MacIntyreTIMELINE

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Doug MacIntyre
TIMELINE
November 24, 2010
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EVENTS RELATING TO THE BATTLE AT THE BREACH
This research aid helps make sense of confusing historical accounts. It is a work in progress. At least one
source is listed for each entry. Notes (in parentheses) refer to the Bibliography. Comments in italics are
mine. Where sources differ, I attempt to reconcile conflicting accounts in the interest of accuracy. I
welcome and appreciate corrections and suggestions.
January 1775
South Carolina's First Provincial Congress meets. Delegations from the province's various districts
include many gentlemen who will be directly or indirectly involved in the 1776 Battle of Sullivan's Island
and related events. The representatives are men such as Henry Laurens, Christopher Gadsden, Peter
Timothy, William Tennent, John Rutledge, Francis Marion, William Moultrie, Daniel Horry, Charles C.
Pinckney, William Bull, Gabriel Marion, James Mayson, Andrew Williamson, Edward Rutledge, Richard
Richardson, Thomas Sumter, William Henry Drayton, Barnard Elliott, William Thomson, H.W.
Harrington, and Samuel Wise. Colonel Charles Pinckney is elected President and Peter Timothy is
elected Secretary. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 14-18) The patriot leaders were well-acquainted. For
example, Moultrie and Thomson had served together at least 15 years – as members of Colonial
Assemblies, officers in the Indian War and commissioners to adjust the boundary between the Carolinas.
Effective working relationships among patriot leaders will contribute to victory on both ends of the
island.
June 1775
South Carolina's Provincial Congress forms three regiments: 1st commanded by Colonel Christopher
Gadsden, 2nd commanded by Colonel William Moultrie, and 3rd (Rangers) commanded by Lieutenant
Colonel William Thomson. Thomson "soon filled his regiment with many of the best riflemen in the
state, he himself being the most practiced marksman in his command." (Johnson/Traditions pp 90-91)
July-December 1775
Royal Governors Josiah Martin of North Carolina and William Campbell of South Carolina appeal to the
Earl of Dartmouth, British Secretary of State for the American Department, for military action to support
loyalists in the south. He is impressed and suggests that Sir William Howe, British Commander-in-Chief
in North America, dispatch an expedition. King George III is supportive and plans are developed.
(Bearss pp 1-2) A squadron of warships under the command of Commodore Sir Peter Parker is to be
dispatched from the British Isles. Seven regiments of infantry and two companies of artillery under the
command of Lord Charles Cornwallis will be aboard. When the fleet reaches Cape Fear, NC, Cornwallis
will surrender command and a packet of sealed orders from the Secretary of State to Major General Henry
Clinton. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20) In November 1775, Lord George Germain replaces Dartmouth as
Secretary of State for the American Department. He oversees the American War for Independence in that
capacity under Prime Minister Lord North until 1782.
The 3rd Regiment of South Carolina is mobilized. In August, there is a near mutiny by some soldiers due
to pay and conditions being less than promised by the officers who recruited them. The problem is
resolved. The regiment provides support for the diplomatic mission of William Henry Drayton and
Reverend Tennent to promote the patriot cause. They are involved in actions to subdue loyalists at Fort
Charlotte, Ninety Six, and other locations. They establish the patriot military presence in upper South
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EVENTS RELATING TO THE BATTLE AT THE BREACH
Carolina and encourage citizens to join the association of those committed to liberty. The officers and
men gain valuable combat experience under awful conditions during the very successful Snow Campaign
in December. (Johnson Traditions p 91) (Salley/Orangeburg pp 286-338) Lieutenant Colonel William
Thomson and Captain Thomas Sumter work together. (Gregorie/Sumter pp 41-43)
November 11-12, 1775
A skirmish occurs between British ships Tamar (pronounced "Tamer") and Cherokee and the new patriot
schooner Defence in the harbor near today's Old Village of Mt Pleasant. Patriots are sinking vessels at the
mouth of Hog Island Channel to obstruct passage and assist in harbor defense. This is considered the first
battle of the Revolution in SC. It stiffens public resolve and generates public support for defending the
city at Sullivan's Island in addition to closer locations in 1776. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp 16-17)
December 19-23, 1775
The British have been using the old "pest house" or lazaretto, a colonial quarantine station and the only
structure on Sullivan's island, as a watering station. Exiled Royal Governor Campbell is suspected of
using the island as a sanctuary for runaway slaves, who raid provisions from nearby plantations.
Lieutenants John Withers and James Coachman of Captain John Allston's company of foot rangers make
a retaliatory raid. (Allston's company is also known as the Raccoon Company and the Indian company.)
They kill three-four fugitive slaves and take 16 prisoners, including slaves and loyalists. They burn the
pest house, destroy water casks belonging to British ships, and leave the island unsafe for future landing
parties. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 19)
Major Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and 200 soldiers of the 1st Regiment of SC set up a battery of 18
pounders at Haddrell's Point. The patriots now control access to Sullivan's Island via the Cove between
the island and the mainland. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20)
January 6-9, 1776
Cut off from provisions, the British men-of-war Tamar and Cherokee and their supporting vessels
abandon Charles Town and head to Savannah. A committee of the Council on Safety visits Sullivan's
Island and recommends building a fort. The Council adopts the proposal and contracts with Cornelius
Dewees for palmetto logs at one shilling per foot. Lieutenant John Fergusson of the Cherokee has firsthand knowledge of Sullivan's Island and Charles Town waters. In June, he will be in Savannah, only a
few hours sail away. However, he will not be consulted or brought to Charles Town, leaving the Royal
Navy's battle plan dependent upon African American pilots who had been either seized from coastal
shipping or spirited out of Charles Town. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20, 26)
January 12-14, 1776
Responding to intelligence about a British invasion, the Council of Safety orders Colonel Thomson to
send a detachment of ranger volunteers to Sullivan's Island immediately "for the better securing the
possession thereof." Thomson sends 8 officers with 66 rangers and 28 prisoners who agree to work on
fortifications. The prisoners had been captured during the Snow campaign. South Carolina Vice
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President Henry Laurens writes "the rangers are heartily disposed to the service". (Salley/Orangeburg pp
340-343)
Thomson's regiment is always divided. Ranger companies are frequently attached to larger units as scouts
or flexible fighters. In 1776, detachments are stationed at Charles Town, Sullivan's Island, Dorchester,
Fort Charlotte, Beaufort and perhaps other locations. Thomson establishes his headquarters near Ten
Mile House. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 340-343) Ten Mile House was in present-day North Charleston, near
the intersection of Remount Road and Rivers Avenue. (Parker/Revolutionary War p 78) Most, but not
all, of the 3rd Regiment will serve together on Sullivan's Island in June. One or two companies were in
Beaufort in early June and there is no evidence they were on Sullivan's Island.
February 12, 1776
Sir Peter Parker's fleet sails from Cork, Ireland after a two-month delay. Lord Cornwallis and several
army regiments are with him. The fleet is to rendezvous with a British expedition from the northeastern
colonies at Cape Fear, NC. A portion of the three-month voyage is beset by some of "the worst weather
ever known at sea". (Bearss/NPS p 4) (Foster/Diary pp 34-37) Dr. Foster was a surgeon who joined the
British expedition before departure from Ireland. His diary from October 1775 through October 1777
was released by his family about 1938.
In the same timeframe, Colonel Christopher Gadsden brings to Charles Town substantially accurate
English and American newspaper accounts of the expedition. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 22)
February 27, 1776
At Moore's Creek, NC patriots under Colonel Richard Caswell rout a loyalist force, dashing British hopes
for assistance from a large number of loyalists in North Carolina. (Stedman/American War pp 178-182)
(Bearss/NPS p 4) (Ryan/Jeremiah pp 135-137)
February-March 1776
Patriots in Charles Town, SC anticipate an attack and begin preparing defenses. Planters begin moving
their families and valuables into the country and soon a general exodus is underway.
March 1, 1776
The Continental Congress names Major General Charles Lee to command the entire southern army. He is
held in high esteem for his abilities as a professional soldier. The recently-promoted Brigadier General
John Armstrong (a veteran of the Indian wars in Pennsylvania), is to assume command of the South
Carolina forces; however, South Carolina has no continental troops. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 23) The
patriot officers and politicians from different places will satisfactorily work out authority and
relationships when they are together in June.
March 2, 1776
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The Council of Safety orders Colonel William Moultrie to proceed to Sullivan's Island and take command
of the force already engaged in building a large fort. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 22) Moultrie later explains
that he was "ordered down to Sullivan's Island, to take command; where we were building a large fort
sufficient to contain 1000 men. As this was looked upon as the key of the harbor; a great number of
mechanics and negroe laborers were employed in finishing this fort as fast as possible, we having got
certain intelligence that the British were preparing, at New-York, for an expedition against Charlestown."
(Moultrie/Memoirs p 124)
March 12, 1776
Major General Henry Clinton has been named commander the British Southern Expedition. This is his
first major command and his first time sharing command with a naval officer. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs
p 32 note)
Arriving at Cape Fear with 1500 men, Clinton learns of the patriot victory at Moore's Creek and realizes
North Carolina cannot be returned to obedience at this time. He expects to meet Sir Peter Parker, who
was to sail from Ireland in December, but Parker has not arrived. (Bearss/NPS pp 6-7)
March 26, 1776
The Provincial Congress declares South Carolina a free and independent republic and adopts a
constitution "…'till a reconciliation between Great-Britain and the colonies should take place." John
Rutledge is elected President, Henry Laurens Vice-President, William Henry Drayton Chief Justice.
William Moultrie and William Thomson are members of the congress and will continue to serve as it is
renamed the General Assembly. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 262-265)
April 1776
General Armstrong arrives from the north and takes command of the troops in South Carolina; According
to Colonel Moultrie, "He was a brave man, and a good officer, but not much acquainted with our manner
of defence which was principally forts and batteries, with heavy pieces of cannon: we had at that time at
least, 100 pieces of cannon mounted in different parts of our harbor." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 140) Twentysix years later, Moultrie reflects in his memoirs, "In the course of this reading, it will be found how
ignorant we were in the art or war, at the commencement of our revolution." (Moultrie/Memoirs p viii)
May 1-3, 1776
Commodore Parker arrives at Cape Fear, five months after the date initially planned for departure from
Ireland. British troops spot Major General Lee as they skirmish with patriots on shore. Lord Cornwallis
arrives as Dr. Foster is dining with Major General Clinton, some officers, and exiled Royal Governors
Martin of NC and Campbell of SC. (Foster/Diary pp 44-47)
Parker begins gathering the fleet, resupplying and coordinating with generals Clinton and Cornwallis.
(Bearss/NPS p 7) Clinton's orders from Secretary of State Germain name several areas of the
southeastern seaboard as possible military objectives, taking specific note of the South Carolina port. The
orders say, "If you should judge it expedient to proceed in the first place to South Carolina, as
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Charlestown is the seat of commerce of all that part of America and consequently the place where the
most essential interests of the planters are concentered, the restoration of the legal government there must
and will have very important consequences." (Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp 20-21)
May 1776
The best use of the gathered force is unclear to General Clinton. He has guidance from his military
superior, General Howe, to get back to New York in time for a summer campaign. A ship joining the
fleet at Cape Fear discloses that recent dispatches from Howe to Clinton had been thrown overboard to
avoid capture. (Foster p 54) (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 372) Clinton realizes South Carolina loyalist
support is mainly in the Piedmont, not along the coast where the army and navy could strike immediately.
The navy's late arrival in America gives the expedition limited time for operations in the southern
colonies before heading north for a summer campaign, so the scope of any activities will have to be
limited. Lacking other guidance, Clinton favors a return to the Chesapeake Bay. (Willcox/Clinton
Memoirs p 373) (Bearss/NPS p 10)
May 24-26, 1776
Lieutenant Toby Caulfield of the Royal Navy and Captain James Moncrief of Clinton's engineer corps
conduct a daring 48-hour reconnaissance of Charles Town harbor and approaches. They sail from Cape
Fear in the schooner Pensacola Packet escorted by the frigate Sphinx. According to Dr Forster's diary,
Caulfield sounds the bar and finds it passable by the largest ship, the Bristol, at high tide. Moncrief lands
alone at the fort which is under construction on Sullivan's Island. He talks with a guard, walks around the
fortifications and makes a sketch. The patriots do not suspect him of being an enemy until he is leaving.
They fire at his boat but he escapes unhurt. On May 26, Moncrief presents an encouraging report to
Commodore Parker at Cape Fear. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 29) (Forster/Diary pp 5455) (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20) This information is the deciding factor in Parker and Clinton agreeing
on the mission to seize Sullivan’s Island. Clinton later explains to Germain, "I was induced to acquiesce
in a proposal made to me by the commodore to attempt the reduction of that fortress by a coup de main
[sudden attack]." (Davies/Documents p 162) Later, Germain's caution will influence Clinton's tentative
actions at Breach Inlet (see May 31, 1776 entry below).
May 27, 1776
Richard Hutson is a young patriot leader – a member of the General Assembly in 1776, who will later
serve as a delegate to the Continental Congress, the first intendant (mayor) of Charleston, and Lieutenant
Governor. He is well-connected and well-informed, dines with General Armstrong, and serves at Fort
Johnson. On this day Hutson writes in a letter, "Most people seem to imagine that we shall have a visit
from the Generals Cornwallis and Clinton, the latter end of this week on the Spring Tides." (Hutson/Letter
Book) That Saturday will be June 1. A few days later, Dr Foster mentions that the highest spring tides
will be Sunday-Monday, June 2-3. (Forster/Diary p 57) The highest and lowest "spring" tides occur every
two weeks concurrent with new moons and full moons. Based on these accounts, we assume spring tides
also occur about June 29 – July 1 (28 days later). The tidal range during the attack on Fort Sullivan
June 28 is probably above average but not extreme, even if exacerbated by winds. I have found no
account of violent storms in late June 1776.
