be followed.
How would you describe relationship
between Andrew Jackson and John C.
Calhoun
It was negative, with each being on different
sides of this issue.
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
T
S
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
S
T
Who did Andrew Jackson believe
ultimate power rested in, the states, or
the national Government?
Unit 6: The Oregon Trail
Course: Reg. American History
Title/Source: The Oregon Trail
Ideas 16-19
Question
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
T
T
Explain the connection the author tries
to make between the long trip of the
Oregon Trail, disease and accidents,
and the amount of supplies each family
had to bring
What are the most and least important
concepts you learned in the article?
Response
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
Explain why the Native Americans may
have been reluctant to stand up to
pioneers as they overran their
homelands.
T
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
T
S
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
Why were many families so eager to
travel to Oregon knowing the trip
would be long, hard, and dangerous?
S
T
S
T
What specific types of people do you
feel would be most eager to travel from
Missouri to Oregon during the 1800’s
Unit 7: The Civil War and Reconstruction
Course: American History
Unit: 7
Title: The Civil War & Reconstruction
Ideas 16-19
Question
Response
Why was clash inevitable between
the North & South?
Differences in economies led to tensions
& jealousy.
Place in chronological the failed
attempts to compromise on the
issue of slavery.
Compromise of 1850, Kansas-Nebraska
Act, Fugitive Slave laws.
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or
conceal his or her point
of view.
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
How did the election of Lincoln in
1860 pose a threat to the Southern
way of life?
Southerners believed he was an
abolitionist, favored a strong federal
government & would put Northern
economic interests first.
Why would John Brown be
considered a martyr by
abolitionists?
He died fighting for the cause after his
attack on Harper’s Ferry.
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events
based on evidence
presented in the text.
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
When the Civil War broke out, why
would Mississippi & South Carolina
be at a disadvantage when it came
to recruiting soldiers to fight?
Both of these states had a majority of
slaves in their states and would not use
these people as soldiers.
Unit 8: Cross of Gold
W. J. Bryan – Cross of Gold
I want to suggest this truth, that if the gold standard is a good thing we ought to declare in favor
of its retention and not in favor of abandoning it; and if the gold standard is a bad thing, why
should we wait until some other nations are willing to help us to let it go?
Here is the line of battle. We care not upon which issue they force the fight. We are prepared to
meet them on either issue or on both. If they tell us that the gold standard is the standard of
civilization, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened of all nations of the earth, has never
declared for a gold standard, and both the parties this year are declaring against it. If the gold
standard is the standard of civilization, why, my friends, should we not have it? So if they come
to meet us on that, we can present the history of our nation. More than that, we can tell them this,
that they will search the pages of history in vain to find a single instance in which the common
people of any land ever declared themselves in favor of a gold standard. They can find where the
holders of fixed investments have.
Mr. Carlisle said in 1878 that this was a struggle between the idle holders of idle capital and the
struggling masses who produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the country; and my friends, it is
simply a question that we shall decide upon which side shall the Democratic Party fight. Upon
the side of the idle holders of idle capital, or upon the side of the struggling masses? That is the
question that the party must answer first; and then it must be answered by each individual
hereafter. The sympathies of the Democratic Party, as described by the platform, are on the side
of the struggling masses, who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic Party.
There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that if you just legislate to make
the well-to-do prosperous, that their prosperity will leak through on those below. The
Democratic idea has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous their prosperity
will find its way up and through every class that rests upon it.
You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard. I tell you that the
great cities rest upon these broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms,
and your cities will spring up again as if by magic. But destroy our farms and the grass will grow
in the streets of every city in the country.
My friends, we shall declare that this nation is able to legislate for its own people on every
question without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth, and upon that issue
we expect to carry every single state in the Union.
I shall not slander the fair state of Massachusetts nor the state of New York by saying that when
citizens are confronted with the proposition, “Is this nation able to attend to its own business?”—
I will not slander either one by saying that the people of those states will declare our helpless
impotency as a nation to attend to our own business. It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our
ancestors, when but 3 million, had the courage to declare their political independence of every
other nation upon earth. Shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to 70 million, declare
that we are less independent than our forefathers? No, my friends, it will never be the judgment
of this people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism
is good but we cannot have it till some nation helps us, we reply that, instead of having a gold
standard because England has, we shall restore bimetallism, and then let England have
bimetallism because the United States have.
If they dare to come out in the open field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we shall
fight them to the uttermost, having behind us the producing masses of the nation and the world.
Having behind us the commercial interests and the laboring interests and all the toiling masses,
we shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them, you shall not press down
upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.
Title/Source: W. J. Bryan – Cross of Gold
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Question
Response
What is the point of this speech?
To convince people that the Gold standard
would be a bad thing for the farmers and
working people of America?
What previous event in American
History does the author compare the
question of the Gold standard to?
The issue of taxation without representation
from the revolution.
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
T
T
T
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
T
S
The author of this speech believes that
the gold standard would favor what
segment of the population?
The wealthy or upper class.
The author is running for president,
what belief did have about the outcome
of the election?
The he would win an overwhelming victory in
the election.
Would rural or urban voters be more
likely to vote for this candidate?
