China entered the United Nations Security Council on 29 th of

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China’s role in the Security Council of the United Nations
Is China’s influence increasing to a harmful level?
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The ignorance of one voter in a democracy
impairs the security of all.
John F. Kennedy
China’s role in the Security Council of the
United Nations
Is China’s influence increasing to a harmful level?
3
Table of contents
Table of contents ............................................................................................................................................ 4
Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 5
1.
Problem Formulation .............................................................................................................................. 6
1.1 Research Question .............................................................................................................................. 6
2.
Methodology ............................................................................................................................................ 7
2.1 Qualitative Methods Analysis ............................................................................................................. 8
2.2 Case Study Design .............................................................................................................................. 9
2.3 Liberalism ............................................................................................................................................ 10
2.3 Realism ................................................................................................................................................ 14
3.
Globalization. Global rule through organizations ............................................................................. 18
3.1 Globalization ....................................................................................................................................... 18
3.2 Global Order Structure ...................................................................................................................... 19
3.2.1 UN Security Council ................................................................................................................... 19
3.2.2 China in the Security Council ........................................................................................................ 21
4.
Analysis .................................................................................................................................................. 23
4.1 China’s Veto on the Security Council Reform ............................................................................... 23
4.2 Veto on the resolution on Syria ........................................................................................................ 26
Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................... 29
Appendix ........................................................................................................................................................ 30
4
Introduction
The world is accustomed with the global order instituted after the World War II,
when the poles of power have been split between the winners of the war.
Today, in the 21st Century, despite Fukuyama’s vision of the End of the History, we
are facing the change of the global order and the shifting of the power poles. Countries
that we used to consider underdeveloped or developing, are now emerging with strong
economies and military power.
The change in global order leads to many discussions, each with different
outcomes.
Two main visions are the pessimist and the optimist visions. The pessimists
consider that the new multipolar world will bring disorder, fierce fight for the increasing
demand in resources, and armed conflicts. On the opposite view, the optimists believe that
existing and the emerging powers will cooperate, leading to a stable international
environment with benefits for everyone. 1
There are, of course, tens of implications and consequences that a shift in the
power poles will bring to the global order. From the awareness, discussions and actions
that it creates, it seems that it will hit like a brick. Or perhaps like several BRICS.
The acronym BRICS stands for the names of the group of emerging superpowers:
Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Their economies become stronger and
stronger, and therefore their political influence grows. As the power of the nation-state
decreases, the key role is played by the global institutions and organizations, who
establish norms and regulations that their members must follow. These norms apply not
only at the level of international relations and cooperation, but also in domestic matters. As
new members, BRICS have also decisional power upon these norms, having to respect
them, but can also impose other norms to the other members.
The superpowers no longer act alone, in the name of their state, but through the
global institutions and organizations.
1
Randall Schweller, Emerging Powers in an Age of Disorder, page 285
5
This paper will take a look at two of the most important global organizations in
relation to BRICS, more specifically, in relation to China, and China’s influence within
them.
The reason why I have chosen China is that this country is the subject of so many
debates; also, is the country with the world’s largest population and the second largest
economy. Moreover, the main global organizations stand for democracy, whereas the
ruling political party in China is the Communist Party. All in all, China is a controversial
actor, probably the most controversial, and it seems to have the biggest impact on the
world order.
1. Problem Formulation
There are many controversies about the new global order and especially about
China: whether China will be the world economic leader around 2015-2020, whereas
others say it has already become the world economic leader; whether the U.S will decline,
or will continue to hold its hegemony for at least three more decades.
At a global level, the Security Council is gaining more and more influence. As a
focus on its strongest and perhaps most controversial member, China seems to have an
increasing impact on the events that are happening.
1.1 Research Question
How much influence does China have upon the global organizations? Could this
influence be harmful, as China has such different views than those that we are
accustomed with? Will it put the country’s interests above human kind benefits?
As the global institutions are a channel through which the most important decisions
are being made and that determine the fate of the nation-states, the country that has the
highest power within these institutions can be called the world’s pole power.
