Social Support Amongst Chinese and Polish
Migrants in Europe
Prof. Robin Goodwin, School of Social Sciences
Brunel University, London
Social Support
• Social support: ‘social interactions or relationships that
provide individuals with actual assistance or with a
feeling of attachment to a person or group that is
perceived as loving or caring’ (Hobfoll & Stokes, 1988,
p. 499).
• Over the past three decades, social support has been a
major topic for social psychological investigation.
• Support viewed as ‘one of the basic building blocks of
social, psychological and biological integrity’ (Hobfoll,
et al. 1990, p. 466).
Social Support (II)
• Both formal and informal support networks seen
as leading to better health.
• Social support promotes self-worth, bolsters
individuals against stress and helps individuals
positively appraise undesirable events.
• Recent attention to culture as a moderator of
benefits of social support.
• Migration process has number of implications for
support receipt.
Social Support and Migrants
• Migrants from different cultures have different support
needs (e.g. collectivist vs. individualist groups).
• Migrants move to different host cultures with different
support values and traditions
• The demanding lifestyle of most migrants may mean:
– Little time for building networks
– Inability to participate in ‘give and take’ exchanges
– Competition between members of own community
for work etc.
– High expectations from ‘back home’ to ‘deliver’
In This Paper
• Two recent studies conducted with colleagues
from around Europe on ‘less studied’ groups
• Study 1: Chinese migrants in different European
countries. Large but understudied migrant group
entering different contexts with varied migration
histories
• Study 2: Polish migrants to the UK. Substantial
and rapid new migration from country with
distinct values (European Values Survey)
• Common thread: interest in development of social
networks and relations with wider host societies.
Chinese Emigration
• Unprecedented levels since the onset of reforms in 1978
• Liberalisation of migration with the Emigration Law of
1985 – ‘leave China fever’ (Pieke, 2006)
• Educated Chinese participate in graduate programmes in
the West (mainly in US)
• A foreign extension of the domestic phenomenon of xia
hai (‘to go to sea’) to give up employment in the state
sector and try one’s luck in the market sector (e.g. moving
to Southern China where opportunities are better).
Chinese migration – beginning of
20th century – North America
Chinese Emigration to Europe
• Chinese migration to Europe dates back to the
second half of the nineteenth century
• Increased after 1978 and 1985 emigration
changes.
• Total Chinese population in Europe adds up to
more than half a million people (Pieke, 2006). No
reliable data at all for the number of illegal
immigrants.
• Strict limitations on employment and settlement
after graduation largely excluded the benefits of
brain-drain from China on which the US
capitalized.
Research in Europe
• Scholars mostly dealt with Southeast Asia,
North America and Australia.
• Results remained in unpublished reports or
dissertations in local language.
• More research in countries with large
communities: France, Britain, Netherlands
• Some research on Chinese communities in
Belgium, Czech Republic,
Denmark,Germany, Hungary, Portugal,
Romania, Spain
Confucian influence and education
• Educational sphere important area for study; issue
of moulding of next generation.
• Chinese schooling expectations different from that
of many European countries. Learning the highest
priority: Doing one’s best is paramount. Pass with
4, fail with 5…
• Perseverance and obedience are essential qualities
of a good son and daughter, In Chinese societies
teachers are highly respected.
• Often formal support provision seen as
‘compensatory’; risks viewing minority in terms
of deficits.
The need to study different countries
• Many aspects of the Chinese presence can be properly
understood only when studied on a European rather
than a national level (Pieke, 2006)
• Presence of Chinese in different European countries
varies greatly, as do histories of migration.
• Comparing the experiences of Chinese groups in
different European countries throws greater light on
their adaptation processes.
• A study of different perception and treatment of them
in different countries can focus on the contextual
factors
A Four-country Study
•
•
•
•
Germany
Hungary
Spain
UK
• Project colleagues:
–
–
–
–
Marta Fulop and LanAnh Nguyen Luu, Hungary
Kerstin Goebels, Germany
Hector Grad and Luisa Martin Rojo, Spain
Project Funder: British Academy
Germany
• First Chinese arrived in Germany in the 1820s.