Rural
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
S
T
Unit 9: 14 Wilson’s Points
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and
made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once
for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to
ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe
for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own
institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against
force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest,
and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done
to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only
possible program, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international
understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in
war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the
enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality
of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for
its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest
point consistent with domestic safety.
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a
strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the
interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the
government whose title is to be determined.
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia
as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for
her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own
political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of
free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of
every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister
nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of
her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish
sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt
to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single
act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they
have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another.
Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done
to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of
the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made
secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of
nationality.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded
and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia
accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one
another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and
nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and
territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty,
but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted
security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the
Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all
nations under international guarantees.
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories
inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to
the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be
guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose
of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and
small states alike.
Title/Source: Wilson’s 14 Points
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Question
Response
Which of the point points listed by
Wilson would seem to be the most
important in bringing about lasting
peace?
Point 8
Several times Wilson speaks of free
access to the sea. Why would this be
important?
Most trade is done through shipping, and a
land locked nation can be cut off from trading
freely.
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
T
T
T
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
What does the phrase Domestic safety
refer to in point 4?
The ability of a nation to be safe from outside
attack.
Based on point five it is clear that
Wilson does not see Imperialism of
non-European people is entirely wrong?
True
What is the purpose of these 14 points?
To establish a lasting peace that is fair to all
coming out of the war.
T
S
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
S
T
Unit 10: Flapper
Flapper Image
The Flappers' image consisted of drastic - to some, shocking - changes in women's clothing and hair.
Nearly every article of clothing was trimmed down and lightened in order to make movement easier.
It is said that girls "parked" their corsets when they were to go dancing.7 The new, energetic dances
of the Jazz Age, required women to be able to move freely, something the "ironsides" didn't allow.
Replacing the pantaloons and corsets were underwear called "step-ins."
The outer clothing of flappers is even still extremely identifiable. This look, called "garconne" ("little
boy"), was instigated by Coco Chanel.8 To look more like a boy, women tightly wound their chest with
strips of cloth in order to flatten it.9 The waists of flapper clothes were dropped to the hipline. She
wore stockings - made of rayon ("artificial silk") starting in 1923 - which the flapper often wore rolled
over a garter belt.10
The hem of the skirts also started to rise in the 1920s. At first the hem only rose a few inches, but
from 1925 to 1927 a flapper's skirt fell just below the knee.
The skirt comes just an inch below her knees, overlapping by a faint fraction her
rolled and twisted stockings. The idea is that when she walks in a bit of a breeze,
you shall now and then observe the knee (which is not rouged - that's just newspaper
talk) but always in an accidental, Venus-surprised-at-the-bath sort of way.11
The Gibson Girl, who prided herself on her long, beautiful, lush hair, was shocked when the flapper cut
her's off. The short haircut was called the "bob" which was later replaced by an even shorter haircut,
the "shingle" or "Eton" cut. The shingle cut was slicked down and had a curl on each side of the face
that covered the woman's ears. Flappers often finished the ensemble with a felt, bell-shaped hat
called a cloche.
Flappers also started wearing make-up, something that had previously been only worn by loose
women. Rouge, powder, eye-liner, and lipstick became extremely popular.
Beauty is the fashion in 1925. She is frankly, heavily made up, not to imitate nature,
but for an altogether artificial effect - pallor mortis, poisonously scarlet lips,
richly ringed eyes - the latter looking not so much debauched (which is the intention)
as diabetic.12
Flapper Attitude
The flapper attitude was characterized by stark truthfulness, fast living, and sexual behavior. Flappers
seemed to cling to youth as if it were to leave them at any moment. They took risks and were
reckless.
They wanted to be different, to announce their departure from the Gibson Girl's morals. So they
smoked. Something only men had done previously. Their parents were shocked.
I was sure my girls had never experimented with a hip-pocket flask, flirted with other
women's husbands, or smoked cigarettes. My wife entertained the same smug delusion,
and was saying something like that out loud at the dinner table one day. And then she
began to talk about other girls.
"They tell me that that Purvis girl has cigarette parties at her home," remarked my
wife.
She was saying it for the benefit of Elizabeth, who runs somewhat with the Purvis
girl. Elizabeth was regarding her mother with curious eyes. She made no reply to her
mother, but turning to me, right there at the table, she said: "Dad, let's see your
cigarettes."
Without the slightest suspicion of what was forthcoming, I threw Elizabeth my
cigarettes. She withdrew a fag from the package, tapped it on the back of her left
hand, inserted it between her lips, reached over and took my lighted cigarette from my
mouth, lit her own cigarette and blew airy rings toward the ceiling.
My wife nearly fell out of her chair, and I might have fallen out of mine if I hadn't
been momentarily stunned.13
Smoking wasn't the most outrageous of the flapper's rebellious actions. Flappers drank alcohol. At a
time when the United States had outlawed alcohol (Prohibition), young women were starting the habit
early. Some even carried hip-flasks full so as to have it on hand. More than a few adults didn't like to
see tipsy young women. Flappers had a scandalous image as the "giddy flapper, rouged and clipped,
careening in a drunken stupor to the lewd strains of a jazz quartet."14
The 1920s was the Jazz Age and one of the most popular past-times for flappers was dancing. Dances
such as the Charleston, Black Bottom, and the Shimmy were considered "wild" by older generations.