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May 31, 1776
The British army and navy sail from Cape Fear for Charles Town at sunrise. (Foster/Diary p 56, Wilcox p
39) Enroute, the captain of the sloop Ranger delivers to General Clinton a letter written on March 3 by
Lord George Germain, British Secretary of State for the American Department. Clinton infers that he
should return to New York if he determines that "nothing could be soon effected which would be of real
and substantial service and advantage, or that making any attempt would expose the troops to great loss
from the season being too far advanced and that there should be a hazard of disappointing his service to
the Northward ..." He confers with his generals and decides to continue, as the Sullivan's Island mission
is consistent with this guidance. (Davies/Documents p 163) (Bearss/NPS pp 13-14)
British ships are spotted near Dewees Island, sending Charles Town into wild confusion. An attack is
expected within a few days. Express riders are dispatched to all parts of the province with the call for
militia. Troops pour into the city as refugees evacuate. Lead weights are removed from windows to be
cast into musket balls. Barricades are erected on principal streets and small fortifications are thrown up
wherever the British might disembark. The printing presses and public records are relocated to places of
safety (such as Dorchester). President Rutledge even requests that gambling and horse racing be
suspended. In a dramatic and expensive move, stores and buildings on the wharves are torn down to clear
fields of fire. This transformation improves security and eventually results in a more beautiful city.
(Moultrie/Memoirs pp 140-141) (Bearss/NPS pp 30-31, 43) (Russell/Revolution p 90)
(Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 23)
June 1-4, 1776
Thomson is camped "near the Ten mile house" in present-day North Charleston (Parker/Guide p 78) with
orders to march to Sullivan's Island. In a letter to SC President John Rutledge dated 1st June 1776, he
mentions that 40 of his men are ill with the Flux and he himself is "unwell". (Salley/Orangeburg p 438)
Thomson was ill before and after the Battle of Sullivan's Island. See also letters he wrote OctoberDecember 1776 and August-September 1777. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 444-447 and 452-455) His health
during the battle is unknown.
The fleet is at anchor 20 miles from Charles Town, near Bull’s Bay. (Foster/Diary p 57) South Carolina's
exiled Royal Governor William Campbell is with the expedition and gives input about recapturing
Sullivan's Island. He concludes, "Two battalions of infantry and a detachment of artillery would be
sufficient to hold Charleston if supported by two frigates in the harbor." Parker and Clinton discuss
tactical options by letter and in person. They meet face-to-face aboard the Sovereign to clear up
confusion and concerns. Each suggests plans for the other and they do not reach complete agreement.
Parker favors a coup de main (sudden attack) by the army landing on Sullivan's Island near the Breach,
supported by the navy. (Russell/Victory) (Bearss/NPS pp 27-28)
June 3, 1776
Colonel Moultrie reports to President Rutledge that a ship has been busy sounding the inlet at the
Advance Guard and along Long Island. "It seems as though they intended a descent somewhere
hereabout." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 146)
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June 4, 1776
The squadron anchors off the Charles Town Bar. (Parker/Narrative p 83) Dr Foster writes "…they say
there are thirty Thousand disciplined troops in the Town and Fort, that have been trained to arms for this
two years past, that they are possessed with as much fanatic Fury as ever Oliver Cromwells Troops were."
With glasses, he can plainly see men at work on the fort and he sees that the town is very pretty with "an
air of magnificence". (Foster/Diary p 59)
Early June 1776
Clinton tells Cornwallis that he will "not attempt anything blindfolded", and "I must reconnoiter the
object before I attempt it." (Bearss/NPS pp 15-16) Unfortunately for the British, he did not reconnoiter
Breach Inlet before committing his force to Long Island with the assumption the channel could be forded.
Before going to Sullivan's Island, Colonel Thomson is granted two days furlough to take care of personal
business at his plantation, Belleville, about 50 miles away in Orangeburg District. "He immediately
mounted his horse, rode home, effected his business, and returned to the city within 48 hours.
(Salley/Orangeburg p 370) Thomson's abilities were legendary and he is still considered a hero in his
home area. Other personal stories are in Salley/Orangeburg pp 375-385.
June 4-10, 1776
Highly regarded Major General Charles Lee arrives in Charles Town, boosting patriot morale. He gets to
work at a torrid pace and immediately expresses concerned about defending Sullivan's Island. After
inspecting the fort, he appeals to President Rutledge for it to be abandoned. He finds little support from
anyone in the government for abandoning the island. The South Carolina leadership that rejected Lee's
advice remembered the difficulty of dislodging a small hostile force from Sullivan's Island in 1775.
(Moultrie/Memoirs pp 141-142) (Russell/Victory pp 177-178) (Bearss/NPS pp 34 and 41)
(Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp 23-24) Had the troops been withdrawn to the mainland, the British could
have accomplished their objective without firing a shot. A British garrison stationed on Sullivan's Island
in 1776 would have changed the course of the war, but there is no way to know how history would be
different.
Lee in 1776 "was a tall, skinny, ugly man of 44, with a bony nose. His arrogance, extreme temper, vanity,
coarseness, and egotistical nature made him a difficult man to tolerate, but Washington and other patriots
hoped his vast military experience would serve the patriot cause well." (Russell/Revolution p 88) On the
9th, President Rutledge announces that General Lee is in command of all troops in South Carolina to avoid
any conflict over authority in the campaign. (Russell/Victory p 181) Over the next month, the South
Carolina leadership will find this man of 10,000 oddities difficult, yet effective.
Parker directs that the Ranger, St Lawrence and Friendship be placed where General Clinton thinks
proper. Schooner St Lawrence, Ranger and eight of the smallest transports are positioned in Spence's
Creek and an armed ship takes its station off the south end of Long Island. (Davies/DocumentsTranscripts p168)
June 6, 1776
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Major General Clinton, Commander of His Majesty's Forces in the Southern Provinces of N. America,
issues a proclamation demanding submission. It is ignored by the patriots. (Wells/Gazette)
June 7, 1776
Patriot Major Samuel Wise of Thomson's 3rd Regiment is on Sullivan's Island at Breach Inlet in command
of 210 troops. He can see 50 ships in Charles Town waters. (Gregg/Cheraws p 268) Over the next three
weeks, Wise writes several long letters from his position on Sullivan's Island to his friend, Henry William
Harrington (1748-1809), Sheriff of Cheraw District. By the end of June, Harrington is stationed at
Haddrell's Point, unbeknownst to Wise. Wise's last surviving letter was dated June 27. Both men were
delegates to the First Provincial Congress. Harrington becomes a brigadier general in the Revolution, a
legislator in both North Carolina and South Carolina, and a planter. Wise will be killed in action at
Savannah on October 9, 1779. (Salley/Records pp 28-29)
June 7 - 10, 1776
Richard Hutson is stationed at Fort Johnson. He counts 52 ships including men-of-war, transports, store
ships and prizes. (Hutson/Letter Book)
After the ships pass the bar June 7, General Clinton immediately embarks in a small sloop to reconnoiter
the islands north of Charleston. He scouts for two days and determines that a landing on Sullivan's Island
would be impractical because of the violent surf. He decides to land the army on Long Island. Reasons
include (1) Long Island is not held by patriots in any force. (2) It communicates with the mainland by
creeks navigable by boats of draft. (3) It is but a small distance north of Sullivan's Island. (4) Pilots
confidently report that Breach Inlet is passable on foot at low water. He does not check the ford at the
Breach. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs pp 30-31, 374) He later tells Lord Germain that Lord Cornwallis
agrees with him. (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 163) Assembling the army on Long Island is a
mistake from which the expedition is not able to recover.
The British army begins to stage on Long Island as generals Clinton, Cornwallis and Vaughan make an
unopposed landing at the north end with 500 troops. (Parker/Narrative p 83) (Russell/Victory p 181)
(Bearss/NPS p 24)
Upon learning of the landing, Lee sends a message on the 8th to Moultrie ordering an attack on Long
Island by Thomson's and Sumter's regiments reinforced by Alston's, Mahan's and Couritier's companies.
He also orders "a considerable reinforcement of riflemen" for Colonel Thomson, (Moultrie/Memoirs pp
150-151) (Salley/Orangeburg p 344) Moultrie receives the order on the afternoon of the 10th and
preparations are made for an attack that night. When he learns the Bristol has crossed the bar, Lee
rescinds the order. (Bearss/NPS p 42)
June 10, 1776
The British army plans to attack en masse across Breach Inlet. By this date, all the British ships of war
have crossed the Charles Town bar and are cleared for attack. The army is ordered to be ready to land
with three day’s provisions. Six transports are to carry 500 men each near Long Island; flat boats are to
carry men from the transports to shore. “…these orders appear to be from the Generals receiving
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information that the small crick which separates Long Island from Sullivan’s Island was fordable for the
whole Army in which case they were to ford over and attack the Enemy in the Rear When the Shipping
had silenced the great Battery in Front.” (Foster/Diary p 60)
Captain de Brahm, the engineer of Fort Sullivan, is sent to the northeast point of Sullivan's Island to build
breastworks of palmetto logs at the Advanced Guard. (Johnson/Traditions p 92) (Drayton/Memoirs p
288) (McCrady/History p 145) Emplacements for the cannons include brick foundations, which will be
uncovered by shifting sands years later.
Cognizant of the threat from Long Island, Lee insists the British must be kept off Sullivan's Island at all
costs. He encourages Moultrie to move two field cannons up to command the inlet. He also orders
Moultrie to concentrate on completing the bridge connecting the mainland and Sullivan's Island, and to
return 400 of the reinforcements sent to attack Long Island on the 9th. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 154-155)
(Russell/Revolution p 91) The Advanced Guard soon has the cannons. Moultrie gives the bridge low
priority. General Lee believes Sullivan's Island cannot be defended. He is bolstering the force on the
mainland and preparing for withdrawal from Sullivan's Island.
June 11, 1776
Dr Foster writes, "We are elate with the Idea of being in three Days time in Possession of Charles Town,
where we are in hopes of getting fresh Provisions and vegetables which we so much long for, the Town is
so large and bears so much the air of grandure, that we may promise to ourselves something more than the
bare necessaries of Life, who knows but I may sleep in a house in three Days time!" (Foster/Diary p 61)
June 13, 1776
General Clinton proposes having his footsoldiers seize the northern end of Sullivan's Island, then attack
the fort. He and Commodore Parker work out a system of signals. (Bearss/NPS p 46-47)
(Russell/Victory p 186)
June 14, 1776
Major General Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis arrive on Long Island for the coming battle.
(Bearss/NPS p 47) They previously had landed with an advance party of 500 men on June 7.
June 15, 1776
Having observed the British behavior over the past two weeks, astute Charles Cotesworth Pinckney writes
"They are certainly much weaker than they are generally reputed to be, or their councils are much divided,
or they would not have conducted their affairs in the dilatory manner they have done." He believes that if
they continue to postpone the attack, "…we shall be in exceedingly good order for them, at every outpost
and also in town. (Gibbes/History pp 3-4) (Bearss/NPS p 48) Colonel Pinckney is in command of the 1st
Regiment of SC at Fort Johnson.
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Brigadier General Armstrong is in command at Haddrell's Point (in today's Mount Pleasant across the
mile-wide cove from Sullivan's Island.) Lee tells Moultrie to consider him his commanding officer.
(Moultrie/Memoirs p 156)
June 16-18, 1776
Over three days, the British army troops and their gear are transported by small boats onto the northern
part of Long Island through heavy surf. A few recruits are left aboard transport vessels to confuse the
patriots. Some have to swim to shore. Colonel William Thomson is now in command of the patriot
Advanced Guard at the Breach. He observes the landing through his glass, noting that they were landing
"as fast as the boats can bring them." More than 2000 soldiers encamp in an area 1 ¼ miles long and 300400 yards wide. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 156-157) (Russell/Victory p 243)
In response to the landings, Armstrong suspects the British will attack at Bolton's Landing on the
mainland (3 miles northeast of Haddrell's Point) and/or Breach Inlet. Thomson asks that Armstrong
"come over and take a ride on the island to observe what a length of ground we have to defend."
Thomson requests the remainder of his 3rd Regiment of SC (Rangers) be allowed to join him from the
mainland. The men, who had been removed to the mainland on June 10, are returned to Breach Inlet.
(Moultrie/Memoirs pp 157-158) (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 30) (Bearss/NPS pp 47-48, 50-51)
(Russell/Victory p 188)
In Five Fathom Hole, the British ships are ready for the attack. (Parker/Narrative p 83) Parker plans to
attack the fort at high tide and suggests Clinton attack the northern end of the island an hour or two later
on the falling tide. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 572)
The men-of-war under Parker's command include his flagship Bristol (50 guns), Experiment (50), Solebay
(28), Actaeon (28), Active (28), Syren (28), Sphynx (20), Ranger (22, A.S.), Friendship (12, A.S.),
Thunder Bomb (8), and Carcass Do (8). (Parker/Narrative pp 86. Other accounts show 8 guns on
Ranger.) Counting the schooners Lady William (8) and St Lawrence (8?) assigned to Clinton, the British
have a total of 284-298 naval guns. Lady William and St Lawrence are stationed in the creeks around
Long Island and Ranger is in the ocean off Long Island. These three warships with 24-38 guns apparently
are assigned to support Clinton's army, and nine warships with 260 guns are assigned to cannonade and
bombard the fort. Ranger and St Lawrence seem to be wasted assets; they will not be deployed effectively
in the attack.