• At present second largest PRC national
community in Europe. Second biggest number to
seek asylum in Europe is also in Germany.
• 16 Chinese students and academic associations in
Germany.
• Not seen as a “problematic” immigrant group.
Often musicians and actors in public limelight
Britain
• Dominated by Hong Kong, Singapore and Malaysian
Chinese.
• Lowest recorded unemployment rate of any group.
Upwardly mobile.
• Speak English fluently or fairly well.
• Males have the highest proportion of all ethnic minorities
with a university degree.
• Chinese British women more than twice as likely to have
a university degree than British European.
• Young Chinese have high self-esteem and positive
feelings about themselves and society.
• Relatively unlikely to report racial discrimination
compared to other ethnic groups
Spain
• Chinese immigration is recent – mainly from Zhejiang
province (70%).
• Spanish teachers have generally low educational
expectations of immigrant children.
• Lack of Chinese students asking questions. Seen as
being dumb and not wanting to integrate (Perez. 2006).
Teachers highlight deficits of students.
• Despite Chinese students seen as well behaved their
educational achievement is low.
• Chinese students mostly join their parents’ business
instead of continuing with higher education
Hungary
• Various international surveys show low lack of integration
tolerance in Hungary
• After 1989-1990, Chinese communities appeared. Largely
northern Chinese. These largely arrived by the TransSiberian trains from Beijing and Chinese from Zhejiang
province. Now about 7% of immigrants.
• Chinese parents have above the average income in
Hungary – but low prestige: connected to small shops.
• 2003 Chinese school in Budapest: open to Chinese and
Hungarian children, emphasizes transnational “double”
identity, teachers and textbooks are also from China
• As in other countries: Asian students get into high school
(gymnasium) in greater proportion than Hungarian
speaking migrant children
The Sample
Country
No. Resp.
% in sample
Germany
58
26.6
Hungary
47
21.6
Spain
56
25.7
UK
57
26.1
All
218
100
Sample Demographics
• Number of years in host country: M = 12.6 years;
SD = 6.76
• Only 4 respondents were not married
• About 30% of the respondents originally from
Zheijang province in China, about 15% of the
participants originally from Hong Kong (in UK).
• Average number of children is 2 (SD = 0.86),
ranging from 1 to 4 children.
Method
• Questionnaire with largely closed-ended questions.
• Questionnaire completed by mother in Chinese and
focused on oldest child. Topics examined included
– Social networks (contact with host community and
‘back home’).
– Perception of gender and cultural discrimination.
– Emotional, practical and informational support to the
family for education-related matters.
– Child’s social network and integration at school
Findings 1: Contact with host and
Chinese society
• Around a third (34%) are member of Chinese
associations. 77% like to have contact with other
Chinese living in the country.
• Significantly more Chinese are members of a Chinese
association and like to keep contact with Chinese in the
UK (p < .05).
• 87% like to have contact with the host group.
• Chinese living in the UK and Hungary like to have
significantly less contact with host group (26% mothers
in UK, 19% in Hungary did not like to have contact).
Correlates with both mother and child’s language
competence (.15, .19., p< .05).
2: Contact With China
• Contact with China : more than 50% at least weekly.
• Chinese living in Hungary the most frequent contact,
Chinese living in the UK the least (p< .001).
• 26% send money to China; 40% travel at least once a
year to China.
• 78% read Chinese newspapers at least weekly; 73%
watch Chinese television daily. Chinese living in
Hungary visit China more, read and watch more
Chinese TV and newspapers (p< .001).
• May be due to language skills (self rated competency
lowest for both mothers and the child in Hungary)
Practical Support
• Several aspects of support were reported.
These include:
– Half of respondents mentioned they received
help for school equipment and obtaining books.
– 17% mentioned they received financial support.
• Spain least need (except for financial help);
UK the most need.