Though there is much talk about “poles” of power, the BRICS, there is also talk
about one new superpower, China, which will replace the United States on the
international stage. One such superpower affords to attend to his matters without
considering too much the position of other states. Looking at the United States, we have
several examples of acting in self-interest: the U.S is a delinquent contributor, owing
money to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and to other international
6
organizations. It has refused the great majority of other countries in creating an
International Criminal Court. It has withdrawn and rejoined after several years two UN
specialized agencies, UNESCO and the International Labor Organization. Also, although
according to the chemical weapons convention the Inspection of other people’s territory is
rightly regarded as essential in order to ensure security, the inspection of U.S territory is
regarded as unacceptable. Moreover, in the matter of the Iraq War, the United States
invaded the country to replace the regime with another one more suitable to its interests
without having the approval of the United Nations.
2
The United States are among the
founder members of the UN Security Council and are very good represented in the other
major global organizations as well.
The reason why I wrote about the United States misbehavior in this section, was to
show briefly the authority that a superpower has, and I believe it is just cause to start
looking at the consequences that another superpower can bring.
All eyes turn to China when it comes to the next in line for the biggest superpower
title. The U.S hegemony affected the world immensely: here it can be mentioned the
westernization process, the invasion of foreign territories, changing of regimes, and so on
and so forth. It can only be accurately assumed that the shift in pole power, with a country
like China (different in so many ways of the United States) becoming the most powerful
and influential will bring notable changes to the world as we know it today.
This paper focuses to highlight China’s influence in the Security Council and the
effects that this influence brings to the event that are taking place in the international
context.
2. Methodology
To analyze the influence that China has nowadays at a global level, I will choose
particular cases from the international relations context were China has made its presence
felt.
However, before reaching that point, I will provide the leader with some knowledge
about the international relations in the theory part, touching upon international relations
theories that are connected with global institutions, such as Globalism, Liberalism, and
Realism. The first one explains today’s context, in which the cases that I will investigate
2
Keith Griffin, Economic Globalization and Institutions of Global Governance, page 790
7
are taking place and the forces that shape it. Liberalism and Realism are two opposing
theories, and it will be interesting to look at them in an antagonist way: the first one stands
for international cooperation, interdependence of the state and the benefit of global
institutions, while the second one is glorifying the autonomy of the state, use of force if
needed and doesn’t see the need for global rules and norms.
After presenting these theories I will feature some of the basic characteristics of the
global organization that I will be talking about: the United Nations Security Council. I have
chosen this organization as it is very influential nowadays and with decline that a nationstate is facing, it is gaining more and more authority. Furthermore, why is it relevant for this
study – China is a controversial member of the UN Security Council. After presenting main
characteristics about the organization, I will write about China’s diplomacy inside the
Security Council since it has become a member, showing the pattern and the evolution of
the decisions it made.
Continuing in the methodology part I will write about the framework of the project,
the usage of qualitative methods and of the case study design.
2.1 Qualitative Methods Analysis
For this research paper I will be analyzing qualitative methods, as they are the way
that I want to use in approaching this paper.
Answering the questions “How?” corresponds to the QDA method. Using
quantitative data, like statistics, increase or decrease in GDP will not be helpful in regard
to my research question.
To find out the level of influence that China casts upon the Security Council, I must
take a look at the reactions of other members of this organization in relation to China;
whether they consider it a threat, taking measurements of precaution against it, how much
does China take part in the decisional process of the organizations and how much it
benefits from them.
As sources I will be using the official websites of the organizations that I review, and
articles that combine China and the new world order, as well as theories about global
institutions and globalization.
8
2.2 Case Study Design
A case study is a story about something unique, special, or interesting—stories can
be about individuals, organizations, processes, programs, neighborhoods, institutions, and
even events.3
This paper orbits around the global organizations, and their relation with a particular
actor – China. I seek to bring attention upon the influence that China inflicts in the global
order. I will therefore frame the project as a case study design, having the abovementioned features.
In the theory part, I am starting from the main phenomenon – globalization, I will
narrow it down by making the transition towards global rule through the global
organization. I have chosen the United Nations Security Council. It stands for political
influence concerning decisions that have as goal peacekeeping and security, whereas the
other two are economical and respectively, commercial organizations. I will first offer some
background information about it, like members and role, as well as the importance that it
has for the world. Afterwards, in order to make the transition towards the analysis part,
where I will refer exclusively to China, I will be discussing about China evolution in the
Security Council.
