Roy Wilkins and the NAACP during the Civil Rights Movement
Emily Claridge
JOUR 3007
May 13, 2015
When the topic of civil rights is discussed, names like Frederick Douglass, Booker T.
Washington, William Lloyd Garrison, and of course Martin Luther King Jr. are always the first
to appear. Roy Wilkins, head of the Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) from 1955-1977, hardly gets recognition for his efforts to promote equality for black
citizens in America. He is often forgotten in the history books, as he worked behind the scenes
with politicians and legal groups, and he believed the way to address inequality “was to ensure
that rights were protected through legislation and court rulings.”1 He worked alongside
organizations like the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Congress of Racial
Equality (CORE), and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) to bring awareness
and change to the fight for racial rights. Though known to be quiet and peaceful, there were
instances where Roy Wilkins would disagree with movements or leaders and would make his
opinions known in speeches or newspaper columns. Some moments in history involving
Wilkins’ rebellion that led to controversy in the media included the Freedom Rides led by
CORE, the creation of the term “Black Power”, and the Poor People’s March in Washington
D.C.
Roy Wilkins was born on August 30, 1901 in St. Louis Missouri, where he lived for only
five years. In 1906 his mother died and he moved to St. Paul, Minnesota to live with his aunt
and uncle. He studied Journalism at the University of Minnesota, and joined the staff of the
Minnesota Daily as the newspaper’s first black reporter. After graduating from the University
with honors, Wilkins joined the St. Paul branch of the NAACP and joined the staff of the
Minnesota Appeal and later the Kansas Call. He was involved with NAACP from the start of his
membership, attending the Midwestern Race Relations Conference where he met leaders James
1
Yvonne Ryan, Roy Wilkins, The Quiet Revolutionary and the NAACP, (Lexington: The University Press of
Kentucky, 2014), 2.
Weldon Johnson and Walter White. In 1930, White asked Wilkins to join the national staff in
New York as assistant secretary.2 Wilkins was chosen to be the Acting Executive Director of the
association when Walter stepped down in 1949. He always believed that “the organization has
not deviated from its original aim – it has insisted upon complete and absolute equality for all
Americans in the body politic – our fight is for the full attainment of civil rights for the Negro.”3
Over the next 46 years, Wilkins would fight for the cause of human liberty and work alongside
many civil rights activists through a variety of protests, legislation, speaking engagements, and
conventions.
There have been many articles, books, and other pieces of literature published about
leadership during the African American Civil Rights movement, including James Farmer, James
Lawson, Rosa Parks, and Fred Shuttlesworth. Roy Wilkins gets very little attention in this
spotlight and this activist’s first biography, Roy Wilkins, The Quiet Revolutionary and the
NAACP, wasn’t published until 2014. Due to his work behind the protests, marches, and
speeches, Wilkins at times gets overlooked and is forgotten to other larger names during the
time. He should have gotten more recognition as an intelligent but quiet strategist who used the
nation’s courts and Congress to fight for black equality. He focused on education, housing, and
jobs, and one article written after his passing argued that “If Martin Luther King Jr. was the heart
of the civil rights movement, Roy Wilkins was its mind.”4 He was an important part of the fight
for racial equality and deserves to be discussed more in the history books and classes. Starting
out his career in the journalism field, he knew the importance of communication and written
2
Sondra Kathryn Wilson, In Search of Democracy, The NAACP Writings of James Weldon Johnson, Walter White,
and Roy Wilkins (1920-1977) (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 301-302.
3
Julius J. Adams, “Roy Wilkins, Assumes Command As New NAACP Top Executive,” New York Amsterdam
News, 18 Jun. 1949.
4
“Roy Wilkins: Fighter for Equality,” Los Angeles Times, 9 Sep. 1981.
documentation, and he put timeless hours of work into preparing his written and spoken
messages.