Informational Support
• Where to send the child to school
mentioned by 63% as a need (41% received
this information)
• Child’s progress in school mentioned by
53% (52% received this).
• Homework related support noted by 23%
(70% got support for this)
Emotional Support
• Most commonly mentioned problem was
underachievement (53%). However 39%
mentioned bullying, 29% discrimination.
• Help for these (from different sources) was
mentioned by 48% mothers (underachievement),
71% (discrimination) and 61% (bullying).
• Problems most likely to be reported by UK
mothers, but these also reported getting most
help (p< .001). Almost all in UK managed to get
help with problems.
Support Sources (%)
30
25
20
Emotional
Informational
Practical
15
10
5
0
Family
school
government
other
chinese
other host
chinese
association
Teachers’ Treatment
• Most (75%) mothers suggest teachers treat
Chinese and host students equally well.
• Chinese mothers in Germany felt teachers
encourage host students more (33%).
• 92% mothers overall thought teachers
equally encourage boys and girls
Teachers treatment/ efforts with the
child and parent
60
50
40
30
very well/ great effort
well/ some effort
not well/ no effort
20
10
0
teacherchild
teacherparent
teachers
effort
explain
Child’s Network
•
•
•
•
94% have friends in school.
58% friends among hosts.
27% amongst Chinese (more in Hungary).
15% other nationalities.
Children’s networks
50
45
40
35
30
25
always
often
sometimes
never
20
15
10
5
0
friends helpschoolwork
helps friends schoolwork
friends help relations
helps friendsrelations
Social Integration in General
• How well do Chinese people in the host country
get on with the people of the host country in
general? (From 1=very easy to 4=not easy at all)
No country difference. M = 2.45; SD = 0.78.
• How well do Chinese people in the host country
understand to deal with problems at school? (From
1=very well to 4=not at all well) No country
difference. M = 1.97; SD = 0.75.
• Chinese mothers living in Hungary and UK
significantly less satisfied with life overall
(SWLS) (p< .05).
In Our Study…
• Parental values the same among Chinese in the four
country. Iimportance of education is highly valued.
• Discrimination in education is not experienced by
the majority of respondents. No country differences.
• Support is sufficiently provided from a range of
different sources. Bullying and discrimination is
highest in the UK but the highest rate of help too.
• Children and parents are satisfied with children’s
integration to school.
• Children are well embedded in peer social network.
Poles In Britain
Poles in the UK
• Polish migration the largest single European
migration since the expansion of the EU east in
2004.
• The UK the most popular country of destination;
Estimates difficult but between 400,000
(registered workers) and 1 million have come to
the UK since may 2004. Poles now represent the
3rd largest ethic minority in the UK
• Unusually widely spread. Large numbers in small
villages/ towns unused to large-scale migration
(e.g. Scottish islands).
Looking for work
Social integration
I think that frankly they haven’t
got the time if they are working a
12-hour day, seven days a week”
Dr. Jan Mokrzycki, Federation
of Poles in Great Britain
Our Study
• Longitudinal two-year study of value and belief change
and its relationship to social integration, support networks,
use of formal services (e.g. NHS) and political
participation.
• Data collected online (www.polesinbritain.org.uk).
• Participants new migrants to the UK (no more than 3
months). Data collected in 3 waves: July/ August 2007
(completed) + 9 months + 9 months. 400 respondents at
phase 1.
• In addition: 30 Polish migrants interviewed twice, a year
apart.
• Just completed phase 1 of study.
Research Team
• Sponsor: British Academy
• Researcher: Kinga Kunowska
• Other research participants:
– Dr Anat Bardi (University of Kent)
– Prof Pascale Allotey (Brunel University)
Participant Recruitment
• Very wide range of recruiting
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
Food shops (specialist) and newsagents in Polish areas.
Door to door leafleting.
Polish language magazines (Cooltura, Goniec etc).
Internet sites (onet.eu; londynek.net, Poles in Glasgow
etc). Internet cafes.