From his headquarters on Long Island, General Clinton spends nights "in fording and reconnoitering those
infernal bogs and creeks that lay contiguous to Sullivan's Island," and returns in the morning "wet and
miry". (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 31 note)
June 17-20, 1776
Deserters from the Ranger sloop near Long Island say the land forces are about 2800 (some say 3300)
men under Generals Clinton, Cornwallis and Vaughan. (Wells/Gazette) Other British accounts record
the total as approximately 3000. (Campbell/Map – Plan) (Foster/Diary p 62)
Tuesday, June 18, 1776
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The first battlefield casualty of the Battle of Sullivan's Island occurs on or about this day. Patriot leader
Richard Hutson later writes to Captain Isaac Hayne from Fort Johnson, "On their sending their first
reconnoitering party upon Long Island, one of their men was shot by one of our Riflemen. He was
dressed in Red laced with Black and had a Cockade & Feather in his Hat, & a sword by his side. By
which it appears that he was an Officer; but that is all we know about him." (Hutson/Letter Book, June
24) (Morgan/Naval Docs p 722) Isaac Hayne is a prominent patriot and Hutson's brother-in-law. He
also is assigned to Fort Johnson; however, both Hutson and Hayne seem apparently spend days away
from the fort. Hutson is on duty 24 hours, then off 48 hours. He lives 10 miles away at Montpelier in
present-day West Ashley. Hayne's plantation is some 35 miles away at Ponpon, near present-day
Jacksonboro. In 1781, the hanging of then Colonel Isaac Hayne will make him a martyr and serve as a
rallying point against British brutality.
After personal reconnaissance, Clinton concludes the channel through Breach Inlet is not fordable and
notifies Parker on the 18th. He says, "This of course rendered it impractical for the army to take the share
in the attack of the fort on Sullivan's Island which had been at first intended." (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs
p 31) While he should have sounded the creek before committing his force to Long Island, General
Clinton's misinformation is understandable. A week after Clinton's discovery, patriot leader Richard
Hutson mentions that the inlet is fordable at low water. (Hutson/Letter book, June 24)
On the 20th, Parker disputes Clinton's claim that he can land only 400 men per wave because 15 boats will
carry 600. He acknowledges that "all the Generals concur with You in Opinion that the Troops cannot
take the Share You expected in the intended Attack." (Russell/Victory p 193) Clinton at various times
says as few as 400 and as many as 700 can be transported by the 15 boats in a wave. His notes of June
16-27 say not more than 700. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 782)
Clinton outlines the issues limiting his options: (1) The army would have to march nearly two miles over
the flats at low tide, within reach of the enemy's batteries. (2) They would have to pass numerous creeks
and channels, the last of which is seven feet deep at lowest tide. This channel runs along the front of the
enemy's works, where strong batteries are erected to oppose a landing. (3) For want of flat-bottom boats,
no more than 400-700 could land per crossing, under disadvantageous circumstances, with no way to
retreat for six hours. (4) No vessels of force could be brought to protect the landing of the King's Troops.
(Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 31) (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 608-611) Breach Inlet is a 1½ mile wide tidal
flat with a deep creek along the Sullivan's Island shoreline. The rest of the broad inlet is laced with
shifting sands, creeks and tidal pools. Some of the sandbars are exposed at high tide; much more sand is
exposed at low tide. The "disadvantageous circumstances" General Clinton mentions include narrow,
shallow creeks and treacherous currents. If the crossing begins on an outgoing tide, the water level could
limit the retreat while the water is shallow and creeks are narrow.
Clinton offers two battalions under Vaughan to directly support the navy's attack of the fort.
(Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 31) Clinton believes he can land on the mainland within three miles of
Haddrell's point if supported by frigates from the navy. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 375) Parker
formulates a plan to have three frigates bypass the fort to cut off communications with the mainland and
support the army's landing on the mainland.
Wednesday, June 19, 1776
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Cornwallis' 1st Brigade marches six miles to the southern end of Long Island near Breach Inlet. They
have orders to be ready to attack that night. After arrival, a British sentinel is shot through the leg at
night. Dr Foster says the British are "liable to surprise from the enemy they knowing these cricks much
better than we, and the sleeping within Cannon Shot to two batteries and within musket shot of their
centinels…" (Foster/Diary p 66) Foster occasionally exaggerates in his diary, and his estimates of
distances are sometimes inconsistent with maps and other accounts.
Thursday, June 20, 1776
Major General Lee exhorts the people of Charles Town to prepare for the British attack. His orders of the
day state "True soldiers and magnanimous citizens must brandish the pick axe and spade as well as the
sword, in defence of their country. (Elliott/Diary p 27)
The British observe the patriot Advanced Guard raising new works every hour. British Captain Trail
shoots a patriot officer through the head. He falls immediately and does not stir. (Foster/Diary p 66)
Alexander Chesney is a loyalist who had been captured and impressed into service with Sumter's regiment
as a private. In his journal published later, Chesney mentions being stationed "…at Charlestown and
Bolton's landing place opposite Long-Island whilst the British Army was encamped there under Sir Henry
Clinton." He says, "going on a reconnoitering party one day towards the British lines on Long-Island a
gun with grape shot was fired, one shot of which was within a few inches of killing me having struck the
sand close by where I had squatted down to avoid the discharge; I endeavored with some others to get to
Gen Clinton's army, but failed for want of a boat and returned to the Americans." (Jones/Chesney Journal
p 7) Sumter's regiment was stationed on the mainland near Haddrell's Point. Some of his troops possibly
could have been on Sullivan's Island at this time. More likely, they rowed in a creek through the marsh
from Bolton's Landing on the mainland to or near Long Island. Present-day Inlet Creek connects these
locations on period maps; today it is navigable by boats of shallow draft. See July 15 for another account
of patriots approaching Long Island from the mainland by water. The same creek may have been used in
that episode as well.
A party of Thomson's rangers paddles over to Long Island at night, seeking a reward offered by President
Rutledge for capture of the first British prisoner. They do not capture a prisoner, and they mistakenly
shoot one of their own men. (Bearss/NPS p 51) Richard Hutson tells the story this way: "…there
happened an affair with a very tragic-comical nature; when they began landing on Long Island our
President offered a premium of thirty guineas (about $2000 in today's money) to any of the Riflemen who
should first take one of the King's troops prisoner. Accordingly, three of them went over one night for
that purpose. Two of them agreed to keep together, the other determined to go by himself. In the
morning by twilight the one that was alone descried the two others at a distance, and imagining that they
were the King's troops, took up his gun to fire at them, thinking, I suppose, to kill one and then take other
alive; one of the others seeing his piece presented, was quicker than he was and shot him through the
thigh, upon which he fell. They immediately ran up, dragged him to the boat, threw him in, and pushed
off, all thinking that he was one of the King's troops. They had got a considerable distance from the shore
before the poor man was sufficiently recovered from his fright to speak. As soon as he spoke they
discovered their mistake. He is likely to recover. (Hutson/Letter Book, June 24)
Friday, June 21, 1776
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The next morning, a British patrol tracks the patriot party from the previous night to the Breach. The
Advanced Guard opens fire on the patrol with artillery. The British reply by firing platoons of musketry.
Thomson's cannons fire on the schooner Lady William and the pilot boat Raven in the creek beside Long
Island (now called Hamlin Creek). The Gazette reports the patriots also fired on an armed sloop.
(Morgan/Naval Docs p 781) The vessels are hit several times before they can move out of range. Hutson
states that two patriots are wounded by small arms fire and one has his hand blown off by a premature
discharge when one of the gunners neglects to sponge a cannon. The firefight lasts several hours.
(Hutson/Letter Book, June 24) (Bearss/NPS p 52-53) (Russell/Victory p 194)
Awakened at daybreak by the gunshots, British surgeon Foster runs to a high point on Long Island
overlooking the Breach to watch. His perspective is different from Hutson's. "At the distance of no more
than two miles", he witnesses a party of Highlanders and a company of British light infantry fording a
creek and killing patriot sentinels. He sees a considerable party of patriots supported by two field pieces
advancing within 200 yards of the British positions while firing. He observes the Highlanders and British
light infantry maneuvering by platoon and firing in volleys. The detailed account in his diary states the
British operations are highly effective as they kill about 20 patriots and lose only two men. (Foster/Diary
pp 67-68) Dr. Foster's casualty estimate from two miles away is suspect. I have found no other account
to corroborate a large number of troops killed on either side. The creek forded by the Highlanders was
probably today's Swinton Creek. During this engagement, the British apparently fought from a hummock
(small island in the marsh) today known as Clubhouse Point. This is the location of the British positions
closest to Sullivan's Island. An oyster bank here on the edge of the marsh will serve as a natural
breastwork to protect British troops and artillery. The oyster bank will be the scene of several skirmishes
during the next week, and artillery placed behind the oyster bank will be critical for support of an
amphibious crossing. The necessity of evacuating the oyster bank as the tide rises will limit support for
the British assault on June 28.
Patriot Major Wise provides a personal account of this engagement. He and Lieutenant Smith cross the
unfordable creek by canoe and walk to the far side of a 200-foot wide circular sandbar or island, within
shot of the enemy. He writes, "I took one Regiment to be Highlanders and the other to be Cornwallis'
(common slaves) with some artillery." After they return, Smith crosses again with Private Jordan and an
artillery private. This sparks a skirmish. Both sides fire small arms and cannons, and 7-8 Highlanders run
to get between the patriots and their canoe and prevent escape. The patriots escape. Wise says there is
one possible Highlander casualty. (Gregg/Cheraws pp 269-270) The opposing eyewitnesses, Dr Foster
and Major Wise, provide distinctly different accounts of the same fight.
Major General Charles Lee is told that Thomson's gunners have fired when it is almost impossible that
their fire should have any effect. He issues instructions that no piece of ordnance should be fired at a
distance greater than 400 yards. He adds in a PS to his letter, "Those two field pieces at the very end of
the point, are so exposed that I desire you will draw them off to a more secure distance from the
enemy...in their present situation it appears to me, they may be carried off when ever the enemy think
proper." (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 158-159) The patriots follow this guidance and reap benefits. Thomson
moves the cannons 500 yards further away, to positions where they are safe distances from Clinton's
heavy artillery, but close enough to fire on British ships and troops attempting to cross the inlet.
In a second dispatch dated June 21, Lee cautions Thomson to make sure "…no vague, uncertain firing
either of rifles, muskets, or cannon is permitted." He orders that "not a man under your Command is to
fire at a greater distance than a hundred and fifty yards at the utmost – in short that they never fire within
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almost moral certainty of hitting their object – distance firing has a double bad effect, it encourages the
Enemy, and adds to the pernicious perswasion of the American soldiers – vizt that they are no match for
their antagonists at close fighting – to speak plainly, it is almost a sure way of making 'em Cowards." "I
extend the rule to those who have the care of the field pieces; four hundred yards is the greatest distance
they should be allowed to fire at." (Force/Archives S5-V1-p0099) Thomson's troops respond. During the
British assault on June 28th, the Advanced Guard waits to fire upon his order – with devastating effect.
The combined army/navy attack is planned for midday June 21, if conditions are favorable for the navy.
Conditions are not favorable. However, upon hearing the cannonade at the Breach, Commodore Parker
thinks General Clinton has launched the army's main attack. Despite contrary winds, Parker hoists the
signal to launch the naval attack and weighs anchor to cause a diversion. He soon learns of the mistake
and retracts the order. (Wells/Gazette pp 781-782) (Bearss/NPS p 68) (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p
168)
According to Parker, "The armed ship, not being wanted at Long Island, came into the harbour."
(Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 168) Clinton did not employ other naval resources effectively. He
must not have recognized a use for this unidentified vessel; therefore he returned it to Parker.
Saturday, June 22, 1776
In response to the skirmish activity, Lee sends a scathing letter to Thomson through Moultrie. It is
intended for both to read because he is frustrated by the styles of the two non-authoritarian leaders and the
lack of discipline. He acknowledges Thomson's courage, spirit and zeal while chiding him as being "too
easy in command". He made the same comment about Moultrie. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 144, 159-160)
Lee warns about "soldiers running at random wherever their folly directs" and punishing those who don't
follow orders. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 160-162) (Russell/Victory pp 196-197) The culture clash is
obvious between this professional military man from afar and these two strong but casual leaders of
citizen-soldiers. Subsequent events indicate troops at the Breach are more tightly controlled. Thomson
improves the patriot defenses by implementing the instructions from an experienced general who
understands artillery tactics. While the British dawdle on Long Island, the Advanced Guard executes the
change of position with speed and precision.
The British erect a battery overnight at the edge of the creek where the battle was fought the day before
(the oyster bank at today's Clubhouse Point). Dr. Foster's diary states "…at daybreak this morning we
had two Howitzers, two Royals (small mortars), and two six pounders to the great surprise of the Enemy
who were greatly annoyed even in the Trenches from the Shells thrown by the Howitzers and Royals, the
second Shell that was thrown dismounted one of their six pounders and killed several men, this we saw
very plainly..." He says the patriots returned fire with cannons throughout the day without harm.
(Foster/Diary, p 68) A "dismounted" gun was separated from its support or carriage. Troops had to
make necessary repairs and remount the cannon before it could be fired again.
In a letter to his friend Henry William Harrington, Sheriff of Cheraw District, patriot Major Wise of the
3rd Regiment observes, "They have two pieces of cannon mounted, and are this day mounting three more,
which will cover their landing in spite of all we can do." Wise says the situation is desperate and the
patriot officers expect to be sacrificed, but they will fight to the death. He writes, "… I do conceive the
longer we are kept in the face of the enemy, the less we dread fighting them." (Gregg/Cheraws p 269)
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According to the journal of the Schooner St Lawrence (a ship armed with eight guns), she weighs anchor
in Spencer's Creek (Dewees Inlet) at 11 am and moves toward the back part of Sullivan's Island to cover
the troops on landing. She runs aground at noon and gets further up the creek in the direction of
Sullivan's Island at 11 pm. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 784)
Wise observes the armed schooner (St Lawrence) come down the creek from the direction of Dewees Inlet
and anchor within range of the patriot field pieces. The two field pieces are ordered to be removed
(presumably to a less exposed position as suggested by Lee). Wise writes, "Their guns fight under deck,
consequently our rifles cannot touch them, and a number of flat-bottom boats, it is said, are following
her…" Wise's men are ordered up to the point of the island to be prepared for an amphibious assault. He
expects the British to move along the creek to the floating bridge after landing. (Gregg/Cheraws p 270)
On this day, Brigadier General Vaughan's 2nd Brigade and the British artillery break camp and join
Cornwallis' 1st Brigade on the southern end of Long Island. Seeing the buildup and heeding Lee's advice,
Thomson moves his troops from their original exposed positions near the shore to new and improved
defensive positions 500 yards to the south, away from the shore. Clinton is impressed by the patriots' skill
in erecting the fortifications, and distressed by this development – he was planning to neutralize the
Advanced Guard with light artillery prior to the amphibious assault. (Bearss/NPS p 68) The patriots
immediately gain advantage from the new defensive positions. The original patriot redoubts were within
range of light artillery at the oyster bank and Green Island, but the new positions appear to be out of
range.