As described in the May 1920 edition of the Atlantic Monthly, flappers "trot like foxes, limp like lame
ducks, one-step like cripples, and all to the barbaric yawp of strange instruments which transform the
whole scene into a moving-picture of a fancy ball in bedlam."15 For the Younger Generation, the
dances fit their fast-paced life-style.
For the first time since the train and the bicycle, a new form of faster transportation was becoming
popular. Henry Ford's innovations were making the automobile an accessible commodity to the people.
Cars were fast and risky - perfect for the flapper attitude. Flappers not only insisted on riding in them;
they drove them.
Unfortunately for their parents, flappers didn't just use cars to ride in. The back seat became a
popular location for the new popular sexual activity, petting. Others hosted petting parties. Though
their attire was modeled after little boys' outfits, flappers flaunted their sexuality. It was a radical
change from their parents and grandparents' generations.
Title/Source: Flappers
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
T
Question
Response
Does the author of this article seem to
like flappers, or, do they seem to dislike
them. List some words or phrase they
use to back up your answer.
Opposed – They are called reckless The word
unfortunately appears. He calls them
shocking
Based the article, what type of music
was to be closely associated with the
flappers?
Jazz
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
T
T
T
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
T
S
Based on this article we can say that
girls of the 1920’s compare to women
of early times?
That they pushed boundaries regarding what
was appropriate behavior for women.
The author states the flappers took
risks, and were reckless. What behavior
does he mention that backs this
statement up?
Sexually activity and drinking.
In what way does this article suggest
that a double standard existed for
women?
Many of the behaviors that were thought to be
scandals for them were accepted when done
by men.
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
S
T
Unit 11: Margin Trading
Margin Trading: What Is Buying On Margin?
The Basics
Buying on margin is borrowing money from a broker to purchase stock. You can think of it as a loan from your
brokerage. Margin trading allows you to buy more stock than you'd be able to normally. To trade on margin, you need
a margin account. This is different from a regular cash account, in which you trade using the money in the account.
By law, your broker is required to obtain your signature to open a margin account. The margin account may be part of
your standard account opening agreement or may be a completely separate agreement. An initial investment of at
least $2,000 is required for a margin account, though some brokerages require more. This deposit is known as the
minimum margin. Once the account is opened and operational, you can borrow up to 50% of the purchase price of a
stock. This portion of the purchase price that you deposit is known as the initial margin. It's essential to know that you
don't have to margin all the way up to 50%. You can borrow less, say 10% or 25%. Be aware that some brokerages
require you to deposit more than 50% of the purchase price.
You can keep your loan as long as you want, provided you
fulfill your obligations. First, when you sell the stock in a margin account, the proceeds go to your broker against the
repayment of the loan until it is fully paid. Second, there is also a restriction called the maintenance margin, which is
the minimum account balance you must maintain before your broker will force you to deposit more funds or sell stock
to pay down your loan. When this happens, it's known as a margin call. We'll talk about this in detail in the next
section.
Borrowing money isn't without its costs. Regrettably, marginable securities in the account are collateral. You'll also
have to pay the interest on your loan. The interest charges are applied to your account unless you decide to make
payments. Over time, your debt level increases as interest charges accrue against you. As debt increases, the
interest charges increase, and so on.
Therefore, buying on margin is mainly used for short-term investments. The longer you hold an investment, the
greater the return that is needed to break even. If you hold an investment on margin for a long period of time, the
odds that you will make a profit are stacked against you.
Not all stocks qualify to be bought on margin. The Federal Reserve Board regulates which stocks are marginable. As
a rule of thumb, brokers will not allow customers to purchase penny stocks, over-the-counter Bulletin Board (OTCBB)
securities or initial public offerings (IPOs) on margin because of the day-to-day risks involved with these types of
stocks. Individual brokerages can also decide not to margin certain stocks, so check with them to see what
restrictions exist on your margin account.
Title/Source: Margin
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
Question
S
Response
his or her point of view.
T
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Because of the risk.
Why do you think that some stocks
cannot be bought on margin?
T
What does the author say is the most
important thing about buying on
margin?
That it is only good for a short term
investment
What is meant by buying on margin?
Taking out a loan to purchase stocks.
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
T
T
T
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
S
T
T
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
People who buy stock on margin are
likely to be?
Short money, and hoping to make a quick
dollar to get rich.
What assumption does buying a stock
on margin make that is a risky
assumption?
That the stock would go up in value
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
S
T
Unit 12: World War ll/ Where Historians Disagree
Course: American History
Unit: 12
World War II
Title: Where Historians Disagree: The Background of Pearl Harbor
Ideas 16-19
Question
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or
conceal his or her point
of view.
Summarize the main topic of the
article. Does the author of the
article take a position? Explain
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
Response
evidence from the text.
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
Explain the different historical
interpretations of Beard, Rauch,
and Current.
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
Determine factors that
have clearly influenced
the outcome of a
situation.