In the analysis part, I will touch upon two particular cases: China’s stand on the
Security Council reform and the use of Veto in relation to the Syrian resolution.
I am looking to create a pattern for evaluating the implication that China has upon
the existing global order.
Case study is also appropriate when using documentation review for analysis, like I
will be using articles about China’s use of Veto power in the UN Security Council.
The final part of the project will be the assessment, the conclusions that I can
withdraw on the basis of the analyzed documents.
3
Palena Neale, PREPARING A CASE STUDY:A Guide for Designing and Conducting a Case Study for Evaluation Input,
page 3
9
Education is a human right with immense power to transform.
On its foundation rest the cornerstones of freedom,
democracy and sustainable human development.
Kofi Annan
2.3 Liberalism
Liberalism, though not the dominant theory of international relations, had
nevertheless its influence upon international relations. There can be mentioned its
moments of ascension, like in the periods after each of the two World Wars, and after the
end of the Cold War. One notable achievement, in relation with liberalism, was the creation
of the United Nations after the World War II. Whilst realists focus on continuity rather than
on change, liberals claim that politics itself is product of ideas, and ideas can change.4
Liberal thinkers disagree with the idea of a permanent condition of conflict between
states, and that the only way of managing this is by creating alliances against threatening
states. War is unprofitable, said Erasmus in 1517. Therefore, the leaders of Europe must
desire and enhance peace by having a kind attitude towards other sovereign states and
waiting for the same response. 5
Liberalism, as its name may suggest, it is focused around the liberty of the
individual. According to this theory, international relations must have the same aim.
There are three main types of liberalism identifies: liberal internationalism, idealism
and liberal institutionalism.
 Liberal Internationalism
Leading figures of the liberal internationalism in the Enlightenment (18th Century)
were Immanuel Kant and Jeremy Bentham. At that time, domestic politics were
encountering a new age of rights, citizenship and constitutionalism. Kant and Bentham
were against the barbarity that was characterizing at that time the international arena.
They wrote manifests that can lead towards freedom and justice in international relations.
In order to achieve perpetual peace, according to Kant, it is needed the transformation of
4
5
John Baylis and Steven Smith, The Globalization of World Politics, page 163
Ibidem, page 165
10
individual consciousness, republican constitutionalism and a federal contract between
states to abolish war.
6
At the same time, Bentham favored the apparition of an international tribunal, that
would judge international disputes, and therefore the war would no longer be needed.7
Liberal internationalists believe that an international law system could emerge
without the existence of a global government.
As a sum-up, this variety of Liberalism circles around the idea that international
cooperation in trade and other fields will have peace as an outcome.
 Idealism (1900 until 1930)
Having the same goal as the liberal internationalist, to prevent war, idealists were,
however, skeptics about the fact that the go with the flow principles, such as free trade,
would bring peace. Also, while liberal internationalists consider that peace is a natural
condition, idealists believe that peace must be constructed. In this line of view, U.S
President Wilson said that international anarchy can be managed by an international
institution, and that international relations, much as domestic affairs, must also have a set
of rules.8 As a result, the League of Nations was found, whose aim was to maintain peace.
However, the League was not a success; though based on idealist foundation, in practice
it was governed by self-interest, which finally lead to its dissolution in 1946.
Another important idea of Idealism was about education. International Relations
were first set as a discipline in 1919, promoting the League of Nations and providing
understanding about other civilizations.
9
Liberal ideas brought their contribution to global politics even during the Cold War,
who provided a suitable context for realism rather than liberalism.
To conclude, idealists have two major suggestions: first is to have an explicit
normative thinking in how to promote peace and build a better world, and second, to have
an international organizations with norms and rules that the states will obey.
10
6
Ibidem, page 165
Ibidem, page 166
8 Ibidem
9 Ibidem, page 169
10 Ibidem, page 171
7
11
 Liberal Institutionalism
After the dissolution of the League of Nations, there was a call for a replacement.