Colonel Thomson writes to "His Excellency John Rutledge, Esqr in Charles Town" from "Camp on
Sullivan'ts Island." He requests that two companies of Rangers stationed in Beaufort be relieved and
moved to Sullivan's Island, and mentions that his regiment has never once been together. He says the
men are in great spirits and the opposing sentinels are "so near to each other that they might shake hands,
had we but boats and they chose to be friendly – Two field pieces were fired by the Artillery here early
this morning at a boat of armed Men which we apprehended was returning from reconnoitering last
night." (Salley/Orangeburg p 439.) Enemy troops stationed at the oyster bank and the shore of Sullivan's
Island are within a few hundred yards of each other, separated only by a creek and beach or marsh.
Sentinels are usually closer than the main bodies. Historian A.S. Salley is quoting from Thomson's order
book.
At Lee's request, Rutledge convenes a special meeting of the Council to reconsider Lee's case for
evacuating Sullivan's Island. Lee is concerned Clinton will divide his army and mount coordinated
attacks on Charles Town and Haddrell's Point, isolating the troops on Sullivan's Island. No official record
of the meeting survives. Sources say Rutledge is adamant about defending the island to the last man.
After the meeting, he supposedly sends a confidential note to Moultrie saying, "General Lee wishes you
to evacuate the fort. You will not without an order from me. I will sooner cut off my hand than write
one. John Rutledge." (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 24)
Sunday, June 23, 1776
The rebels (patriots) are hard at work on their new battery and extending their lines. (Morgan/Naval Docs
p 701) Clinton later explains to Lord Germain, "they took up some very strong ground 500 yards back, in
a much more extended front than the narrow spit of land on which they had at first placed themselves,
having a battery on their right and a morass on their left, razing their former work and making it a glacis
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or esplanade …This, my Lord, defended and sustained by three or four thousand men, was a formidable
appearance, and such a one as a small army in boats, advancing singly through a narrow channel,
uncovered and unprotected, could not attempt without manifest sacrifice." (Willcox, Clinton Memoirs p
374) Clinton's points appear valid, although he significantly overstates Thomson's troop strength. Fewer
than 1000 patriots were stationed on the north end of the island, until reinforcements from the 8th Virginia
Regiment arrived after the British attempted to cross and withdrew. Moultrie's count of 780 men under
Thomson is used by most historians. Patriot efforts to confuse Clinton may have worked, and/or he may
be exaggerating to explain the failure to take the island.
According to Parker, this is the initial day selected by Clinton for the joint army/navy attack.
(Parker/Narrative p 83) It may have been the 2nd day targeted, with June 21 first. Clinton and his
generals have the troops formed and ready and the wind is favorable. Parker later writes, "June the 23rd,
made a private signal to the general that I would go on the attack at 1 o'clock, but the wind becoming
contrary, hauled down the signal at 11." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 168) (Bearss/NPS p 70)
Parker offers to time the naval attack or make a diversion at any time and tide that will support the land
attack, provided the wind will carry him abreast of the fort. Clinton replies by offering a diversion to
support the navy. (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 699-701)
Colonel Peter Muhlenberg arrives in Charleston with his 8th Virginia Regiment of Continentals, greatly
strengthening the patriot force on the mainland. (Bearss/NPS p 53) Muhlenberg was son of the founder
of the Lutheran church in America. Born in Pennsylvania, he became an ardent Whig, leader of the
German population in Virginia, and a friend of George Washington and Patrick Henry. After observing
the "strength and good condition" of the recently-formed regiment in Virginia, General Lee had ordered it
to accompany him to the Carolinas. (Muhlenberg/Life pp 17-18, 38-42, 58)
The Schooner St Lawrence lightens her load, gets a mile further up the creek, and grounds again.
(Morgan/Naval Docs p 784)
Monday, June 24, 1776
Winds make this cloudy, rainy day undesirable for the attack of the fleet. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 722)
Richard Hutson writes to Isaac Hayne, apparently from Fort Johnson, "The slowness of their [British]
operations affords a great deal of speculation." Hutson reports that three deserters from Long Island say
the troops there "…are very sickly, and that most of them are disposed to desert if opportunity offers".
Hutson thinks that General Lee has put Charles Town into "an exceedingly good posture of Defense. He
[Lee] is intimately acquainted with Clinton, having been upon service with him. He says that he knows
him [Clinton] to be a damned fool and that he will now make him sensible of it himself." Hutson says
Lee expects the British army to attack the mainland from Long Island. Hutson expects the army and navy
will attack Sullivan's island both in front and rear at once. He gives this account of General Lee's reaction
to a fortification recently added near Fort Johnson: "His first question, upon seeing it was 'What d---d
fool planned this Battery?' A by-stander replied that it had been planned by Mr Drayton our present Chief
Justice, ̶ he said 'he may be a very good Chief Justice, but he is a d---d bad engineer, for if the Enemy
had had the planning of it they could not have fixed it in a better place for the Reduction of the Fort
Johnson…" (Hutson/Letter Book)
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In a letter written three days later, Major Wise tells his friend Sheriff Harrington "…were I to give you an
account of all our little skirmishes, I might write daily…. He reports an armed schooner (presumed to be
Lady William, a ship armed with eight guns) approaching within 700-800 yards of the point of Sullivan's
Island on Monday. Vessels with it are sounding the channel between Long Island and the mainland. The
patriots plan to strike Tuesday, and carry an 18 pounder and two field pieces to the point Monday night.
(Gregg/Cheraws p 271)
The British Schooner St Lawrence moves slightly toward Sullivan's Island, finding less water than the 7
feet 2 inches required. The depth is only 3 feet at low water. The ship does not float the next three days.
(Morgan/Naval Docs p 784) This implies the water level rises four feet to a later high tide.
Tuesday, June 25, 1776
Patriots fire on the schooner and armed vessels in the creek early in the morning. "…some shot having
struck, they were obliged to retire further into the creek." Three of eleven shots strike. They cannot
destroy her and discontinue firing. General Armstrong hears the firing at Haddrell's Point.
(Gregg/Cheraws p 271) (Morgan/Naval Docs p 747) (Russell/Victory p 201) (Moultrie/Memoirs p 163)
Wise is walking along the open beach at the point of Sullivan's Island at 11:00 am, when about 20
American renegade Tories (Highlanders) come down to the oyster bank opposite the Advanced Guard
with clubbed* muskets and take shelter behind it. They ambush a group of Indians in the patriot force
who are returning in a line from the point of Sullivan's Island. The Highlanders "kept up a brisk fire".
Patriot Major Wise writes that the Indians "caused us to laugh heartily by their running and tumbling,
several of them whooping and firing their muskets over their shoulder backward. I confess, though the
bullets poured round me, I laughed against my inclinations." He is impressed by the superiority of the
enemy musketry and the effectiveness of the patriot artillery. He says the artillery loaded by Lieutenant
Spencer, "a brave officer", dislodge the loyalists with grape and other shot, supposedly with the loss of
two or three men. The schooner is hauled off during this engagement. (Gregg/Cheraws pp 271-272,
Letter from Wise to Harrington, Morgan/Naval Docs p 747) The oyster bank is at the edge of the marsh,
about ½ mile north of the Advanced Guard batteries. (James/Map, Campbell/Map) *"Clubbed" muskets
were carried over the shoulder and held by the barrel.
Another incident involving Indians in the Advanced Guard is recounted in the 1832 pension application of
Jeremiah Harrold. "This applicant recollects that at the time of the above engagement there were a
number of Indians on the Island who had joined the continental army and manifested great bravery until
alarmed by the explosion of a bombshell by which three or four of their number who not being acquainted
with the design of a shell which fell near them and attempting in a bravado to lift the same were severely
wounded, upon this the remainder of the Indians, this applicant thinks about nine in number, attempted to
make their escape from the fort by fleeing across the bridge to the main land, being disappointed by the
guard in crossing the bridge they threw down their arms and swam to the main land." (Graves/Harris –
Application #S17467) (Ryan/Jeremiah p 150) Recounting the incident in court 56 years later, Harrold
said he was born on the PeeDee River and served with Thomson on Sullivan's Island, but his name did not
appear on Revolutionary military roles.
British Colonel Webster crosses the creek beside Long Island with the light infantry battalion and takes a
position on Green Island (present-day Little Goat Island). The tender Roebuck joins Raven and the armed
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schooner Lady William in the creek. At night, the British throw up two entrenchments behind the oyster
bank and prepare to fight in the morning. (Bearss/NPS p 72) (Gregg/Cheraws p 272)
The bridge across Sullivan's Island Narrows Creek (the cove), connecting Haddrell's point and Sullivan's
Island, fails when North Carolina troops attempt to reinforce Colonel Thomson. The troops refuse to
cross until the passage between the two places is safe. General Lee orders General Armstrong
(commander at Haddrell's Point) to send 100 volunteers to strengthen Colonel Thomson. (Bearss/NPS pp
55-56)
Parker's plan calls for a landing force of sailors and marines from the ships to enter the fort in conjunction
with Clinton's troops from Long Island, after the fort is silenced by the navy. In light of the improved
patriot defenses at Breach Inlet, Parker proposes Clinton also consider a landing on the mainland under
cover of the naval bombardment. His plan includes enfilading the fort from ships west of the fort and
cutting off the patriots' retreat to Mt Pleasant. These warships could support an assault by the army on Mt
Pleasant. (Russell/Victory p 201) (Bearss/NPS p 71)
Armstrong reports "… the enemy constantly striving to find new landing places on the main."
(Morgan/Naval Docs p 744) A British period map indicates a creek behind Green Island is navigable to
the mainland. However, it is so narrow that vessels would have to travel in single file. This would make
a naval assault impractical. (Campbell/Map) The creek appears to be present-day Inlet Creek, which is
navigable to the mainland by boats of shallow draft.
Lee tells Rutledge that the Colonial Engineer now working on the fortifications, Baron Massenbourg, is
"frightened out of his wits at the dangerousness of the situation of our Troops on the Island where retreat
is so precarious." (Russell/Victory p 202)
Wednesday, June 26, 1776
The 50-gun man-of-war Experiment has arrived and crosses the bar. (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p
168)
The British fire from the oyster bank with howitzers, field pieces and musketry, plus an 8 pounder from
South Island. They fire incessantly with musketry for 25 or 30 minutes. Major Wise mentions 16-20
guns involved from the patriot side and credits Captain Frances Boyakin for his support during the hottest
fire. (Gregg/Cheraws p 272) The oyster bank is on the edge of the marsh at the west end of Breach Inlet,
about ½ mile north of the Advanced Guard redoubts. Today, this small, uninhabited island between Inlet
Creek and Swinton Creek is known as Clubhouse Point. We have not found South Island labeled on
period maps – it could be Green/Willow Island or another island or hummock in the marsh at the west
end of the inlet. Green Island and the oyster bank were southwest of British positions on Long Island.
President Rutledge and General Lee are with the Advanced Guard during the shelling. Richard Hutson
writes to Robert Gibbs: "The firing yesterday was between the troops on Long Island and our advanced
Guard on Sullivan's Island, across the Breach. They fired with Field Pieces, and threw several shells.
The President and General Lee were down there at the time. One of the shells bursted within a few yards
of the President, and he brought a piece of it up to Town with him." General Lee allowed only two shots
to be returned by the patriot 18 pounder. (Hutson/Letter Book)
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Clinton informs Parker that his situation "is rendered more difficult every hour, from the preparations the
Rebels are making to defend themselves." His engineers are examining the patriot works on Sullivan's
Island from the oyster bank. Although some engineers disagree, Clinton believes the fort to be a complete
square and finished, the bridge of boats is in place, and Thomson's troops are "everywhere intrenching
themselves in the strongest manner." (Morgan/Naval Docs p 760) (Bearss/NPS p 72) The fort is not
finished. The floating bridge is in place, but does not support movement of large numbers of troops (see
the incident of its failure on June 25).
Clinton tells Parker his actions in the attack will depend on "different circumstances, subject to a variety
of changes as occasions may arise, and make them necessary." He can only repeat, "The troops under my
command will cooperate with you to the utmost for the good of His Majesty's Service." He urges Parker
to have his frigates advance as deep into the harbor as possible. (Bearss/NPS p 73, Clinton letter to
Parker, June 26, 1776) (Morgan/Naval Docs p 761) General Clinton is very cautious and does not appear
to have a viable plan for the combined attack. The British army is blocked.