How did U.S. foreign policy
encourage the Japanese to attack
Pearl Harbor?
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
Describe the cause and effect of
the U.S.’s raw materials boycott.
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events
based on evidence
presented in the text.
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
Do most historians today agree or
disagree with the “Beard
Provocation Thesis”? Explain
Unit 13: Industrial Complex
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the
responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency
is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final
thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I
pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among
great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is
today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably
proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not
merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use
our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the
peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity
among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious
people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice
would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the
world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology -global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily
the danger is poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called
for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us
to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex
struggle -- with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our
charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small,
there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the
miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense;
development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in
basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself,
may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain
balance in and among national programs -- balance between the private and the public economy,
balance between cost and hoped for advantage -- balance between the clearly necessary and the
comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties
imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the
national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually
finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the
main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat.
But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.
IA vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty,
ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own
destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in
peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American
makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no
longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a
permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men
and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military
security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the
American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every
city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative
need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil,
resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence,
whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous
rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes.
We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the
proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful
methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has
been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and
costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal
government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of
scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically
the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the
conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes
virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds
of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations,
and the power of money is ever present

and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert
to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a
scientifictechnological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new
and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals
of our free society.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's
future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today,
plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot
mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political
and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become
the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever
growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a
proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with
the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength.
That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony
of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must
learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because
this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this
field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the
lingering sadness of war -- as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this
civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years -- I wish I
could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Title/Source: American Industrial Complex – D.D. Eisenhower
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Question
Response
Why is Eisenhower giving this speech?
To share is thoughts as he leaves the office of
President, and public service.
What is his fear about the industrial
complex?
That it will gain unwarranted power and
influence which will serve its own interest and
not the countries?
What in the author’s background would
make his thoughts on this subject even
more noteworthy?
The was not only President, but served a
general in the Army during world war II.
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
S
T
T
T
situation.
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
The American Industrial complex – do to the
Arms race that America has become engaged
in.
What is the main point that the author is
trying to get across in this article?
That we need to find a way to disarm so that
we can truly secure peace.
T
T
S
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
What things does the author of this
speech suggest is new, and why?
S
T
S
T
Unit 14: Civil Rights
Title/Source: American History, Reg, Unit 14 Civil Rights
Ideas 16-19
Question
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
Why did Rosa Parks decide to not
give up her seat?
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
After Rosa Parks was arrested, how
did the black community mobilize?
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
Why did the bus company decide to
lift the boycott?
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
Because of her part in the boycott,
what happened to Rosa Parks?
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the text
What does the word “relinquish”
mean?
Response
Life's Work
``The only tired I was, was tired of giving in.'' These were the words spoken on December 1, 1955, by Rosa Parks.
Parks was returning home from her job as a seamstress. She boarded the segregated bus in the manner usual to
Montgomery. Blacks would enter the front, pay, get off, and reenter to take their seats through the back door. The
front of the bus was reserved for whites, while African Americans occupied the rear. On this particular day, however,
the front of the bus quickly filled up. The area where blacks were designated to sit would have to be vacated. A white,
male passenger required a seat and there was none available in the white section. Consequently, the blacks in the
front of the black section were asked to move. They were told by the driver to relinquish their seats. All complied
except for Rosa. She was dealing with the same driver who had evicted her more than a decade earlier from his bus.
Rosa remained adamant on this occasion. This particular request was not to be taken lightly.
The majority of the riders were black. The black patrons believed that they were within their rights in requesting better
treatment in exchange for their consistent patronage. Other blacks in the community had defied the driver's requests
to move. Rumblings of demonstrations and boycotts ensued, but there was no mass organized effort. Parks was
arrested on the evening of December 1, 1955, for refusing to relinquish her seat to a white patron, thereby violating
the segregation laws of Montgomery, Alabama. A white lawyer, Clifford Durr, was hired to take her case. She was
released on a one-hundred-dollar bond.
The African American community quickly mobilized. An organization called the Women's Political Council passed out
thousands of pamphlets, asking for a one-day bus boycott. A community meeting was held on December 5 in the Holt
Street Baptist Church. The Montgomery Improvement Association was created, and a young, charismatic minister,
the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., was elected its president. Rosa agreed to allow her case to serve as the focus
of the civil rights struggle. The one-day bus boycott was considered a success. By the time Rosa was tried and found
guilty, the boycott was in its second month. The cooperation of the black ridership was 100 percent. Rosa was fined
ten dollars and told to pay an additional four dollars in court fees. She refused to pay and appealed.
Because seventy-five percent of Montgomery's ridership was black, the bus company was quickly sliding into
bankruptcy. Rosa and her husband lost their jobs. They were harassed with phone calls, letters, verbal threats, and
intimidation. As a result of 381 days of boycotting, segregation was banned on municipal buses. On December 21,
1956, Rosa sat in the front of the newly integrated city buses in Montgomery, Alabama. As a result of her part in the
boycott, Rosa and her husband were unemployable.
Unit 15: New Frontier To Vietnam
Title/Source: American History, Reg, Unit 15 New Frontier to Vietnam
Ideas 16-19
Question
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
Why were Americans fearful after
Sputnik was launched?
