Cultural Autobiography Part 2 Amy Ong TE 822 Because of my family background and where I grew up, I have identified very strongly with my cultural identity as a Filipino-American and my upper middle socioeconomic status. Since writing the first part of my cultural autobiography, my views on these two identity markers has not changed. I was born and raised in Novi, Michigan, which is a affluent, mostly white suburban community. Most of the families in Novi are classified as having middle to high socioeconomic status; the median household income is $80,151 and only 4.8% percent of the population is reported as living below the poverty level (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). There is a great public school system, which I attended from kindergarten to high school. The community itself is not very diverse. About 73% of Novi’s residents are White and 16% are Asian (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). My father immigrated to the United States when he was in his late 20’s. He grew up extremely poor in the Philippines and came to this country in order to gain more educational and occupational opportunities. After meeting my mother, he was able to go to graduate school in order to become a Nurse Anesthetist. My mother is a first generation immigrant from England and has lived in the metro-Detroit area for most of her life. Because of my family and where I grew up, I have identified strongly with having an upper-middle socioeconomic status and being a Filipino-American. These aspects of my identity have been affected and shaped by the school experiences, and throughout those experiences I have had advantages with my cultural identity. Because of my socioeconomic status, as well as my cultural identity, I have always had the belief that school is a priority. My parents were able to provide me with ample educational toys while I was growing up. Also, my parents always made time in their busy schedules to read to me and help me with my homework. Because of the community I was raised in, I also had access to a great school system. Even in elementary school, we had regular access to computers. Also, there were numerous rewards programs set up that encouraged students to excel in their academics. Throughout elementary school we had “bank accounts” and in order to get more money in our accounts, we had to read books outside of school. Each book was worth $50. At the end of each month, our library became a huge store and we could write checks in order to purchase toys and candy. This can be classified by as an unearned advantage because as Novi students, we were given a competitive edge in life due to the incentive programs in our schools that resembled real life scenarios (Johnson, 2006). This allowed us to be able to learn real life skills at an early age. Because of funding Novi Community Schools receives, programs such as this were possible. Due to the high funding of the schools, more extracurricular activities were made available to the students. Being involved in extracurricular activities increases a student’s aspiration to stay in school (Hodges-Persell, 2010). These experiences allowed me to have the belief that school and education are important, and can lead to “more money” or success. My cultural identity has also shaped my belief in the importance of education. Growing up, my sister and I had very clear roles in our household. We had only two rules in which to follow: study hard and get good grades to have a successful future and obey your parents. My family, in general, has expressed that a successful future is equated to being a doctor, lawyer, or engineer. These ideals are rooted in my father’s cultural background and were adopted by my family. My cultural identity as a Filipino American comes with placing education as a priority. In the Philippines, education is one of the only ways a person can change their social status. Family members will often work overseas in order to provide money to their family. Filipinos believe that providing education for their children will give them a better life in the future. Woven in this set of principles is the myth of meritocracy (Langston, 2000). A lot of Filipino values are derived from American ideals due to being a territory of the United States for about 40 years. Although moving between social classes is very difficult in the Philippines, the myth of meritocracy ensures that there is always the false hope of doing so. Working overseas is often glorified by businesses promising better lives for their employees, frequently sharing testimonials demonstrating this. Therefore, when people work overseas, they often believe that if they work harder, they can improve their economic status. Although my father did work hard to succeed, an upper social class family, who was able to provide him with greater resources and opportunities, also sponsored him. He was able to benefit from the privileges given to an upper class family, even though he was not a part of that class. Because my father was able to move social classes, he internalized his success as a product of his hard work (Langston). It was always emphasized to me that hard work would lead to success. There was never any mention of advantages or disadvantages people may have which would allow the path to success being an easy road for some. In my family and my culture, a person’s success is directly linked with their work ethic. I believe the multidimensionality of my identity with greatly impact my future career as an urban high school teacher. Specifically, my expectations will be very high for my students. Because both my cultural and socioeconomic identity markers have instilled in me the importance of education, I hope to pass this on to my future students. Teachers have been found to have different expectations for students who come from different social classes, specifically, having greater expectations for the students from higher social classes (Hodges-Parsell). However, I believe my identity markers will assist in this phenomena occurring in my classroom. Because my father was born into a very low social class in the Philippines and was able to change classes after moving to the Untied States, I have high expectations for all students. However, because I also realize that my father was given certain opportunities, such as attending a private high school in the Philippines because of a wealth family, I hope to also provide my students with increased non-familial social capital. Social capital is a term used to describe the standards, support, and information acquired due to relationships and social networks (Conchas, 2006). Having a positive relationship with my students and setting high expectations will help me encourage them. Also, because I have built up strong relationships in the science profession, I could use this social network to further increase the social capital and ultimate success of my students. This will be particularly important because I will be teaching high school age students. At this age, students are determining who they want to be in life, being exposed to various career paths within the science field could be really beneficial. To gain a better understanding of the influence and impact certain identity markers will have on my future students, six high school senior girls were interviewed over a four-week period. These interviews asked the students how various aspects of their identity had an impact on their educational experiences. One identity marker that all of my interview students identified with strongly was their gender. Due to the students’ intersectionality, they have been exposed to different gender norms based on their racial and social class identity. The students informed me that African American men are expected to drop out of school or get arrested. However, African American women are expected to go into high education (Urban Scholars, personal communication, July 18, 2012). Typically, men are ranked above women of the same race and class (Lorber, 2000). However, in poorer groups, Almquist found that women are able to exceed men in educational and occupational statuses (Almquist, 1987, cited in Lorber). The