Thursday, June 27, 1776
The firing Thursday is not as sharp as Wednesday, but lasts longer. Patriot Major Wise writes, "Indeed,
on our side, only two rifles were fired, and the 18-pounder about three of four times; after which our
artillery was hauled off, and are now placed at about a quarter mile from the point of Sullivan's Island,
where the hills begin." The patriots have nobody killed or wounded. They pick up many bullets lodged in
the sand. (Gregg/Cheraws p 272)
Major Wise includes a noteworthy occurrence in a letter to his friend, Captain Harrington, Sheriff of
Cheraw District and later a militia brigadier general in North Carolina. "Several of our people have, with
them, mutually laid down their arms, and walked to the edge of the creek and conversed – a proceeding
highly criminal, and now put a stop to. The Highlanders in these conversations always ask after, and sent
their compliments to their countrymen. They likewise frequently give us scurrilous language. Their
sentries were so nigh us last night, that we could hear them hail quite distinctly, and their drums&c. are
almost as familiar to us as our own." (Gregg/Cheraws p 272)
Wise and the officers miss Bob, apparently his slave, whom he sent away on June 22 following a dispute
about the money Wise was charging for his services. He says Bob "certainly was a slave to the regiment,
and the best drummer in it." Wise says the regiment "…have never pulled off their clothes by night since
we left Haddrell's Point; ̶ that we have been constantly up for several nights past from 12 or 1 o'clock to
sunrise, on guard, fatigue (work detail), or alarm all day. But we are still Rangers, and must do
everything …" (Gregg/Cheraws pp 272-273)
Note – A free black man, James Harris, was with Thomson and the 3rd Regiment in this battle. He was
granted a pension for his service in 1835. (Graves and Harris/Applications - #W11223)
Clinton and Cornwallis visit the light infantry on Green Island. One of the works is for mortars and the
other is for cannons. (Bearss/NPS p 72)
Arrangements for the naval cannonade and bombardment are complete, the final large warship
Experiment has crossed the bar, and winds are out of the southeast and "flattering". Between 9:00 and
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10:00 am Parker hoists the prearranged signal and the squadron gets underway. The winds suddenly veer
northward and the ships return to anchor. They try again in the afternoon and come about a mile closer to
the fort, but do not engage. (Wells/Gazette) (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 781-782) (Bearss/NPS p 73)
In a letter to Brigadier General Armstrong, Major General Lee writes, "I wish you wou'd in my name
thank Colonel Thompson's Regiment for the cheerfulness and alacrity with which they have done very
hard duty." (NYHS/Lee Papers p 89)
General Lee orders 100 more reinforcements "to ease Col. Thompson of his heavy duty, for I find, that a
part of Col. Horry's regiment (militia) have most magnanimously refused to take this duty on them: We
shall live I hope to thank them." (Salley/Orangeburg p 349) (Moultrie/Memoirs p 165)
Lee has had enough of Moultrie, who has been slow to respond to some orders (such as finishing the
floating bridge). He directs Colonel Francis Nash of the NC Continentals to report to him the next
morning to assume command of Fort Sullivan. (Russell/Victory p 203) South Carolina Chief Justice
William Henry Drayton writes, "Leaving the President, on the morning of the action, he [Lee] told him
[Rutledge] he was determined to do it that day, if he did not, on his going down, find certain things done
that he had ordered." (Gibbes/Documentary History p 10) The battle begins Friday before the change is
made.
Some 6833 patriot troops are in the Charles Town area on the eve of the battle. 1215 are on Sullivan's
Island: 435 under Moultrie in Fort Sullivan, 780 under Thomson at Breach Inlet (300 of his 3rd SC Regt Rangers, 200 NC regulars under Lieutenant Colonel Clark, 200 SC troops under Colonel Daniel Horry,
the Raccoon or Foot Rover Company of Pee Dee, Waccamaw, Cheraw, and Catawba Indians, and a small
detachment of militia). At Haddrell's Point, Armstrong has 1568 (500 VA Continentals, 600 NC
Continentals, 268 from the 5th Regt of SC, 160 from the 6th SC Regt, and 40 artillerymen). Colonel
Christopher Gadsden has 380 on James Island and Brigadier General Robert Howe has 3670 troops in
other positions around Charles Town. (Russell/Victory pp 203-204)
Moultrie is confident. With respect to Lee's preoccupation with a floating bridge for speedy evacuation,
he writes "all his letters to me shew how anxious he was at not having a bridge for a retreat; for my part, I
never was uneasy on not having a retreat because I never imagined that the enemy could force me to that
necessity; I always considered myself as able to defend that post against the enemy. I had upwards of 300
riflemen, under Col. Thompson, of his regiment, Col. Clark, with 200 North-Carolina regulars, Col.
Horry, with 200 South-Carolina, and the Racoon company of riflemen, 50 militia at the point of the island
behind the sand hills and myrtle bushes; I had also a small battery with one 18 pounder, and one brass
fieldpiece , 6 pounder, at the same place, which entirely commanded the landing and could begin to fire
upon them at 7 or 800 yards before they could attempt to land, this would have disconcerted them very
much, besides had they made their landing good, the riflemen would have hung upon their flanks for three
miles as they marched along the beach, and not above fifty yards from them. Col. Thompson had orders
that if they could not stand the enemy they were to throw themselves into the fort, by which I should have
had upwards of 1000 men in a large strong fort, and Gen. Armstrong in my rear with 1500 men, not more
that one mile and an half off, with a small arm of the sea between us, that he could have crossed a body of
men in boats to my assistance, this was exactly my situation; I therefore felt myself perfectly easy because
I never calculated upon Sir Henry Clinton's numbers to be more then 3000 men; as to the men-of-war, we
should have taken every little notice of them if the army had attacked us. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 142-143)
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Records from the respective sides generally agree with Moultrie's troop estimates of about 780 patriots
and 3,000 British at the Breach.
Friday, June 28, 1776
In Philadelphia, a Committee of Congress consisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin
Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert Livingston bring a draft of the Declaration of Independence to the
Continental Congress and it is read for the first time. (Drayton/Memoirs p 314)
In Five Fathom Hole outside Charleston harbor, at 9:00-9:30 am Sir Peter Parker signals his intent to
attack. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 796-799, British ship logs) (Parker/Narrative p 84) Clinton and his
lookouts on Long Island do not see the navy's signals. Within an hour or two, General Clinton observes
the fleet in the ocean making sail. He orders his artillery and mortars to stand ready to fire.
(Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 34)
The tide is flooding (incoming) and Clinton is aware the rising water level eventually will require the
guns at the oyster bank to move to higher ground. (Campbell/Map 302 Note N) (Bearss pp 88-89) On
this day, low tide occurs in the morning, probably between 10:00 and 11:00am. The water level will rise
to high tide more than six hours later, around 5:00 pm (Harris/Tides p 3), flooding the beaches and marsh
and covering exposed shoals and sandbars. Some period maps and accounts indicate the tidal range (from
low to high tide) in 1776 was only 3 feet; today the normal tidal range in Charleston is 5.3 feet.
(Campbell/Map 302 note P) (Morgan/Naval Docs p 784) Currents in Breach Inlet will be strongest at
mid tide early afternoon.
At 10:30 am, about low tide, Parker gives the signal to weigh. (Parker/Narrative p 84) Lieutenant John
Graves of the 8-gun schooner St Lawrence in Spencer's Creek notices the men-of-war beginning to
engage the fort and sends a boat with 12 men to assist Clinton in the assault. (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 799800) Captain Roger Willis is on the sloop Ranger in the North Channel in the ocean off the northern end
of Sullivan's Island. He records the firing at the fort. (Russell/Victory pp 211-212) Parker's narrative
lists 22 guns on Ranger; Russell and other sources list 8 guns.
As soon as the fleet begins bombarding the fort (about 11:00 am), General Clinton begins his attempt to
cross the inlet and attack the fort from the rear. (Russell/Victory p 211) The 8-gun schooner Lady
William (a converted merchant vessel now armed) and a flotilla of small boats make their way down the
creek toward Breach Inlet. The boats are manned by sailors and marines, and the army is formed and
ready on the shore of Long Island. (Bearss/NPS p 89) The 1st brigade (Cornwallis) crosses the creek in
flat-bottom boats and marches to the battery that had been erected behind the oyster bank on June 22nd.
Dr. Foster is in the last boat. The 2nd brigade (Vaughan) marches to the Point (probably on the southern
tip of Green Island) and begins firing 9 inch shells from a Cohorn mortar into the patriot trenches and
battery. Foster writes, "…I could plainly see it [the Cohorn] did great Execution among them, while we
played upon them from our small Battery of two Howitzers, two Royals, and two six pounders, for some
time they fired grape Shot from the two eighteen Pounders and musket balls from swivel guns six at a
time but our Breastwork was so high that they hurt us very little..." He observes the distant engagement at
the fort from a little imminence, and sees slaves supplying the 18 pound cannon at the Advanced Guard.
(Foster/Diary pp 69-70)
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The British armed vessels are to take positions to rake the Advanced Guard in conjunction with artillery
and mortars on the ground. Covered by this fire and floating batteries, the soldiers are to cross the inlet
and establish a beachhead. The boats stay abreast of troops on shore marching toward the inlet. The
column of assault begins with battalions of light infantry and grenadiers, followed by the 28th, 37th, 54th,
57th, 46th, 33rd, and 15th Regiments of Foot. (Bearss/NPS p 89) (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 27) Light
companies of the 4th and 44th from Boston also were with Clinton. This is according to William
Chambers, said to be master of a sloop present (he is not listed in Parker's Narrative). (Morgan/Naval
Docs p 804)
Note – the Royal Navy had developed a special type of flat-bottomed boat for amphibious operations.
"They were usually 36 ft by 10 ft, rowed by ten seamen a side, and carried two rows of soldiers facing
inward down the centre; there were also smaller 32 ft, 16 oared versions, and, depending on size, flatboats could carry forty to sixty troops." These boats could use sails to supplement the oars and they could
mount small guns. They could be stripped of internal fittings and stacked on the decks of transport
vessels. (Gardiner/Navies p 63) After the failed attempt on Sullivan's Island, Cornwallis and Clinton
deployed flat-boats successfully for major amphibious operations in New Jersey and Rhode Island in
November and December 1776. (Gardiner/Navies pp 61-62)
Moultrie is with Thomson visiting the Advanced Guard at Breach Inlet. They see the fleet of small boats
in the creek beside Long Island moving toward Sullivan's Island, with Redcoats in the boats apparently
intent on landing on Sullivan's Island. Lookouts spot men-of-war in the ocean signaling the attack by
loosening their topsails, and Moultrie gallops back to the fort as fast as possible. By the time he arrives,
the ships are already under sail. He writes in his memoirs that they "… begun their attack most furiously
about 10 o'clock, A. M. and continued a brisk fire, till about 8 o'clock, P. M. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 174)
(Drayton p 293)
The 13-inch mortar on board the fleet's bomb ketch fires the first shots at Fort Sullivan. Patriot gunners
hold their fire until the men-of-war Active and Bristol come within range and begin setting up to fire.
According to logs of British ships, shots are fired between the Royal Navy and Fort Sullivan from about
10:00 am until 8:00 pm. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 27) (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 796-799) Colonel
Moultrie and his men in the fort soundly defeat the British navy in an intense day-long battle. The fight at
the fort is a well-documented episode in American history; there is no need to cover it here. This
Timeline addresses only events relating to the lesser-known Battle at the Breach.
Parker writes soon afterward, "The Sphynx, Actaeon, and Syren, were to have been to the westward to
prevent fireships or other vessels from annoying the ships engaged, to enfilade the works, and when the
rebels were driven from them to cut off their retreat if possible. This last service was not performed
owing to the ignorance of the pilots, who run the three frigates aground." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts
p 169) (Parker/Narrative p 84) He does not mention supporting an army attack on the mainland, which
Parker and Clinton had discussed (see June 25). In his memoirs, Moultrie observes "…had these three
ships effected their purpose, they would have enfiladed us in such a manner, as to have driven us from our
guns." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 178)
President Rutledge hears the drums and bagpipes on the second floor of the Exchange Building and
watches through a spyglass. Thousands of Charlestonians strain to see from the waterfront and high
floors of buildings. General Lee observes from Granville's Bastion. (Russell/Victory p 205) Lee
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attempts to visit the island when the engagement begins, but is turned back by contrary wind and tide.
(Russell/Victory p 230).
The sloop Ranger is moored in Ranger creek (probably on the north end of Long Island, connecting with
Dewees Inlet) and sees and hears firing from the ships and fort. (Morgan/Naval Docs 826)
At Breach Inlet, the British 1st brigade initiates the attack from the oyster bank with a Cohorn mortar
shelling the patriot trenches and battery. They also fire howitzers, Royals (small mortars), and six
pounders. According to British surgeon Foster, the patriots return fire with cannons and muskets from
swivel guns six at a time. (Foster/Diary pp 69-70) A North Carolina continental soldier, Morgan Brown,
describes the fight, "Our rifles were in prime order, well proved and well charged; every man took
deliberate aim at his object … the fire taught the enemy to lie closer behind their bank of oyster shells and
only show themselves when they rose up to fire." (Russell/Victory pp 212-213) This account implies the
oyster bank protecting the British light artillery or another oyster bank was within rifle range of infantry
on Sullivan's Island. The oyster bank location depicted on period maps is at the edge of the marsh on the
western end of Breach Inlet. It is about ½ mile from patriot artillery redoubts on Sullivan's Island, but
much closer to likely infantry firing positions. Infantry could have approached within 200-300 yards on
opposite sides of the creek. Rifle shots fired at that distance would be inaccurate, but could suppress the
enemy as stated.
A patriot cannon is dismounted and the troops retire to their rear trenches and continue firing. Dr Foster
observes slaves supplying one of Thomson's cannons. He watches the warships' day-long bombardment
of Fort Sullivan. He says the 1st Brigade troops are eager to cross to Sullivan's Island when the fort stops
firing, but the general orders them to remain in place. (Foster/Diary pp 69-71) Looking west with a
spyglass, he could have seen Fort Sullivan three miles away, the four cannonading warships less than
three and one-half miles away, and the three ships that ran aground four miles away. His details of the
action at the fort generally agree with other witnesses' reports.
As the vessels in the creek approach Green Island, the flotilla of flat boats transporting the soldiers takes
the lead. When they come within range, Thomson directs the 18 pounder to open fire. Every ball seems
to rake the decks. The fire is so well-directed that the sailors on the armed schooner and sloop have to
clear the decks. The officers have difficulty keeping men at their battle stations. (Johnson/Traditions p
92) The men under Moultrie and Thomson on opposite ends of Sullivan's island are firing with surprising
accuracy and effectiveness, causing the British to clear the decks of ships in Breach Inlet as well as the
harbor.
The flotilla makes repeated efforts to close with the Advanced Guard, but they disperse under the heavy,
deadly fire. Major Barnard Elliott writes, "The enemy made three attempts to land on the north side of
Sullivan's during the cannonade, but were each time repulsed without any loss on our side."