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
What was the first attempt to put
an American satellite in space?
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
How Was the first American
satellite different from Sputnik?
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
Because of the failures of the
Americans to move ahead of the
Soviets, what was created?
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
What does the word “endeavored”
mean?
Response
for clues in the text
Unit 16: Jimmy Carter
America’s Response to Sputnik
Public Fear and Outrage
Many Americans reacted with disbelief and fear when the Soviet Union launched the world's first man-made satellite
into orbit on 4 October 1957: the Soviets—supposedly well behind the United States technologically, militarily, and
economically—had managed to beat the Americans into space. Eisenhower, often portrayed as having been caught
off guard by Sputnik, noted that it came as a "distinct surprise," but what really shocked him was "the intensity of
public concern." Democrats pounced on Sputnik as an issue of national defense. Democratic senator Henry Jackson
of Washington described the launch as a "devastating blow to the prestige of the United States as the leader of the
scientific and technical world." Some U.S. scientists who had worked for the air force or on the army's missile projects
thought the feat unimpressive; still others, including celebrated rocket scientist Wernher von Braun, claimed that
Truman had ignored space and as a consequence was responsible for the slow start of the American rocket program.
America had focused much of its energy on air-breathing propulsion, especially jet fighters and bombers, not on
heavy rockets.
The Space Race
In December 1957 an endeavored to put a satellite into orbit with the navy's Vangard rocket failed when the rocket
exploded. On 31 January 1958, the United States finally launched a satellite, Explorer I, on a modified Jupiter-C
rocket. The launch, however, turned out to be something of an embarrassment when compared with the Soviet
achievement: weighing thirty-one pounds, Explorer I was dwarfed by the three-thousand-pound satellite the Russians
launched in May. Other American launches followed, and Eisenhower found himself under increasing pressure from
virtually everyone—Democrats, most Republicans, scientists, the media—to step up the space race. Critics
demanded Eisenhower bring integration and order to the space program and create a separate department of space.
Despite his reservations and fear that a separate department would emphasize satellites over missiles, on 2 April
1958 Eisenhower asked Congress to establish the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA),
superseding the old National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics (NACA). On 12 January 1959 NASA selected the
McDonnell Aircraft Corporation to design, develop, and construct the Mercury space capsule to put an American in
space.
Good evening.
This is a special night for me. Exactly 3 years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the
nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a
President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares
your dreams and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.
During the past 3 years I've spoken to you on many occasions about national concerns,
the energy crisis, reorganizing the Government, our Nation's economy, and issues of
war and especially peace. But over those years the subjects of the speeches, the talks,
and the press conferences have become increasingly narrow, focused more and more
on what the isolated world of Washington thinks is important. Gradually, you've heard
more and more about what the Government thinks or what the Government should be
doing and less and less about our Nation's hopes, our dreams, and our vision of the
future.
I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure. And I do not refer to the
outward strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world,
with unmatched economic power and military might.
The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis
that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this
crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity
of purpose for our Nation.
The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the
political fabric of America.
The confidence that we have always had as a people is not simply some romantic
dream or a proverb in a dusty book that we read just on the Fourth of July. It is the
idea which founded our Nation and has guided our development as a people.
Confidence in the future has supported everything else -- public institutions and private
enterprise, our own families, and the very Constitution of the United States. Confidence
has defined our course and has served as a link between generations. We've always
believed in something called progress. We've always had a faith that the days of our
children would be better than our own.
Our people are losing that faith, not only in government itself but in the ability as
citizens to serve as the ultimate rulers and shapers of our democracy. As a people we
know our past and we are proud of it. Our progress has been part of the living history
of America, even the world. We always believed that we were part of a great movement
of humanity itself called democracy, involved in the search for freedom, and that belief
has always strengthened us in our purpose. But just as we are losing our confidence in
the future, we are also beginning to close the door on our past.
In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close-knit communities, and
our faith in God, too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption.
Human identity is no longer defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But
we've discovered that owning things and consuming things does not satisfy our longing
for meaning. We've learned that piling up material goods cannot fill the emptiness of
lives which have no confidence or purpose.
The symptoms of this crisis of the American spirit are all around us. For the first time in
the history of our country a majority of our people believe that the next 5 years will be
worse than the past 5 years. Two-thirds of our people do not even vote. The
productivity of American workers is actually dropping, and the willingness of Americans
to save for the future has fallen below that of all other people in the Western world.
As you know, there is a growing disrespect for government and for churches and for
schools, the news media, and other institutions. This is not a message of happiness or
reassurance, but it is the truth and it is a warning.
These changes did not happen overnight. They've come upon us gradually over the last
generation, years that were filled with shocks and tragedy.
We were sure that ours was a nation of the ballot, not the bullet, until the murders of
John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. We were taught that our
armies were always invincible and our causes were always just, only to suffer the agony
of Vietnam. We respected the Presidency as a place of honor until the shock of Water
gate.
We remember when the phrase "sound as a dollar" was an expression of absolute
dependability, until 10 years of inflation began to shrink our dollar and our savings. We
believed that our Nation's re sources were limitless until 1973, when we had to face a
growing dependence on foreign oil.