The analysis of the situations that sparked controversy or disagreement between Wilkins
and the NAACP against other organizations focuses on articles from the following newspapers:
the New York Amsterdam News, New York Times, Christian Science Monitor, Chicago Tribune,
and Los Angeles Times. These publications, including both black and white newspapers, were
popular during the Civil Rights Era in the 1960s. These editors were able to speak directly with
Roy Wilkins, along with other leaders who may have been working alongside or indirectly with
him. Pieces showing the disagreement between these different equality groups were important,
showing how the fight for black equality was not always a united effort. There were
disagreements on the strategies and approaches to end segregation. The findings show that the
main reason for the variance depended on how the proposed actions aligned with the mission and
goals of the specific organization. Wilkins had a different leadership style than many including
Martin Luther King Jr. or Malcom X, but he was successful in the strategies he chose for the
NAACP to pursue. The following sections discuss some moments in history where Roy Wilkins
fought against the actions of other groups or leaders, which sparked some controversy in the
mass media.
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People faced difficulties when
trying to work with other civil rights groups, especially when there were disagreements on the
approach to combat segregation. One instance of this struggle is the issue of Freedom Rides,
where the NAACP was known to be “wary” of their future. Roy Wilkins had to clarify in the
media that these rides were led by the Congress of Racial Equality, and the NAACP has nothing
to do with these rides, even though it was suggested that they should be organizing these
movements5. Wilkins faced disapproval from the black community, as many thought the
NAACP did not agree with the Freedom Rides and thought they should be stopped. However,
Wilkins clarified that the organization is not opposed to these rides as a technique. Though not
involved personally, Wilkins knows the importance of these types of acts to get the necessary
attention from the country. He continued to argue for the importance of legal strategies saying
that “affirmative action by judicial, legislative, and executive means in indispensable” and that
“just because the NAACP does not agree down to the smallest detail with the plans and
procedures of other organizations is no reason for us to throw roadblocks in their way.”6
Language is critical when trying to spread messages, especially in times of adversity
when trying to speak to large audiences. In June of 1966, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee was planning a march in Greenwood, Mississippi and many its leaders were being
arrested. This caused anger in the group that led to the adoption of the term “Black Power”
instead of “Freedom Now” which had been used for the past six years. There were mixed
opinions on this term from black leaders across multiple organizations, including Dr. King who
believed they used a poor choice of words. Usually calm and collected, Roy Wilkins was
outraged and “he called black power the ‘father of hatred and the mother of violence.’”7 Wilkins
made his opinion known across multiple platforms, including the Chicago Tribune where he
states that the NAAACP prefers the ‘legitimate use of power’. He explained the importance of
the connotation of “Black Power”, saying that “the trouble with black power is it implies antiwhite and we can’t have anything to do with it. We are loathe to talk about it.”8 Wilkins felt
extremely enough to tell the New York Times that the concept of “Black Power” could only lead
Philip Benjamin, “NAACP Wary on Freedom Rides’ Future,” New York Times, 11 Jul. 1961.
“NAACP Clarifies Its Stand On ‘Freedom Rides,’” Christian Science Monitor, 15 Jun. 1961.
7
Gene Roberts and Hank Klibanoff, The Race Beat, The Press, The Civil Rights Struggle, and the Awakening of a
Nation, (New York: Knopf, 2006), 399-400.
8
“Black Power Concept Hit By Roy Wilkins,” Chicago Tribune, 5 Jul. 1966.
5
6
to black death, and he continued to stress the importance of nonviolence. The term was opposing
another ethnic power and promotes separatism, when the two races needed to be supporting each
other to promote equality.9 His explanation for the disapproval of this term and ways in which he
promoted other messages showed how Roy Wilkins was devoted to the NAACP’s mission and
was willing to criticize other organizations.
Though Roy Wilkins worked closely with Martin Luther King Jr. on the advancement of
Negroes across the country, there were often arguments and disagreements between the two
influential leaders. Dr. King was planning on leading a march in Washington D.C. that became
known as the “Poor People’s March,” to force Congress to complete civil rights and anti-poverty
legislation. Though King was devoted to nonviolence, Wilkins believed that this act would end
in violence due to the unpredictable actions of “mavericks.” Wilkins feared that outside
protestors could cause destruction that King would not be able to control, saying that “When you
get…2,000 people together, all engaged in an emotional project, it is difficult for 8 or 10 people
to control them.”10 Wilkins and the NAACP chose not to support this protest, but they were not
planning to intervene or try to stop the project. Published in the Los Angeles Times, Wilkins
published his own editorial to shift the focus on the effects of the march saying “The Poor
People’s campaign in Washington is having its troubles steering a course between ringing
protests and the disruptions which hover on its periphery.”11 He interviewed the Mayor of New
York City about the effects of these movements on cities and schools. He closed by talking
about the importance of voter registration, and how black voters have the chance to be heard in a
more productive manner by participating in the upcoming elections.