(Gibbes/Documentary History p 7) Applying for a pension in 1832, Sion Odom of the 3rd Regiment says
"The British General made two or three attempts to drive the Americans from their fortifications. He drew
out his men from behind their embankment & marched them in Platoons towards the Americans but they
were so mowed down that Clinton had to retire discomfited." (Graves and Harris/Applications - #S21035)
When they approach within grape shot range (400-600 yards), the two large vessels run aground. When
they work free, they turn around and retreat into the creek. Clinton and his officers deem further attempts
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to cross without naval gun support rash, and the landing craft are withdrawn into the creek.
(Russell/Revolution p 92) (Bearss/NPS pp 89-90) (Russell/Victory pp 212-215)
Alexander Forrester, a Charlestonian who joined the British expedition, is aboard the armed schooner
Lady William during the assault. He later says in the presence of historian Dr. Johnson that "It was
impossible for any set of men to sustain so destructive a fire as the Americans poured in upon them on
this occasion." Forrester explains that the fire from the patriots' fortification – not the water depth or
shoals – repulsed the flotilla and kept the British from advancing. (Johnson/Traditions p 95) (Bearss pp
89-90, 92)
The British soldiers and crewmen who came within range "received such a fire … as made them think it
would be out of their power to get Thomson's consent to land." (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 39) Will
Falconer, a British soldier on Long Island, writes "they would have killed half of us before we could make
our landing good." (Wells/Gazette)
While the battle rages, General Lee dispatches an aid with a letter to Colonel Moultrie, "ordering him if
he should expend his ammunition, without beating off the enemy, or driving them on ground; to spike up
his guns, and retreat…" Moultrie knows that if he deserts the fort, Thomson and his whole command will
be cut off and the battle will be lost. He slows the firing to 10 minute intervals per gun to conserve
ammunition. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 166) (Drayton p 300) (Russell/Revolution p 93)
Between 3:00 and 5:00 in the afternoon, Colonel Moultrie receives an erroneous report that British troops
from Long Island have established a beachhead on Sullivan's Island. He writes, "The guns being so long
silent, was owing to the scarcity of powder which we had in the fort, and to a report that was brought me,
that the British troops were landed between the advance-guard and the fort; it was upon this information,
that I ordered the guns to cease firing, or to fire very slow upon the shipping; that we should reserve our
powder for the musketry to defend ourselves against the land forces, there being a great scarcity of
powder." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 178) After about 1 ½ hours, the report is found to be false and Moultrie
receives another supply of powder. Firing from the fort is resumed, but at a slower pace in light of the
powder shortage. (Drayton p 300) (Bearss/NPS p 81)
Parker thinks the fort is empty when the cannons are silent and he does not see men at the firing stations.
Curiously, he does not send marines ashore from his ships as planned. (Harrison/London Gazette)
(Bearss p 71) (Moultrie/Memoirs p 178) In January 1777, Parker explains in a letter to Clinton. "I
certainly did intend … to have attempted taking possession of the fort with the seamen and marines, but I
could not have planned the doing it with about 300 men without the prospect of speedy support from you;
and I saw, soon after the attack began, that from a variety of circumstances, you could not take any
effectual step for that purpose." (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 379) When he informed Parker on June
18th that he could not take the share of the battle anticipated, Clinton offered to send General Vaughan
with two battalions (300-400 more men) to attack from the ships. Parker did not accept this offer.
Patriots in the fort and at Breach Inlet are exhausting their powder mid-afternoon. They escape disaster
because the British are not aware and do not capitalize.
A dispatch from Lee to Moultrie marked 3 o'clock p.m. says "I have sent for more ammunition, for you;
and ordered a large corps of riflemen, to reinforce Col. Thomson." (NYHS/Lee Papers p 92)
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(Moultrie/Memoirs p 167) About 5:00 pm General Lee pays a 15-minute visit to the fort.
(Drayton/Memoirs p 301) One account says that after returning to the mainland (no earlier than 6:00 pm),
Lee orders the Virginia Continentals on the mainland to reinforce Colonel Thomson's Advanced Guard.
(Bearss/NPS p 85) He probably gave the order earlier – Drayton's notes indicate the troops arrived at
5:00 pm. (Gibbes/Documentary History p 10) The time of arrival is not certain – 5:00 pm is the earliest
reasonable estimate. After receiving the order, the Virginians must organize, cross the Cove (Sullivan's
Island Narrows Creek) in boats, and make an hour-long march to Breach Inlet. This would take at least
two hours, so they probably arrive in the range of 5:00-8:00 pm. Russell/Victory lists the 8th Virginia's
strength as 500 (p 204) and says the reinforcement was ordered at 3:00 pm (p 215) and they arrived at
5:00 pm (pp 215-216) with 700 troops, including SC Continentals. There were no SC Continentals at the
time; these must have been regulars from the 5th or 6th Regiment.
Whenever they arrive, the presence of 500-700 more troops increases the Advanced Guard's safety.
(Drayton/Memoirs p 296) Contemporary accounts indicate the British launch no more assaults, yet firing
continues into the night. (Gibbes/Documentary History p 10) The 8th Virginia may have been involved in
the continuing combat. The 1832 pension application of James Johnston of the 8th Virginia says "…at the
time and on the day the attack was made on Fort Sullivan – he was marched to the lower point of
Sullivan's island. he together with the detachment then commanded by Maj’r Helverson threw up small
breast works for the purpose of preventing the British from Landing at that point. a small skirmish then
ensued between us and we prevented the greater part of the British from Landing some of them However,
succeeded but were soon driven back to their boats." (Graves and Harris/Applications - #5640)
At dusk, Clinton confers with Cornwallis and the officers of his 1st Brigade. Clinton tells them he laments
the attack but thought it was necessary. He inquires, "Are your men steady enough to make a night
assault or should they wait until morning?" The officers do not want to attempt a night assault. He
decides to attack again at daybreak June 29. (Bearss/NPS p 91-92) Sunset on the 28th is at 7:05 pm and
sunrise on the 29th is at 4:55am. (Tobler/Almanack)
In a letter written July 9, Commodore Parker says "About 9 o'clock, it being very dark, great part of our
ammunition expended, the people fatigued, the tide of ebb almost done, no prospect from the eastward,
and no possibility of our being of any further service, I ordered the ships to withdraw to their former
moorings." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 169) "No prospect from the eastward" probably refers to
the lack of support from the army. As they approached the fort, Clinton's troops would have been
travelling east-to-west in view of Parker.
William Henry Drayton, Chief Justice of South Carolina, notes "Only 470 men to sustain the attack at the
advance guard from Clinton. At five in the afternoon they were re-inforced by 700 Continentals. At ten,
bare of ammunition; only one cartridge in the 18 pounder, and one out, and only two or three charges for
the two field pieces. After being reduced to this state, the enemy continued firing more than an hour."
(Gibbes/Documentary History p 10) While he was a principal leader among the patriots, Drayton did not
witness these events and may not have been in Charles Town on the 28th. More reliable accounts indicate
more than 470 men stationed at the advanced guard.
Saturday, June 29, 1776
Troops of the British 1st Brigade remain at their stations overnight. Half are up to their knees in a swamp
all the time expecting orders to cross the creek any minute. They have been under arms with nothing to
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eat or drink for 18 hours. At 6:00 am the 1st Brigade gets into the flat-bottom boats to cross the creek.
They have "orders to reserve their fire till they could singe their beards, they swore they would not fire till
they could bayonet the Yankees as they call their rebel Enemies." The boats are launched, and then the
order is countermanded. (Foster/Diary pp 71-73) General Clinton cancels the army's attack when he
learns of the navy's defeat. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 375) (Bearss/NPS p 91) The British troops
return to camp dejected. (Foster/Diary p 73) This aborted effort may account for the third assault
reported by some sources.
President Rutledge is concerned about powder shortages in case of another attack. (Morgan/Naval Docs p
823)
Major Barnard Elliott of the 4th SC Artillery inside Fort Sullivan enters in his dairy, "Gen. Lee thinks it
his duty in the most public manner to return thanks to Col. Moultrie and his garrison for their brave
defence of the fort in the late attack. As likewise Col. Thomson and the corps under him, for their spirited
and gallant behaviour in preventing the enemy from making good their landing on the east end of
Sullivan's Island." (SCHS/Divers Accounts p 13) In an often-recounted recognition for their
performance, Major Elliott's lady presents the colors to the 2nd Regiment on July 1. In August, Major
Elliott (1740-1778) reads the Declaration of Independence during the public ceremony. He rises to the
rank of Lieutenant Colonel before his death in 1778.
General Lee writes to Edmund Pendleton, President of the Virginia Convention and the Virginia
Committee of Safety (effectively governor). "Yesterday, about eleven o' clock, the enemy' s squadron,
consisting of one forty-gun ship and six frigates, came to anchor before Fort Sullivan, and began one of
the most furious cannonades ever heard or seen. Their project was, apparently, at the same time to land
their troops on the east end of the Island. Twice they attempted it, and as often were gallantly repulsed.
The ships continued their fire on the fort till eleven o' clock at night. The behaviour of the garrison, both
men and officers, with Colonel Moultrie at their head, I confess astonished me. It was brave to the last
degree. I had no idea that so much coolness and intrepidity could be displayed by a collection of raw
recruits as I was witness to in this garrison. Had we been better supplied with ammunition, it is most
probable this squadron would have been utterly destroyed. However, they have no reason to triumph; one
of their frigates is now in flames, another lost her bowsprit, the Commodore and a forty-gun ship had their
mizzen shot away, and are otherwise much damaged. In short, they may be said, in this their essay on
South-Carolina, to have been worsted; but I presume they will make another attempt. Our loss is ten
killed and twenty-two wounded; seven of whom have lost their legs or arms. The defences of the fort have
received no injury, only one gun dismounted. I shall write, when the affair is finished, a more accurate
relation to your Convention, and to the Congress. In the mean time, I think it but justice to publish the
merits of Colonel Moultrie and his brave garrison. Colonel Thompson, of the South-Carolina Rangers,
acquitted himself most nobly in repulsing the troops who attempted to land at the other end of the Island."
(Force/Archives p v6:1129)
Lee adds this note at the end of a short letter to Moultrie: "I desire Colonel Thompson will send over as
soon as he can, a Return of all occurrences in his part of the island." (NYHS/Lee Papers p 92) We have
not found Thomson's report or any evidence it survived. General Lee's and General Clinton's letters are
the only surviving official accounts of the action at Breach Inlet. These letters contain little detail and no
casualty reports for the Battle at the Breach.
Sunday June 30, 1776
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The British see great numbers of boats in a Sullivan's Island creek. In case of an attack from the patriots,
the 54th Regiment is kept under arms all night.
Richard Hutson writes a long letter to his brother, Thomas, giving a detailed account of the battle on both
ends of the island. Richard is a young patriot leader who will later serve as Lieutenant Governor and a
member of the Continental Congress. He writes "The Land Forces on Long Island in the meantime
strained every Nerve to effect a Landing on the Back, but the Eighteen Pounder with Grape shot spread
Havock, Devastation, and Death, and always made them retire faster than they advanced. …There was
not a single Man killed on our side at the back, and but one wounded. It is imagined that the enemy left a
great number there. Colonel Thompson commanded that post." (Morgan/Naval Docs p 843) The
Unnamed casualty may have been Private Jeremiah Simmons of Captain Eli Kershaw's ranger company.
(Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 38)
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney writes a long letter to his mother, giving details of the battle on both ends of
the island. Pinckney observed the engagement between the ships and Fort Sullivan from Fort Johnson,
across the harbor. He says, "A brisk and heavy cannonading was kept up at first, both from the ships and
the Fort." He mentions that the fort had expended all its ammunition about 3:00 pm. "The shipping still
kept up a heavy cannonade; the Fort could not return it." About 5:00 pm, the fort received 200 pounds of
powder from Tuft's (Tuft was captain of the ship Defense stationed in the Cove) and 500 pounds from
Haddrell's point. "They fired again, but slowly, and with great judgment." He adds, "…the enemy, whose
troops are on Long Island, attempted to pass over to that end of Sullivan's Island which was nearest them,
but received so warm a reception from Thomson's Rangers, the Virginia riflemen, some of the North
Carolina troops, a few of the Militia, and an eighteen pounder that we had there, that they were obliged to
retreat, without wounding so much as one of our men." As he is writing, the Acteon is burning and the
powder room explodes. (Gibbes/Documentary History pp 7-10) Pinckney apparently does not know the
Virginians arrived at the Breach after the British retired.
July 1, 1776
Major General Lee writes to General George Washington about the battle for "…the Town which on my
arrival was utterly defenceless." He mentions his low confidence in the raw troops, lack of a bridge, low
stock of ammunition, plan to order retreat, and his visit to the fort where he witnessed the cool courage of
the troops under the hottest fire he ever experienced. He states, "… the manifest intention of the Enemy
was to land, at the same time the ships began to fire, their regulars on the East end of the Island – twice
They attempted it and twice were repulls'd by a Colonel Thomson of the S-Carolina Rangers in
conjunction with a body of N-Carolina regulars…" (Russell/Victory p 234)
July 2, 1776
General Lee sends a letter to John Hancock, the President of Congress. He writes "I beg leave, sir, to
recommend in the strongest terms, to the Congress, the commanding officer Colonel Moultrie, and his
whole garrison, as brave soldiers and excellent citizens. Nor must I omit at the same time mentioning
Colonel Thompson, who, with the South Carolina Rangers and a detachment of North Carolina Regulars,
repulsed the enemy in two several [sic] attempts to make a lodgment at the other extremity of the island.
…Perhaps shame and rage may prompt their land forces to some attempt before their departure."
"…Charleston and its dependencies had certainly been lost, if the enemy had acted with the vigor and
expedition we had reason to expect; but a most unaccountable languor and inertness on their part saved
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us." "I shall now, sir, conclude, with expressing the high satisfaction I have received from the zeal,
activity, and publick spirit, of the gentlemen and inhabitants of this city and Providence … we have all
worked together in concert and harmony for the common good."