These wounds are still very deep. They have never been healed.
Looking for a way out of this crisis, our people have turned to the Federal Government
and found it isolated from the mainstream of our Nation's life. Washington, D.C., has
become an island. The gap between our citizens and our Government has never been
so wide. The people are looking for honest answers, not easy answers; clear leadership,
not false claims and evasiveness and politics as usual.
What you see too often in Washington and elsewhere around the country is a system of
government that seems incapable of action. You see a Congress twisted and pulled in
every direction by hundreds of well financed and powerful special interests. You see
every extreme position defended to the last vote, almost to the last breath by one
unyielding group or another. You often see a balanced and a fair approach that
demands sacrifice, a little sacrifice from everyone, abandoned like an orphan without
support and without friends.
Often you see paralysis and stagnation and drift. You don't like, and neither do I. What
can we do?
I ask Congress to give me authority for mandatory conservation and for standby
gasoline rationing. To further conserve energy, I'm proposing tonight an extra $10
billion over the next decade to strengthen our public transportation systems. And I'm
asking you for your good and for your Nation's security to take no unnecessary trips, to
use carpools or public transportation whenever you can, to park your car one extra day
per week, to obey the speed limit, and to set your thermostats to save fuel. Every act
of energy conservation like this is more than just common sense -- I tell you it is an act
of patriotism.
Our Nation must be fair to the poorest among us, so we will increase aid to needy
Americans to cope with rising energy prices. We often think of conservation only in
terms of sacrifice. In fact, it is the most painless and immediate way of rebuilding our
Nation's strength. Every gallon of oil each one of us saves is a new form of production.
It gives us more freedom, more confidence, that much more control over our own lives.
So, the solution of our energy crisis can also help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in
our country. It can rekindle our sense of unity, our confidence in the future, and give
our Nation and all of us individually a new sense of purpose.
You know we can do it. We have the natural resources. We have more oil in our shale
alone than several Saudi Arabias. We have more coal than any nation on Earth. We
have the world's highest level of technology. We have the most skilled work force, with
innovative genius, and I firmly believe that we have the national will to win this war.
I do not promise you that this struggle for freedom will be easy. I do not promise a
quick way out of our Nation's problems, when the truth is that the only way out is an
all-out effort. What I do promise you is that I will lead our fight, and I will enforce
fairness in our struggle, and I will ensure honesty. And above all, I will act.
We can manage the short-term shortages more effectively and we will, but there are no
short-term solutions to our long-range problems. There is simply no way to avoid
sacrifice.
Little by little we can and we must rebuild our confidence. We can spend until we empty
our treasuries, and we may summon all the wonders of science. But we can succeed
only if we tap our greatest resources -- America's people, America's values, and
America's confidence.
I have seen the strength of America in the inexhaustible resources of our people. In the
days to come, let us renew that strength in the struggle for an energy-secure nation.
In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be
heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With
God's help and for the sake of our Nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let
us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with
our common faith we cannot fail.
Thank you and good night.
Title/Source: Jimmy Carter – A National Malaise
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
Question
S
T
Response
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
T
What is the main issue this speech is
designed to address and inspire people
to do?
The energy Crisis, to get people to conserve
energy.
What does President Carter imply
should be the relation between a
president and the people?
Not isolated but connected and understanding
of them.
What examples does the President
Carter site as reasons for a loss of
hope?
JFK and MLK assassinations, Vietnam,
Watergate, inflation.
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
S
T
T
T
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
S
T
T
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
Does President seem hopeful or
pessimistic about America in this
speech?
Opinion
What does President Carter ask for to
solve the current crisis that the speech
is focused on? Does this support a
belief in the people or government as
the answer?
He wants mandatory conservation and gas
rationing. More money for public
transportation. He asks people to not make
unneeded trips. Park their cars, and turn down
there heat.
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
S
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
Opinion
T
Unit 17: Tear Down This Wall
Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago,
President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world
at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to
Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.
Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I
understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout
Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to
you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow
countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There
is only one Berlin.]
Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of
barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers
cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers.
Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards
and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to
impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in
Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news
photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the
mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German,
separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.
In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to
find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to
help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the
creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years
ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but
against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."
In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a
free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all
human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness,
declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food. Even today,
the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before
the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity.
Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom
is the victor.
And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the
importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and
openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are
no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with
greater freedom from state control.
Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token
gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system
without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and
security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of
world peace. There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that
would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.
General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union
and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev,
open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!
I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent-- and I
pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the
West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength.
Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.
As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals
for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in
strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching
proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical
weapons.
While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity
to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with
many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research
to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly
defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these
means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a
crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are
armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but
about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom
was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city,
Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.
In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom.
Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet
Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.
And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the
city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come
with life in one of the great cities of the world.
To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access
to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more
comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one
of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.
With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring
international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of
United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other
issues that call for international cooperation.
There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and
we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other
programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain,
will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor
visits from young people of the Western sectors.
Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all
between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does
such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship.
The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago,
before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure:
the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been
working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw, treating the glass sphere
at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that
sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin--the light makes the sign of the cross. There
in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.