Churches (Masses, outside) and priests’ contacts.
Terminal 5 building.
Employment agencies for Poles.
Community organisations (e.g. BARKA).
Victoria Coach station.
Our Sample
• 618 questionnaire respondents. 50:50 sex
distribution
• > 2/3rds arrived in previous 3 months (419)
• Largest group left school with matura (39%)
Sizeable population with University qualifications
(27%).
• Most in full time paid work in the UK (61%) but
16% part time paid work and 17% without work.
• Work in wide variety of professions; 2/3rds
manual work (porters, cooks, warehouses,
cleaners, pickers). Also some software engineers,
business consultants, doctors…
Further Demographics
• Almost 70% single; 25% married.
• 24% with children; 43% have other relatives in the
UK
• Most intend to stay for a further 2-5 years (38%)
or more than 5 years (25%). After that most
thought they would return to Poland (2/3rds of
those who knew). However around half intended
to apply for British citizenship.
• Respondents were from across Britain
5
Actual N
5
3
6 2
1 23 28
1
8
6
8
11
Indicator
of sample
spread
24
15 7
3
25%
7
3
4
2
Who Gave Help?
35
30
25
20
Practical
Informational
15
Emotional
10
5
0
Family
Partner Colleagues
Polish
friends
British
friends
For. Community Other
Friends
No-one
Getting help (2)
• Three-quarters (76%) had someone they
could turn to to discuss intimate topics.
• They felt their relations with British people
were generally ‘moderately’ close; only 9%
said ‘very close’, 22% ‘very superficial’.
They felt they made British friends ‘from
time to time’ although ‘most of their friends
were Polish’.
Transnational Support: Help
From Back Home…
60
50
40
Very much
Quite a lot
A little
Nothing
30
20
10
0
General
contact
Practical
Informational
Emotional
Group Memberships and
Contacts
• Few were members of either formal or non-formal
workplace organisations (only 5%).
• 11% belonged to Polish clubs; 10% to other nonPolish groups in Britain.
• Most never or very rarely attended events
especially for the Polish community (90%). 71%
never (50%) or rarely (21% less than monthly)
attended Polish churches. 71% had no contact with
the established older Polish community in Britain.
Social distance: Willingness to
have a British person as…
45
40
35
30
Very willing
25
Willing
Moderate
20
Not willing
15
Not at all willing
10
5
0
Superficial
Business
Guest home Close friend
Girlfriend
Marriage
Discrimination: How Poles
Believe They Are Perceived?
70
60
50
40
Very much
A little
Not at all
30
20
10
0
Trusted
Liked
Respected Discriminated
Polish Study: Conclusions So Far
• Poles recently arrived in Britain get their practical
assistance primarily from family members, and
emotional help from their partners. They report
relatively low levels of discrimination.
• Polish friends are important for giving informational
support; others (such as British friends or Polish
community groups) gave relatively little social
support, although it may not have been required.
• Those ‘back home’ provide mainly emotional aid,
rather than practical or informational.
• They are willing to engage in social relations up to a
point with their British hosts, but are more sceptical
about longer term relationship commitments.
Final Remarks (1)
• These two very different studies examined support
networks and inter-group relations amongst understudied ethnic minorities in Europe.
• Findings for both are relatively positive, suggesting
that the Chinese in four countries, and Poles in the
UK, perceive relatively low levels of discrimination.
• Both largely perceived as ‘hard working migrants’.
• The (low) relevance in terms of community groups
for both the Chinese and Poles is notable. These
groups are perceived as providing provided
relatively little emotional, informational or practical
support.
Final Remarks (2)
• Language competency may be importance in links
with host community (Chinese study) but
willingness for really intimate social interaction
(such as marriage) may be more limited even
amongst less “visible” minorities (Polish data).
• Contact with ‘back home’ likely to be important,
but support available may be largely emotional
rather than practical or informational.
• Culture of the host may be significant and may of
course interact with immigration legislation in
determining future community numbers.
Thank You!
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