July 3 - 12, 1776
Troops on Long Island learn details about the naval battle and the carnage on the ships. They are told
Commodore Parker expected them to cross every hour. (Forster/Diary pp 77-78)
July 5, 1776
General Clinton leaves camp and does not return. He sails for Bulls Bay in the Sovereign on the 18th.
(Forster/Diary p 81)
Josiah Martin, exiled Royal Governor of North Carolina, writes to Lord Germain from the ship Peggy
within the Charleston bar. He explains the force's reasons for leaving North Carolina, supports Clinton's
positions, and explains that he will accompany the fleet to New York to rescue his family and speak with
the Commander in Chief (General Howe) about North Carolina. He writes, "General Clinton, with whom
I had the honour to be at this time, had made every arrangement that time and circumstances and the
position in which his army lay admitted, to support and take advantage of the attack; but the frigates
intended to make a diversion in his favour being laid aground by the pilots, and never arriving at their
appointed station, nothing could be attempted by the army but at the hazard of everything." He expresses
the overall southern plan. "Its great object is to get at, to arm, and draw into use the friends of
government who inhabit the interior country, and by their means to press the rebels on the back while the
regular forces engage their attention on the coast." (Davies/Documents pp 155-156)
July 7, 1776
General Henry Clinton writes to Lord George Germain explaining events of the past two months in detail.
He says that the delays and protracted movements of the fleet turned the army's planned coup de main
into something too much like a formal siege. "…Lord Cornwallis agreed with me that we could not more
effectively cooperate with the intended movements of the fleet than by taking possession of Long Island,
which was represented to communicate with Sulivan's Island by a ford passable at low water and with the
main by creeks navigable for boats of [shallow] draft." "… but to our unspeakable mortification the
channel, which for some time before was reported to have been only 18 inches deep at low water, was
now found to be 7 feet, a circumstance we are told is not uncommon on this sandy coast. By this
discovery your lordship will perceive that our operations from Long Island were rendered limited and
confined, and although my situation gave jealousy to two objects, the main and Sulivan's Island, as I had
not boats for above 6 or 700 men I was reduced to one attack without being able to favor that by any
diversion on the other." He writes that the patriot defenses "…sustained by 3 or 4000 men, had a
formidable appearance and such a one as a small army in boats advancing singly through a narrow
channel, uncovered, unprotected, could not attempt but without a manifest sacrifice. My attentions were
therefore drawn toward the main to make an attempt on Hedrall's Point by landing within 3 miles of it."
He observes that the British warships attacked the fort from too far away to be effective and the three
frigates intended to support his attack ran aground. "I made every demonstration, every diversion by
cannonade. While the sands were uncovered, I ordered small armed vessels to proceed towards the point
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of Sulivan's Island but they all got aground." He says he made preparations for an effort on Sullivan's
Island the following day, but knowing "any feeble effort of ours could answer no good purpose," he
cancelled it when he learned of the Navy's defeat. (Davies/Documents pp 162-166)
On July 7, Captain James Murray of the British 57th Regiment writes to his sister from Long Island. This
is the young officer's first combat. Murray will rise to the rank of general, become a Member of
Parliament, and serve as Secretary at War. He tells her the "unfortunate attempt upon Charles Town
[was] one of the most singular events that has yet conspired to degrade the name of the British nation."
Murray says the misinformation that the creek between Long Island and Sullivan's Island was fordable at
low water "has been the fatal source of all our misfortunes." He explains the missed opportunity for an
unexpected direct attack on Sullivans Island, the failure to capitalize on spring tides to cross the bar
immediately, and slow movements by the British the army and navy. More delays ensued as "new creeks
were to be sounded, armed vessels, flat-bottomed boats and floating batterys, etc. to be prepared." He
writes "the bad consequences of this seemingly trifling delay are inconceivable." The patriots under
Thomson "had not failed to take every advantage of our delay. We saw works rising above works and
intrenchments growing behind intrenchments, defended by numbers greatly superior to our little army."
(The belief they were outnumbered was inaccurate.) Captain Murray's account of the battle at the fort
agrees substantially with other accounts. He says "a singular misfortune (the grounding of the three
warships), at the beginning of the action, disconcerted all our measures." He does not address the fighting
on Long Island June 18-27, and mentions only that "The Light Infantry and Grenadiers were in the boats,
the line was under arms" awaiting a signal to attack on the 28th. He says "It appears to me … that we
might have abandoned the idea of attacking that part of the Island upon the first discovery of our
mistake." He writes of "Broiled salt porc for breakfast, boiled salt porc for dinner, cold salt porc for
supper …The only thing which I really found a little disagreeable was lying five nights in the midst of a
putrid marsh up to the ankles in filth and water." (Robson/Letters pp 23-30)
July 8, 1776
An officer aboard the Bristol writes an account that represents the mood of many in the fleet. "Had the
army, which was but four miles from us, and was to join us, come in due time to our assistance, we might
have taken Charlestown, as we silenced the fort for an hour and a half." (Russell/Victory p 234)
Lord William Campbell, exiled Royal Governor of South Carolina, writes to Lord George Germain,
Secretary of State for America, from aboard the Bristol in Five Fathom Hole. He gives a summary of the
battle and provides insight into British activities with backcountry loyalists and Indians. "By the latest
accounts from the back parts of this province I have the strongest assurances of the steadiness of the
friends of government in those districts and that the Indians are ready to receive and protect all those
oppressed people who are obliged to fly from their habitations." He writes that he is sending "Messrs
Macklaurin and Phillips into the back parts of this province through the Creek and Cherokee nations to
encourage that spirit which has hitherto reigned there, and to assure them they are not forgotten."
Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 166) Colonel Thomson's men are soon detached to deal with Indian
uprisings. See July 11.
July 9, 1776
Commodore Sir Peter Parker writes to Philip Stevens with a detailed account of events since May 19.
(Davies/Documents-Transcripts pp 167-171)
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A surgeon aboard a ship in Parker's fleet writes to a doctor in London, "All our motions were so languid
and innervate, that it was the 9th of June before …" "The troops have been encamped on Long-Island
since the 15th, and it was intended that General Clinton should pass the neck that separates Long-Island
from Sullivan's Island and attack by land while Sir Peter attacked by sea. General Lee had made such a
disposition of masked batteries, troops, &c that it is the opinion of all the officers of the Army whom I
have heard mention this circumstance, that if our troops had attacked, they must have been cut off; but
this assertion does not satisfy the Navy, for they certainly expected great assistance from the Army."
(Morgan/Naval Docs pp 1002-1003) "But there was a time when the battery appeared to be silenced for
more than an hour; the Navy say, had the troops been ready to land at this time, they could have taken
possession." A high tide would have favored an amphibious assault when the fort was silenced around
3:00 pm. Clinton's excuse for not crossing then was that he had no naval support after the three ships
grounded on the Middle Ground shoals. Parker's excuse for not landing his marines as planned when the
fort was silenced was equally feeble. Note – by the time the fort fell silent, the army's attempted crossings
already had been repelled and the fleet had suffered severe damage.
In his memoirs, Clinton later says, "Nothing, therefore, was now left for us to do but to lament that the
blood of brave and gallant men had been so fruitlessly spilt, and prepare for re-embarking as soon as
possible." (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 35) While the British on Long Island wait for the transport ships
to evacuate them, patriots on Sullivan's Island remain on guard against another attack. The troops begin
moving to transports on July 12.
July 11, 1776
In a letter to Rutledge, Thomson writes about "sending Deserters Letters to the Enemy", who have
doubled their sentinels. He thanks Rutledge for lending him a spyglass. (Salley/Orangeburg p 440)
British agents have instigated Cherokee Indian uprisings in conjunction with the attack on Sullivan's
Island. (See July 8.) On July 11, Thomson writes to Rutledge that his officers and men are concerned for
their families in the backcountry. A lieutenant resigns his commission when Thomson disapproves his
request for leave. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 439-440) This month, Thomson furnishes a detachment of
about 100 men for an expedition against the Cherokees in upper South Carolina. The uprising will be
quelled in three months of brutal action, leaving the Cherokee nation incapable of annoying the settlers.
(Salley/Orangeburg pp 352-353) Moultrie writes, "The Indians being attacked on all sides, sued for
peace; which was granted them, upon their giving up all the lands to the eastward of the Oconee
Mountains. If the British had set their Indian allies upon us a few months before Sir Henry Clinton and
Sir Peter Parker made their descent on South-Carolina, they would have disconcerted us very much, by
keeping thousands of our back country people from coming down; because they must have staid at home
to protect their familes from the savages. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 185)
July 13, 1776
British soldier William Falconer writes a letter to his brother, Anthony in Scotland. The letter is found on
Long Island after the British evacuate, and published August 2nd in the SC and American General Gazette.
This is the first publication since the presses were removed to safety in May. Falconer writes, "If the
ships could have silenced the battery, the army was to have made an attack on the back of the island;
where, they had about one thousand men, entrenched up to their eyes – besides a small battery of four
guns, one 18, and three 4-pounders; all loaded with grape-shot. So, that they would have killed half of us,
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before we could make our landing good." He also writes of the miserable conditions on Long Island, "We
have been encamped on this island for this month past, and have lived upon nothing but salt pork and
peas; we sleep upon the sea-shore, nothing to shelter us from the rains but our coats, or a miserable paltry
blanket – there is nothing that grows upon the island, it being a mere sand-bank, and a few bushes, which
harbor millions of musketoes, a greater plague than there can be in hell itself." …"this infernal place.
The oldest of our officers do not remember of ever undergoing such hardships as we have done since our
arrival here." (Wells/Gazette) (Drayton p 330 has a more readable version of the text published in 1821.
Gibbes/Documentary History also has a good version on pp 19-20)
July 15, 1776
Thomson writes to President Rutledge that the enemy remains on Long Island, contrary to a statement in
Peter Timothy's Gazette. He says he is "very sorry that the snuff was blown in Mr Timothy's Eyes for he
is very much mistaken in saying that all the Troops have left Long Island and gone on board the
Transports." At 11 am Thomson observes what appears to be patriot troops from the mainland attempting
to reconnoiter the British entrenchments. The British fire on them 10 times with field pieces, doing no
damage but causing the patriots to run. The British tents are still standing on the beach. Thomson
watches about 150 men, women and children marching east, apparently to embark. Goat (aka Green or
Willow) Island is now clear of soldiers, the flat bottom boats are gone, and the naval force has made a
move to push off. Thomson expects the land forces to leave in a few days. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 440441)
July 20, 1776
The 2nd Continental Congress passes the following resolution commending General Lee, Colonel
Moultrie, Colonel Thomson and their officers and men. (Drayton p 307)
"Philadelphia, July 20th, 1776
IN CONGRESS
"Resolved, That the thanks of the United States of America be given to Major General Lee,
Colonel William Moultrie, Colonel William Thomson, and the officers and soldiers under their
commands; who, on the 28th of June last, repulsed, with so much valour, the attack which was made on
the State of South Carolina, by the fleet and army, of his Britannic Majesty."
"That Mr. President transmit the foregoing resolution, to Major General Lee, Col. Moultrie, and
Col. Thomson.
"By order of the Congress.
"JOHN HANCOCK, President"
The wording of the Declaration of Independence was approved July 4th, but most of the signatures were
added later. Historians believe many of the 56 men signed on August 2nd. The uplifting news that led to
this resolution in mid-July surely provided comfort and assurance to those signing their names to the
dangerous document in that troubled time.
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The same day, Edward Rutledge writes to Robert R. Livingston in Philadelphia. He says that at the same
time as the naval attack the British "…attempted to land a body of about 2,000 men in 35 [sic] Flat
Bottom Boats on a distant part of the island …" Rutledge says "…we had about 3000 men [an error]
posted there with 2 Field pieces & an 18 poundr under the Command of Col. Thompson of the Rangers
who twice repulsed their whole Force with Loss on their Side, but none on his own. (Morgan/Naval Docs
p 1160) Edward Rutledge is the brother of SC President John Rutledge. He is the youngest signer of the
Declaration of Independence, law partner of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and future Governor of South
Carolina. Livingston is a founding father from New York, a member of the Committee of Five who
drafted the Declaration of Independence.
July 20-31, 1776
July 20-26, Clinton and most of the troops from Long Island sail for New York. Clinton arrives July 31.
(Russell/Victory p 238)
The last ship to leave is the armed Glasgow Packet, which grounds crossing the bar at Spence's Inlet and
is captured by a patriot row galley of 10 guns. Highlander Captain Campbell and six crewmen escape in a
longboat, but 30 British officers and men and 50 Highlanders are taken prisoner. The patriots strip and
burn the ship. This is the fourth British ship lost in the Battle of Sullivan's Island. (Bearss/NPS p 107)
(Foster/Diary p 82)
July 30, 1776
In his orders of the day, Lee states that Thomson's and Sumter's regiments will soon be separated from
him and returns "his warmest thanks to the colonels, to the officers and to the men for the zeal, alacrity
and spirit which they have displayed on all occasions …" (Elliott/Diary p 233)
August 2-3, 1776
The last of Parker's ships sails away. Parker soon arrives in New York, where local patriots had penned a
verse for him: "Now bold as a Turk, I proceed to New York, Where with Clinton and Howe you may find
me. I've the wind in my tail and am hoisting my sail, To leave Sullivan's Island behind me."
(Russell/Victory p 256) For the first time in two months, Charles Town's coast is clear. (Bearss/NPS p
107) (Foster/Diary p 83)
As they move north, the British allegedly ravage the coastline, taking at least 50 slaves from outlying
plantations. The last ship to leave, the Active, lands at Thomas Shubrick's plantation of Bull's Island. A
force of "40 White and 20 black men" seizes livestock, provisions and six slaves who were undoubtedly
more willing to risk their lot with the British. (Ryan/Jeremiah p 151)
An express from the Continental Congress arrives August 2nd with accounts that "on the 4th day of July,
that body, had declared the United Colonies, Free and Independent States." (Drayton p 314) Citizens are
overcome with joy and pain as Charles Town celebrates with bonfires and impromptu parades.