As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I
noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner: "This
wall will fall. Beliefs become reality." Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot
withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.
And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned
since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to
say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked
themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one
would ever be able to do what they're doing again.
Thank you and God bless you all.
Ronald Reagan - June 12, 1987
Title/Source: Ronald Reagan – Tear Down This Wall
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Question
Response
What technique does President Regan
use to help connect with his audience?
He speaks in Germen.
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
S
T
T
Based on the text, why does President
Reagan tell Mr. Gorbachev to tear
down the wall?
To show he is truly serious about creating
change and bringing peace.
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
situation.
T
S
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
T
S
President Regan speaks of a tower in
Berlin. What can you assuming about
his beliefs based on the statement he
makes regarding the tower.
That he see the Cross, and Christianity as a
positive and hopeful thing.
At the end of the speech President
Regan address people who have
protested his visit. What can you pull
form this speech that suggest he
response to them would be correct?
Examples of how a totalitarian state restricts
the freedom of its people.
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
S
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
T
Unit 18: Obama
Tuesday, November 4, 2008
Chicago, Illinois
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible;
who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of
our democracy, tonight is your answer.
It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has
never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their
lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.
It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white,
Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled--Americans who sent a
message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are,
and always will be, the United States of America.
I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many
endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington--it began in the backyards
of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.
It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars
and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected
the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little
pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to
knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and
organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people
and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory.
I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because
you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know
the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime--two wars, a planet in peril, the
worst financial crisis in a century.
Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq
and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie
awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their
doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be
created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one
term, but America--I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise
you--we as a people will get there.
There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or
policy I make as president, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will
always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we
disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been
done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years--block by block, brick by brick, calloused
hand by calloused hand.
What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This
victory alone is not the change we seek--it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that
cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.
So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves
to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if
this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main
Street suffers--in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.
Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that
has poisoned our politics for so long.
And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn--I may not have won your vote, but I hear
your voices, I need your help, and I will be your president too.
And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those
who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world--our stories are singular, but our
destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this
world down--we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security - we support you. And to all
those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright--tonight we proved once more
that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our
wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding
hope.
For that is the true genius of America--that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And
what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my
mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others
who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing--Ann Nixon Cooper is
106 years old.
She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes
in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons--because she was a woman and
because of the color of her skin.
And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America - the heartache and
the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who
pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.
At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them
stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.
Yes we can.
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer
fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a
generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.
She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a
preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome." Yes we can.
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own
science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast
her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours,
she knows how America can change. Yes we can.
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight,
let us ask ourselves--if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so
lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have
made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time - to put our people back
to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of
peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth--that out of many, we are
one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those
who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people.
Yes We Can. Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.
Tuesday, November 4, 2008
Chicago, Illinois
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible;
who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of
our democracy, tonight is your answer.
It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has
never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their
lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.
It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white,
Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled--Americans who sent a
message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are,
and always will be, the United States of America.
Comment On This Story
It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful,
and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more
toward the hope of a better day.





Bull Market In Politics
How Obama Can Fix Cybersecurity
Obamafy Your Business
Obama vs. Congress
The Return Of The Democrats' Security Divide





Clint Bolick: OBama Gets 'H' For Hypocrisy
David R. Henderson: Larry Summers' Judgment
Karlyn Bowman: How Do Americans Feel About The Bailouts?
Kevin A Hassett: Barack Obama, Supply-Sider?
Marcello Simonetta: Machiavellobama


Latest News
Commentary
It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this
defining moment, change has come to America.
I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign,
and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for
America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by
this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and
I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.
I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the
men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to
Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.
I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last
sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation's next First Lady, Michelle
Obama.
Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with
us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along
with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is
beyond measure.
To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign
team ever assembled in the history of politics--you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for
what you've sacrificed to get it done.
But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to--it belongs to you.
I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many
endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington--it began in the backyards
of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.
It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars
and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected
the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little
pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to
knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and
organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people
and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory.
I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because
you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know
the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime--two wars, a planet in peril, the
worst financial crisis in a century.
Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq
and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie
awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their
doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be
created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one
term, but America--I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise
you--we as a people will get there.
There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or
policy I make as president, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will
always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we
disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been
done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years--block by block, brick by brick, calloused
hand by calloused hand.
What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This
victory alone is not the change we seek--it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that
cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.
So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves
to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if
this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main
Street suffers--in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.
Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that
has poisoned our politics for so long.
Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican
Party to the White House--a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and
national unity.
Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we
do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our
progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, "We are not enemies, but friends ...
though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection." And to those Americans
whose support I have yet to earn--I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your
help, and I will be your president too.
And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those
who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world--our stories are singular, but our
destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this
world down--we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security - we support you. And to all
those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright--tonight we proved once more
that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our
wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding
hope.
For that is the true genius of America--that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And
what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my
mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others
who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing--Ann Nixon Cooper is
106 years old.
She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes
in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons--because she was a woman and
because of the color of her skin.
And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America - the heartache and
the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who
pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.
At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them
stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.