However, due to previous events, in the case of the United Nations there was a need for a
consensus between great Powers, which led to the veto right for the five permanent
members of the Security Council. The international context was too complicated at that
time, and a collective security system was operationalized only after the end of the Cold
War. 11
David Mitrany, an integrationist theorist argued in favor of the idea of transnational
cooperation to solve common problems. He was focusing his theory on ramification, as
international cooperation would extent in several sectors, therefore making it complicated
for states to withdraw from one of the cooperative ventures. 12
There are in liberal institutionalism two main concepts that characterize it:
transnationalism and interdependence.
The first one is mainly theoretical, but the second one has been recognized by
pluralists as a growing phenomenon between states
An interesting point of view of the liberal institutionalism is that the downfall of the
state autonomy is not necessarily a bad thing; furthermore, transnationalism and
interdependence are phenomena that must be managed. 13
In conclusion, Liberalism stands for individual freedom, peace and collaboration and
the existence of global institutions with the same norms and rules for everyone.
Liberal responses to globalization
Previous characteristics of Liberalism that I have presented above portrayed this
theory in the course of history. As the project will deal with the context of international
affairs of today, in the age of globalization, we must take a look at the three responses that
liberalists have towards this phenomenon.
 Neo liberal internationalism
11
Ibidem
Ibidem
13 Ibidem, page 170
12
12
In this section we come across a new concept: globalize liberalism, an attempt of
the Western states who are supported by Fukuyama’s theory The End of History where he
underlines the superiority of the United States. How to do this? One example would be by
destroying the state-structure, like in the cases of Yugoslavia or Somalia, for the
consequence of such event call for humanitarian intervention. There is another way of
“exporting liberalism”, who does not include military actions: through institutions. Here we
have as example the European Union in relation with former communist states.
14
In the Third World aid such as loans is given under conditions that deal with
privatizing the economic sector, good governance and norms about human rights.
15
However, there is a criticism about this attempt of Western states to implement their
ideology: the number of stable democracies in the world may have been overestimated,
and the end of the Stalinism does not necessarily imply the success of liberalism over all
other existing ideologies. Also, behind the mask of spreading liberalism, Western states
are viewed as having as primary interest commercial benefit.16
 Neo- idealism
Peace through interdependence and the success of democratic governments
remain common features for idealists and internationalists. Neo-idealists are prone to the
idea that peace requires a design, especially in a globalized environment. Therefore states
and international institutions should be even more democratic.17
As opposed to neo - internationalism, who see globalization in a positive way, neoidealists tend to criticize it. They believe that globalization and community may come into
conflict. Though globalization has brought economic benefits for everybody, the rich
nations have become far more richer comparative with the economic development of poor
nations. Idealists prescript the democratization of the societies, in countries were the
society beliefs contradicts has been brought but not implemented.
18
 Neo liberal institutionalism
14
Ibidem, page 172
Ibidem, page 173
16 Ibidem
17 Ibidem
18 Ibidem, page 175
15
13
They give prescriptions on how to cooperate and maintain relations in a context of
anarchy. Like realists, neo liberal institutionalists believe that the state holds the main role
in an anarchic international environment. 19
This theory has four main principles:
 Actor: while recognizing the importance of global institutions, neo liberal
institutionalism grants the main power to the state;
 Structure: a structure of regimes and international institutions can help states
to cooperate in an anarchic context, by reducing verification costs, reinforcing
reciprocity and making defection from norms easier to punish;
 Process: as integration increases, the future of the European Union is seen
as a test for neo liberal institutionalism;
 Motivation: significant gains will stimulate states to cooperate with eachother. 20
Though neo liberal institutionalists grant the state with the higher power, they do say
that human government and democratic procedure are needed in order that the states
wins its legitimacy. 21
In opposition with the first two liberal ideologies, neo liberal institutionalism does not
believe in peace enhanced by trade, and makes the distinction between cooperation and
harmony. Free trade may bring peace, but does not guarantee keeping it.