(Russell/Victory pp 243-244)
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The militia, which had been drawn from the interior, is discharged upon departure of the fleet. Nearly
2000 had served daily in June and July at a cost of about 20 shillings per man per day. (Drayton p 309)
August 7-8, 1776
Per Rutledge's, instructions, Thomson orders a 130-man detachment from the 3rd Regiment to accompany
General Lee on an expedition to East Florida. Thomson appears to be writing from Sullivan's Island.
(Salley/Orangeburg pp 441-442) Other parts of the Third Regiment also will serve as attachments to
larger units in South Carolina and Georgia. I cannot find evidence the regiment ever served as a
complete unit in one place.
In a letter written on August 7 to John Hancock, President of Congress, General George Washington
relays intelligence from two deserters from the Solebay in New York. Referring to the aftermath of the
Battle of Sullivan's Island, the deserters stated "That the Admiral turn'd Gen'l Clinton out of his Ship after
the Engagement with a great deal of abuse – Great Differences between the principal naval and military
Gentlemen." (NYHS/Lee Papers pp 206-207)
On August 8, Hancock encloses Washington's letter in a letter to Lee, directing him to return to
Philadelphia to assist in the impending battle. Lee departs for Philadelphia on or after September 9.
Before departing, he wraps up affairs in Georgia and Purrysburg, and expresses his esteem for the conduct
of the officers of the South Carolina battalions under his command. (NYHS/Lee Papers pp 258-259)
August 11, 1776
Lee offers Moultrie command of a campaign against St Augustine (East Florida). Moultrie assures Lee
that his brother being Royal governor of Florida is not an issue. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 185) The Moultries
were accomplished people. John Moultrie was a loyalist who moved from Charles Town to Florida and
served as Lieutenant Governor and Acting Governor.
August 13, 1776
Patriot leader William Bull writes to his half-brother in London, "All your friends are now well and in
high spirits, having on the 28th of June, not only repelled a formidable Land Force, but having sustained
one of the heaviest and most incessant cannonades against a Fort…" He says that at Breach Inlet, "The
two camps were not above 400 yards asunder … While the Fort was attacked by the ships, they began a
smart fire upon our troops and several of their shells fell in our lines, without killing a single man. One
Brigade either had embarked in their flat bottom boats or were about it, when they received such a fire
from our troops as made them think it would be out of their power to get Thompson's consent to land,
without which their Army would have pretty well melted down, by the time they would have got to the
Fort." He adds a P.S. "When Administration [the Royal government in London] gets an account of the
action at Sullivan's Island, they will be devilishly at a loss, how to dress it up for the public."
(SCHS/Divers pp 20-22) Bull was not an eyewitness, but his account is similar to others. However, his
400 yard distance is inaccurate – the enemy camps actually were about 1½ miles apart. By "camps" he
may have been referring to fighting positions near the oyster bank, which were much closer. Period maps
indicate the closest artillery emplacements were about ½ mile (880 yards) apart. Other sources indicate
troops on both sides fought with rifles and muskets from positions in front of their artillery. At low tide,
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less than 400 yards of water separated tidal flats and marshes that were occupied by troops on the west
end of Breach Inlet. Exposed beaches, marshes, and tidal flats of wet sand and mud would be dangerous
territory for infantry on either side facing entrenched forces.
August 14, 1776
Henry Laurens write a long letter to his son, John offering perspectives on his travel to Georgia, the Battle
of Sullivan's Island, slavery, the Indian uprising, Tories, etc. (NYHS/Lee Papers pp 217-229)
August 21, 1776
King George III writes to Lord Sandwich expressing his disappointment. "… the attack upon Charles
Town has not been crowned with success, …perhaps I should have been as well pleased if it had not been
undertaken." (Russell/Victory p 274)
August 24, 1776
Colonel William Thomson writes to President of the Continental Congress, John Hancock from Charles
Town, expressing appreciation for the commendation dated July 20th and transmitted on the 22nd. He
writes … "my Life and Fortune are devoted to the Cause of the thirteen United States of America & to the
general propagation of Liberty…" (Salley/Orangeburg pp 442-443)
The London Gazette publishes excerpts of Parker's and Clinton's accounts of the battle. The long Parker
account says that on the afternoon of June 28th, "…the Fort was then totally silenced, and evacuated for
near one Hour and a half: but the Rebels, finding that our Army could not take possession, about Six
o'Clock a considerable Body of People re-entered the Fort and resumed firing … The Lordships will see
plainly by this Account, that if the Troops could have cooperated in this attack, His Majesty would have
been in Possession of Sulivan's Island." The short, edited Clinton account blames bad intelligence about
the depth of the inlet and omits other reasons for the army's failure. (Harrison/London Gazette) (Parker's
full account is in Parker/Narrative p 84)
This leads to public ridicule of Clinton. He is furious, feuds with Parker, and devotes extensive effort to
making excuses. Prime Minister Lord North, Secretary of State for America Lord Germain, and King
George privately find no fault with his conduct, but the sensitive Clinton is embittered by the
government's failure to publicly exonerate him. His friends in the House of Commons attack the
government on his behalf. When he returns to England in spring of 1777, Clinton is presented the Order
of the Bath to reestablish his prestige. (Boatner/Encyclopedia pp 204-205)
Sir Henry eventually admits his conduct might have been overcautious, "never having had a command
[and being] fearful of a blunder [in] the first I attempted". (Willcox/Clinton memoirs p 32 note)
Soon after the Battle
Citing examples of the catastrophic campaign, a commentary in an opposition newspaper in Great Britain
writes, "Who does not see that our just and omnipotent Creator approves of this resistance? The man who
believes that the Sullivan's Island affair was accidental, is an Atheist." (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 40)
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November 30, 1776
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal publishes an ingenious lampoon attributed to "a late London
Paper". (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 44)
QUESTION. What is a coup de Main?
ANSWER. A very sudden attack, which takes only a month to prepare for, and 10 hours to
execute.
Q. If it is necessary for troops to pass a ford, how are we to know the depth of the water?
A. Be inquiring of the enemy, who will inform us truly – allowing for the difference between feet
and inches.
Q. When ought a fort be entered?
A. Not when it is silenced and evacuated for an hour and a half.
Q. What will be the most authentic detail of the victory at Fort Sullivan?
A . A court-martial account.
1778
A British official, assumed to be James Simpson, submits a critical report which is thought to have been
received by Lord Germain. Simpson had served in various governmental capacities in the province of
South Carolina before the Revolution, including royal attorney general. He was a resident of Charles
Town and witnessed the events of June 1776. Simpson criticizes Parker and Clinton for their ignorance
and ineptness and suggests an investigation. The report reflects the perspective of a displaced official as it
highlights the dominance of rebellious attitudes and suppression of dissention, the weakness of patriot
defenses prior to Lee's arrival, and the residents' apprehension in the face of "Upwards of Sixty Sail of
Ships". Simpson states that the total patriot force in the Charles Town area "never consisted of five
thousand men", many of whom "served by compulsion". They were prepossessed with being beat and
made arrangements for retreat at least as far as Dorchester [20 miles inland, where the records had been
sent]. Simpson says the patriot force could not be considered formidable against the British army's "three
thousand five hundred regular Troops, well officered Armed and disciplined, And a powerful Fleet…"
Recounting the action of June 28, he states, "…Had the Conduct of the Commanders, equaled the
Courage of their men, we should not have occasion at this day to lament so disgraceful a disaster." The
report lists reasons for the defeat that include
1. The elapsed time between arrival and attack, which enabled the rebels to receive expert advice,
prepare, and receive reinforcements.
2. Attacking the island instead of the town, when the warships could have passed Ft Sullivan and Ft
Johnson with little damage and Clinton's troops could have landed on the unfortified neck above
the town.
3. Clinton placing his force on Long Island where they could not be of service, and not moving after
he realized the situation, when an attack onto Sullivan's Island was feasible. Consequently, the
army could not take advantage of any impression made by the navy and they could not assault the
incomplete land side of the fort.
4. Parker placing his ships at 800 yards distance from the fort, when they might have been at 150
yards with the same degree of safety and infinitely more effect. Blaming the pilots is
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unacceptable, when the captain of the Cherokee and his men, who were well-acquainted with the
channel and the island, were but a few hours sail away at Tybee Island (near Savannah), Georgia.
(Kepner/British View)
1780
During the Siege of Charleston, the Royal Navy sails past Fort Moultrie on April 8. 11 of 12 ships
attempting the passage succeed and enter the harbor with minor damage. 27 British sailors are killed or
wounded; there are no patriot casualties. With the military value of the fort reduced, some troops are
relocated from Fort Moultrie to the mainland. On May 4, about 150 British sailors and marines make an
unopposed landing on the northeast end of Sullivan's Island. Reinforced by 200 more men, they close in
on Fort Moultrie. The patriot garrison of about 100 militia and 118 Continentals from the 1st Regiment of
SC surrenders on May 7. (Borick/Gallant Defense pp 205-206)
Clinton orders soundings to prove the navy anchored too far from the fort on June 28, 1776. According to
Terry Lipscomb, "Sir Henry Clinton's soundings off Sullivan's Island in 1780 confirmed the general
consensus that the ships could have anchored within 150 yards of the shore, and perhaps even as close as
seventy. (They reportedly anchored 400-800 yards away.) British sources variously impute the behavior
of the pilots to ignorance, fright, or deception, and even the Annual Register commented on their "strange
unskillfulness". The pilots may have been more familiar with the harbor than their performance during
the battle suggests. According to a claim against the state arising from the British seizure of one Harry,
"most valuable Negroe man pilot", Harry had been trained by his master William Stone, who was one of
the most able pilots on the Carolina coast. Another slave owner, Jacob Waldron, is reimbursed 800
pounds for a black pilot who was seized by a man-of-war. This shows how knowledgeable, skilled and
valuable the pilot was. (Ryan/Jeremiah notes on p 219)
Later
The fort is abandoned and falls into disrepair after a hurricane in October 1783. When President George
Washington visits Fort Moultrie on May 5, 1791, there is scarcely a trace of the fort left. (Bearrs/First
Two Fort Moultries pp 16-19)
Colonel Moultrie becomes a major general and governor of South Carolina. He publishes his Memoirs of
the American Revolution in 1802, three years before his death. Volume 1 becomes an oft-used source for
historical accounts about the Battle of Sullivan's Island. (Moultrie/Memoirs)
Clinton devotes the last 12 years of his life to compiling his complete memoirs of the American
Rebellion. The collection of valuable documents remains in the hands of the family nearly 150 years.
When it is published in 1954, his editor calls it an "apologia for a career failed", partially due to an
overabundance of caution and self-doubt. Clinton's best summary of reasons for the army's failure at
Breach Inlet is found in Morgan/Naval Docs pp 782-784. He never admits that his failure to successfully
cross to Sullivan's Island and attack the fort was a major factor contributing to the ultimate British defeat.
In 1971, the editor of his memoirs will write "Britain had worse defeats in the course of the war, but no
more egregious fiasco". (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p xxi) (Russell/Victory pp 260-261)
Doug MacIntyre
TIMELINE
November 24, 2010
Page 37
EVENTS RELATING TO THE BATTLE AT THE BREACH
According to British historian Esmond Wright, the British army's failure to take Fort Sullivan from the
rear was caused by a lack of either boats, guts, or intelligence. Observations in Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp
37-38:
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Even if Clinton's original plan to ford the inlet had been feasible, it would not have facilitated a
simultaneous land and sea assault. The navy would need to attack on a high tide to get close to the
fort and the army would need to attack on a low tide to ford the inlet.
Clinton knew his strategy was in jeopardy when Thomson took advantage of British delays to
fortify his side of the Breach.
A diversion toward Mt Pleasant would not have succeeded because the patriots analyzed the
pattern of scouting and knew the limited British alternatives. The patriots defended the likely
landing area in force, and any British assault would require rowing up creeks in near single file.
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Sumter's 6th Regiment of SC was deployed in the area.
The grounding of the frigates on the Middle Ground shoals either thwarted Clinton's plans for a
diversion on the mainland or gave him a legitimate excuse to forego the attempt. It is not clear
what the diversion would accomplish.
Clinton did not want to engage Thomson's Advanced Guard on the 28th. The relocated and
improved defensive line had moved the patriots beyond easy range of British mortars, and the
British forward artillery positions could not be maintained during high tide. In addition, the
patriots had demonstrated skill during the previous 10 days of combat.
Clinton had enough boats to transport only 600-700 men (less than ¼ of his total force) in each
wave of an attempted amphibious crossing. A 30-minute turnaround time was needed to transport
each successive wave.
The troops had to cross and land by way of a channel so narrow it forced the boats into single file,
exposed all the while to the patriot battery.
The patriot 18 pounder and some small-caliber brass field pieces all were loaded with grape shot.
Sergeant Jasper's daughter has the hilt of the sword presented to him by President Rutledge melted down
and cast into a pair of dessert spoons. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 51)
Some 75 years later, shifting sands uncover remains of the Advanced Guard redoubt. It appears to have
been constructed of palmetto logs on a brick foundation. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 37)
On March 17, 1861 Confederate troops of the Washington Light Infantry moved to “Thompson’s Point”
on the east end of Sullivan’s Island and erected fortifications on the same ground Thomson’s men
occupied 85 years earlier. They called the post Fort Washington. When the shelling of Fort Sumter
started the Civil War on April 12, 1861, 170 men of the WLI were at the site, expecting an attack from
Federal boats at any moment. (Schreadley/Value and Virtue pp 122-125)
In 1901, Historian Dr. Edward McCrady observes that the battle was the first "absolute victory" [over the
British military] and one of the most complete and decisive victories of the Revolution.
(McCrady/Revolution pp 160-161)
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