Yes we can.
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer
fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a
generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.
She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a
preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome." Yes we can.
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own
science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast
her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours,
she knows how America can change. Yes we can.
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight,
let us ask ourselves--if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so
lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have
made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time - to put our people back
to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of
peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth--that out of many, we are
one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those
who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people.
Yes We Can. Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.
Tuesday, November 4, 2008
Chicago, Illinois
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible;
who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of
our democracy, tonight is your answer.
It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has
never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their
lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.
It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white,
Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled--Americans who sent a
message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are,
and always will be, the United States of America.
Comment On This Story
It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful,
and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more
toward the hope of a better day.

Bull Market In Politics




How Obama Can Fix Cybersecurity
Obamafy Your Business
Obama vs. Congress
The Return Of The Democrats' Security Divide







Clint Bolick: OBama Gets 'H' For Hypocrisy
David R. Henderson: Larry Summers' Judgment
Karlyn Bowman: How Do Americans Feel About The Bailouts?
Kevin A Hassett: Barack Obama, Supply-Sider?
Marcello Simonetta: Machiavellobama
Latest News
Commentary
It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this
defining moment, change has come to America.
I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign,
and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for
America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by
this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and
I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.
I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the
men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to
Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.
I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last
sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation's next First Lady, Michelle
Obama.
Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with
us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along
with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is
beyond measure.
To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign
team ever assembled in the history of politics--you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for
what you've sacrificed to get it done.
But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to--it belongs to you.
I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many
endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington--it began in the backyards
of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.
It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars
and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected
the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little
pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to
knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and
organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people
and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory.
I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because
you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know
the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime--two wars, a planet in peril, the
worst financial crisis in a century.
Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq
and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie
awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their
doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be
created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one
term, but America--I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise
you--we as a people will get there.
There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or
policy I make as president, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will
always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we
disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been
done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years--block by block, brick by brick, calloused
hand by calloused hand.
What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This
victory alone is not the change we seek--it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that
cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.
So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves
to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if
this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main
Street suffers--in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.
Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that
has poisoned our politics for so long.
Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican
Party to the White House--a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and
national unity.
Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we
do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our
progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, "We are not enemies, but friends ...
though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection." And to those Americans
whose support I have yet to earn--I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your
help, and I will be your president too.
And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those
who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world--our stories are singular, but our
destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this
world down--we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security - we support you. And to all
those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright--tonight we proved once more
that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our
wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding
hope.
For that is the true genius of America--that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And
what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my
mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others
who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing--Ann Nixon Cooper is
106 years old.
She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes
in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons--because she was a woman and
because of the color of her skin.
And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America - the heartache and
the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who
pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.
At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them
stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.
Yes we can.
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer
fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a
generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.
She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a
preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome." Yes we can.
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own
science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast
her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours,
she knows how America can change. Yes we can.
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight,
let us ask ourselves--if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so
lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have
made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time - to put our people back
to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of
peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth--that out of many, we are
one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those
who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people.
Yes We Can. Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.
Title/Source: Victory Speech – President Obama
Ideas 16-19
Analyze techniques
used by the author or a
text to reveal or conceal
his or her point of view.
S
Explain in their own
words the significance
of specific information
in written or non-print
sources.
S
Distinguish between
what is most and least
important in a text.
S
Question
Response
What does he mean when he says what
began 21 months ago cannot end on this
autumn night
All that has happened is his election, now the
work of changing things needs to start.
What does he mean when he says “this
is your victory”?
That there votes made it happen.
T
T
T
Place events from
literary text in
chronological order by
locating substantial
evidence from the text.
S
Identify similarities and
differences between
people, objects, events
or ideas drawing
accurate conclusion.
S
Identify
interrelationships
between and among
people, objects, events
or ideas in written or
non-print source.
S
Determine factors that
have clearly influence
the outcome of a
S
T
T
T
situation.
T
Identify statements in
texts that clearly state
the cause(s) and
effect(s) of specific
effects.
S
Clarify the meanings of
words or descriptive
phrases by searching
for clues in the
text(e.g., sentence
structure, context
prefixes/suffixes,
spelling patterns)
Make accurate
generalizations about
people and events based
on evidence presented
in the text.
S
Identify inaccurate
generalizations (e.g.,
stereotypes) in written
or nonprint sources.
S
T
He states that he will be the President
of those who did not vote for him, and
that he hears their voice to. What did
he say right before this, and what other
message might he be trying to send
them.
That we will rise and fall as one nation, and
we need to work together and not dwell on
pettiness of the past.
What is Ann Nixon Cooper’s race?
Why?
African American – Civil Rights references
Based on the text, why does president
Obama say he was not the likeliest
candidate? What major thing did he not
mention, Why?
Lack of money, endorsements, not from
“Washington”, but of the people.
T
S
T
T
Identify details in a
challenging text that
confirm or disprove
conclusions drawn by
the author or narrator
and by their students,
themselves or their
peers.
Make reasoned
judgments about ideas
and events based on
evidence from written
or nonprint sources.
S
That he is African American
T
Opinion
S
T