22
2.3 Realism
Realism has been the dominant theory of world politics since the beginning of
academic international relations.23
Before going into detail and examples about realism, I would first like to mention
one of the most influential figures of this paradigm: Niccolo Machiavelli, a XVI Century
writer, also known as “the father of modern political theory”24. He is most famous due to his
work “The Prince”, a book about how a statesman should conduct himself. Machiavelli
19
Ibidem, page 177
Ibidem, page 176
21 Ibidem
22 Ibidem
23 John Baylis and Steven Smith, The Globalization of World Politics, page 145
24 http://www.historyguide.org/intellect/machiavelli.html
20
14
A prince never lacks legitimate reasons to break his promise.
Niccolo Machiavelli
lived in a very tumultuous period, when empires were fighting for influence and new
discoveries were made; his intelligence and his work as a diplomat allowed him to meet
some of the most skilled and controversial politicians in history: Pope Alexander the VI and
his son, Cardinal Caesare Borgia, who is believed to be the inspiration for “The Prince”.
Derived from his name, we are accustomed to hear sometimes the adjective
“Machiavellian”. In the Oxford dictionary, this is used to describe a scheming and
unscrupulous person, especially when it comes to politics.25
I believe by now that the reader has an opinion about the assumptions that realism
makes. However, the realism and realists has much evolved nowadays as a modern
theory. This paradigm is well described in John Baylis and Steven Smith’s book, The
Globalization of World Politics, from which some key points are written below.
A view that is in contrast with the liberalism, realism provides the most powerful
explanation for the state of war.26
Realism can be defined through a practical outcome- what American leaders have
learnt from it: to focus on interests rather than ideology, to seek peace through strength, to
recognize that great powers can coexist even if they have antithetical values and beliefs.27
Realists presume that there are no moral universal principals and therefore state
leaders should act according to their interests, instead of sacrificing them for the common
benefit. Also, the greater good of the human kind is not a valued notion in the realism, and
among with caution and compassion, these should not interfere with the interests of a
statesman.28
There are discussions about realism being divided into different types. On one side,
there are the historical realists who see the principles of realism as a green light to
undergo whatever actions are necessary to ensure success, and on the other side we
have the structural realists who see this theory as a permanent condition or preparation of
conflict. Then, there is one more type, called the liberal realism, who has a more optimistic
2525
http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/Machiavellian
John Baylis and Steven Smith, The Globalization of World Politics, page 141
27 Ibidem, page 142
28 Ibidem
26
15
view. It believes that the state of conflict can manages by the states, given that they create
rules for a peaceful coexistence.29
No matter the differences between the different types of realism, there are three
major similarities between them: statism, survival, and self-help.
 Statism
First of all, the meaning of the word needs clarification. In the Oxford Dictionary it is
explained as “a political system in which the state has substantial centralized control over
social and economic affairs”.30
Moreover, it is about the use of force. The state is the main actor, and it has the
right to interfere in all affairs that happen within the boundaries of that state.
It is a
contract between individuals and state, where the latter enforces the law, even making use
of violence, and the individual gets in exchange the guarantee of security.
31
As about the external views, the states are in a competition from which someone
will be definitely loosing. In theory, a state should not interfere in the affairs of another
state, although in practice, realists affirm, this is not usually the case.32
 Survival
In international relations, the primary goal is survival. This is leading to the
achievement of other goals, and the security of the state is one of the top-concerns.33
Realists consider that domestic and international affairs require different set of
norms and political rules.34
Furthermore, they argue that the state is the supreme good, based on similarities,
common cultures and institutions. They reject the idea of “international community”. This
view has been criticized by the liberals, who claim that the actions of states should be
judged on the existence of common international values. For instance, while liberals
29
Ibidem, page 149
http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/statism
31
Op cit 10, page 150
32
Ibidem
33
Ibidem, page 151
34
Ibidem, page 152
30
16
We should all oppose acts of encroachment on other countries' sovereignty,
forceful interference in a country's internal affairs,
and willful use or threat of military force.
Hu Jintao
support interference in the affairs of other states regarding matter of human rights, realists
see this intrusion as an imposition of one state’s moral principles on another.