gender norms that the Urban Scholars were exposed to greatly impacted their educational experiences. In school, the Urban Scholars noticed that teachers often spend more instructional time with the men in the classroom rather than the women. The students have interpreted this as encouraging the African American men to stay in school. The African American women in the classroom are not thought to need this extra attention because it is a gender expectation that African American women will do well in school and attend high education (Urban Scholars, personal communication, July 18, 2012). According to the cycle of socialization, these gender norms are reinforced by messages received at school during institutional and cultural socialization (Harro, 200-). Because of the lived experiences of the students, they are able to learn the rules associated with their gender, which is also influenced by their race and social class. In this particular situation, the teacher is attempting to change the gender norms of the community. Because African American females from poorer communities are considered at a higher educational and occupational status, the teachers are trying to interrupt the cycle of socialization (Harro). They have questioned these gender norms and are trying to reconstruct the rules so both African American men and women from the community are held to the same standard to graduating from high school and attending college. From my interviews with the Urban Scholars, I have also found that the students’ racial identity, African American, has had a great impact on their educational experiences. One of the students, Lacie, attends school in a majority white community. Because she is one of the few African American students at her school, she has become very aware of the white privilege awarded to other students at her school. She has mentioned that her classes rarely focus on the accomplishments of African American professionals and the instructional materials always highlight the white race (Urban Scholars, personal communication, July 26, 2012). These forms of white privilege in schools are also mentioned by Olson (Olson, 1999). In order to direction change from these forms of white privilege, Lacie started a Diversity Committee. Lacie questioned the messages of racial norms coming from the school and is trying to evoke new ways of thinking (Harro). Prior to the Diversity Committee, one poster was put up in the school for Black History month. However, now, speakers and presentations are available for students after school highlighting the cultural background of the minority students. Lacie, however, was the only student in the interview group that attended a majority white school. The other five students all attended school in which African Americans were the majority, and therefore had very different educational experiences than Lacie. In their schools, teachers frequently are making the subject culturally relevant for the students (Urban Scholars, personal communication, July 11, 2012). Students have been given a great deal of autonomy in certain classes that allows them to make cultural connections to the material. For example, one student reported a teacher withholding textbooks from students because it mostly contained information about White history. Instead, the teacher did her own research and provided her students with materials about African and African American history instead. As the majority race in their school, however, the students in turn oppress other minority groups. One student said, “Our school is made up of mostly Blacks and a few Caucasians. Oh there are Mexicans too, but no one pays attention to them” (Urban Scholars, personal communication, July 11, 2012). In this sense, the African American students have oppressed the Latino community through cultural imperialism (Young, 2000). In the high schools in Detroit that my students attend, African American history and culture is established as the norm. In turn, this oppresses the Latino community by determining their perspective as invisible. The students did not mention nor remember coving material that would be culturally relevant to the Latino students at their school. The identity markers of being female and African American greatly influence the beliefs and behaviors of the Urban Scholars in respect to their school experiences. Because the gender norms for African American females within their community are expected to seek out higher education, the students are very motivated in school. Even when they do not receive the same attention as the men in their classes, they understand that they are expected to succeed. This motivation has caused the Urban Scholars to become involved in many extracurricular activities to make themselves attractive candidates for college. The extracurricular activities of the interview group consist of member of National Honor society, student council, diversity committee, the volleyball team, the basketball team, and the dance team (Urban Scholars, personal communication, July 11, 2012). Because the students attend schools aimed at college prep, they recognize the importance of being involved in school enrollment and college acceptance. The importance of education has been similar between my past educational experiences and the educational experiences of the Urban Scholars. Because my interview group was comprised of six African American females from similar communities, they all shared the belief that getting a good education could lead them to a bright future. This was a gender norm that they had all been exposed to since a young age and was dictated by not only their gender, but their social class and racial background. Past teachers have also influenced the students view on education by adding culturally relevant material. The students stressed the importance of this aspect on their motivation in certain classrooms (Urban Scholars, personal communication, July 11, 2012). I share the belief that success is dependent on educational experiences and motivation in school, which was derived from my cultural identity as Filipino-American and my uppermiddle social class. If the students I have in the future share these ideals, the classroom has a potential to be a very productive learning environment. By having high expectations for my students and my students being highly motivated to do well in school, there is a possibility that the students could learn the content matter really well. However, my future students could also have a different view on their educational experiences. For example, my future students could have had teachers who did not infused classroom material with culturally relevant aspects. Because the Urban Scholars stressed the importance of this to me, I will try to frame the material in a culturally relevant way as much as I can while teaching chemistry and biology. This strategy would involve adding in issues that the students would care about such as ethics and race and they would be able to apply them to the ideal of justice, which Haberman argues is “good teaching” (Haberman, 1992). This strategy would involve critical consciousness because the students would be able to critique aspects of biology and chemistry fields that produce and maintain social inequality. References Conchas, G. Q. (2006). The Color of Success: Race And High-achieving Urban Youth. Teachers College Press. Haberman, M. (1992). The pedagogy of poverty. Retrieved from http://ruskinplc3.pbworks.com/f/Pedagogy+of+Poverty+Haberman.pdf Harro, B. (2000). The Cycle of Socialization. In M. Adams, W. J. Blumenfeld, R. Castañeda, H. W. Hackman, M. L. Peters, and X. Zuñiga (Eds.). 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Okazawa-Rey (Eds) Beyond heroes and holidays: a practical guide to K-12 anti-racist, multicultural education and staff development (pp. 83-84). Washington, DC: Network of Educators on the Americas. Young, I. M. (2000). Five faces of oppression. In Adams et al. (Eds.). Readings for diversity and social justice (pp. 35-49). New York: Routledge. U.S. Census Bureau. (2012, June 6). State & county Quickfacts: Novi, MI. Retrieved July 23, 2012, from http://quickfacts.census.gov.