M. S. Handler, “Wilkins Says Black Power Leads Only to Black Death,” New York Times, 6 Jul. 1966.
William Kling, “Fears D.C. March Will End in Violence,” Chicago Tribune, 3 Apr. 1968.
11
Roy Wilkins, “Far From the Mob of Militants, Solid People Keep Pushing Along,” Los Angeles Times, 3 Jun.
1968.
9
10
Martin Luther King made a statement in April of 1967 saying ten cities across the United
States could “explode in racial violence this summer”. These areas were Northern cities where
the nation had taken no action to improve the living conditions. This is another instance when
Roy Wilkins disagreed with King’s opinion and criticized him publicly in the New York Times.
Wilkins said that this may have been a sincere prediction, but it is dangerous to spread this
message publicly as people “might interpret such warnings as encouragement to riot.” This
shows the strength of Wilkin’s character in his opinion of anti-violence and how his leadership
style was different from many leaders of civil rights groups. He was always cautious about the
use of his words, but also was clear that “his differences with other civil rights figures meant a
‘split in the movement.’”12 There has never been a cohesive or unified plan on how to approach
civil rights, as it is difficult to coordinate the viewpoints and actions of diverse people.
Roy Wilkins will forever be honored as a revolutionary that made a noteworthy impact
on the fight for civil rights, even if he wasn’t the face of the movement. He was not afraid to
disagree with the opinions of influential leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. or other powerful
groups like CORE or SNCC. He led the NAACP to take a stand and defend their views on the
Freedom Rides, the use of the term “Black Power”, and the Poor People’s March in Washington
D.C. The importance of image, mission, and direction were understood deeply by Wilkins, and
he focused on producing clear and respectful messages to the media. Newspapers were still a
main form of communication at the time, and Wilkins made sure to publish articles and interview
with reporters about significant issues to make his opinions widely known. His contribution to
the University of Minnesota, the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of the United States
will be forever appreciated, and his courageous spirit will be inspiration for futures to come.
12
“Dr. King Criticized For ‘Violence’ Talk,” New York Times, 21 Apr. 1967.
Bibliography
Adams, Julius J. “Roy Wilkins, Assumes Command As New NAACP Top Executive,” New York
Amsterdam News, 18 Jun. 1949.
Benjamin, Philip. “NAACP Wary on Freedom Rides’ Future,” New York Times, 11 Jul. 1961
“Black Power Concept Hit By Roy Wilkins,” Chicago Tribune, 5 Jul. 1966.
“Dr. King Criticized For ‘Violence’ Talk,” New York Times, 21 Apr. 1967.
Handler, M. S. “Wilkins Says Black Power Leads Only to Black Death,” New York Times, 6 Jul.
1966.
Kling, William. “Fears D.C. March Will End in Violence.” Chicago Tribune, 3 Apr. 1968.
“NAACP Clarifies Its Stand On ‘Freedom Rides,’” Christian Science Monitor, 15 Jun. 1961.
Roberts, Gene and Klibanoff, Hank. The Race Beat, The Press, The Civil Rights Struggle, and
the Awakening of a Nation. New York: Knopf, 2006.
“Roy Wilkins: Fighter for Equality,” Los Angeles Times, 9 Sep. 1981.
Ryan, Yvonne. Roy Wilkins, The Quiet Revolutionary and the NAACP. Lexington: The
University Press of Kentucky, 2014.
Wilkins, Roy. “Far From the Mob of Militants, Solid People Keep Pushing Along,” Los Angeles
Times, 3 Jun. 1968.
Wilson, Sondra Kathryn. In Search of Democracy, The NAACP Writings of James Weldon
Johnson, Walter White, and Roy Wilkins (1920-1977). New York: Oxford University
Press, 1999.