35
 Self-help
According this last principle, states must rely only on themselves, and on the help
that another state may provide them. Realism states that in international affairs there can
be no such notions as thrust, friendship, or honor. The only aspect is a state of uncertainty,
due to the lack of a global government. Some degree of cooperation is possible as realist
states aim to gain more than other states. 36
However, throughout the history there have always been regional alliances between
states that preferred this kind of cooperation rather than self-help.
Bottom line, when talking about realism, we think about the main instinct of survival
of the states that are to protect their own interests even if they are to disregards such
notions as the greater good of the human kind. Moreover, states are bound not to interfere
in each other’s internal affairs.
China in correspondence with Liberalism and Realism
The Liberalism implies that the threat of war it is still a slight possibility. However,
the best way of promoting peace and prosperity, and having societies focused on
prosperity while competition will remain in the economic zone, is to bring China into the
world capitalism process.37
Looking at China’s foreign policy lately, and seeing what the two IR theories are
about, it appears that China is keener towards liberalism rather than realism.
Interdependence
and
international
cooperation
characterize
China’s
international
decisions, such as joining the World Trade Organization in 2001 and being part of the
ASEAN (South-East Asia Economic Area) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. 38
35
Ibidem, page 153
Ibidem, page 155
37 Stephen M. Walt, International Relations: One World, Many Theories, page 40
38 Gregory Chin and Ramesh Thakur, Will China change the World Order?, page 120
36
17
In what concerns China’s domestic affairs, it is more prone towards realism, as it
values more a strong state, a disciplined society, stable economic growth, and national
security over ‘‘imported’’ notions of human rights, democracy, and unregulated markets.
39
Statism and survival, two of the characteristics of realism, are present.
3. Globalization. Global rule through organizations
3.1 Globalization
In
Encyclopedia
Britannica,
the
word
“globalization”
is
associated
with
“standardization”. It is supposed to make the human life experience the same
everywhere.40
Although the above definition stands for “cultural globalization”, we can extent it to
“economic and political globalization” as well. Could it be understood that the globalization
process will make the economies and politic regimes of the world alike?
In his work, Economic Globalization and Institutions of Global Governance, the author
Keith Griffin talks about the “Asymmetry of Globalization”. According to him, globalization
is leading to greater economic integration. However, he believes that the benefits of this
process have been distributed inequitably and that the solution would be more
liberalization and democracy at a global level.
41
There are nowadays institutions that manage the global trade, global economy and
make the major decisions about peace and war. They have standards and requirements
that are imposed to all members, offering therefore uniformity. How far do these
organizations go when it comes to interfere in domestic matters? In the following chapters,
I will present two major international relations theories that have different aims in how the
relations between states should be. After, I will be writing about the main features of two of
some of the more important global organizations to provide the reader with some ground
information about them.
It has been said that arguing against globalization is like arguing against the laws of gravity.
Kofi Annan
39
Gregory Chin and Ramesh Thakur, Will China change the World Order?, page 122
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1357503/cultural-globalization
41 Keith Griffin, Economic Globalization and Institutions of Global Governance, page 792
40
18
3.2 Global Order Structure
If we are to look upon the main purpose of the global organizations we can say that
they are meant to overcome “selfish state behavior, mainly by encouraging states to
forego immediate gains for the greater benefits of enduring cooperation.”
42
If in the old days the powerful nations and empires were forming alliances based on
similar interests, dividing poorer territories between them, today the main powers organize
themselves into global organizations, taking decisions that affect all the states, on the
basis of equality, respect of human rights, solvation of financial problems and peacekeeping.
Among the most important global organizations are the United Nations- of which the
Security Council plays a very influential role- and the Global 20. As in the analysis part I
will be writing about China’s role and influence in the above-mentioned, in the theory part I
will describe the function/role and members of those organizations.
3.2.1 UN Security Council
The Security Council is one of the main organs of the United Nations. Its powers are
granted by the United Nations Charter. (Article 25, UN Charter).43
The Security Council mission is to insure international peace and stability, through
peaceful means as much as possible instead of using armed forces. When a conflict
arises, the possible solutions will be put towards voting for the members of the Council.
 Members
The United Nations Security Council is composed of five permanent members, two
of them also being part of the BRICS. The five permanent members are: China, France,
Russian Federation, United States, and the United Kingdom.44
More than ever before in human history, we share a common destiny.
42
Stephen M. Walt, International Relations: One World, Many Theories, page 32
http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter5.shtml
44 http://www.un.org/sc/members.asp
43
19
We can master it only if we face it together. And that, my friends,
is why we have the United Nations.
Kofi Annan
Apart from the above-mentioned, the General Assembly also elects ten nonpermanent members for two-year terms. The new elected countries that have started their
term on the 1st of January 2012 are Azerbaijan, Morocco, Guatemala, Togo and Pakistan.
45
The non-permanent members are chosen on the basis of geographic equality: five
members from Africa/Asia, two from Latin America, one from Eastern Europe and two from
Western Europe or other regions.46
The change of the presidency of the Council takes place every month, by rotation,
in alphabetical order.
Upon the decisions taken in the Security Council, each member has a vote.
Procedural matter require nine votes, while the substantive matters, apart from the nine
votes, require that all the five permanent members will agree. This is referred to as “the
Veto power”, as if one of the permanent members will use it, the motion will not be
approved. 47
“Procedural matters are those matters relating to the structure of the Security
Council session. They include, but are not limited to, voting on, establishing a Speaker’s
List, establishing speaking time, motions and adjournment of the Security Council session.
All Delegates must vote on procedural matters and no Delegate may abstain.”48
By substantive matters it is meant “the investigation of a dispute or the application
of sanctions”.49
 Function
The main responsibilities of the Council are the keeping of the peace and security.
In the case of a dispute, the primary action of the Council is to try to make the parties
45
Ibidem
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/532070/United-Nations-Security-Council
47 Op Cit 1
48 sites.mgkworld.net/thessis07/files/rulessc.doc
49 http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_background.html
46
20
reach an agreement through peaceful means. Its role is to investigate and mediate, and it
may even set the principals for a peaceful settlement.50
If a dispute leads to fight, the Council’s role is to bring it to an end.
Other functions:

to formulate plans for the establishment of a system to regulate armaments;

to determine the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression and
to recommend what action should be taken;

to call on Members to apply economic sanctions and other measures not
involving the use of force to prevent or stop aggression;

to take military action against an aggressor;

to recommend the admission of new Members;

to exercise the trusteeship functions of the United Nations in "strategic
areas";

to recommend to the General Assembly the appointment of the SecretaryGeneral and, together with the Assembly, to elect the Judges of the
International Court of Justice. 51
3.2.2 China in the Security Council
China is a founding member of the UN Security Council. Its efforts have been
guided towards peace-keeping and development of the world.52
China entered the United Nations Security Council on 29th of October 1971. During
the period of the Cold War, though promoting principles that were contradictory to both
U.S and U.S.S.R, China rarely defied the two superpowers, choosing to make its point
through non-participation.53 One important feature of China’s membership during this
period is the fact that it only used its veto power twice: once, when the Council considered
Bangladesh’s request for UN membership, and second, in the case of Israeli use of force
in the Middle East. 54
50
Ibidem
UN Security Council / Functions and Powers http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_functions.html
52 http://www.china.org.cn/english/zhuanti/china2003/73247.htm
53 Joel Wuthnow, Beyond the Veto: Chinese Diplomacy in the United Nations Security Council, page 24
54 Joel Wuthnow, Beyond the Veto: Chinese Diplomacy in the United Nations Security Council, pages 31-32
51
21
He who controls others may be powerful, but he who has mastered himself is mightier still.
Lao Tzu
China’s little interference in the Security Council in that period can be explained by
the fact that at that time, China had little knowledge about the Security Council, was not
familiar with the environment, and also, apart from the Bangladesh issue, had no other
foreign concern.55
In the 1980’s, China started being more active, increasing considerably its
participation and affinity with the United States.56
China’s voting patterns had slightly changed during the 1990’s, only the increase of
affinity towards the United States is notable.57 The three vetoes that China used in this
period had more to do with the delicate relations between China and Taiwan, rather than
with the peacekeeping concerns in Haiti, Macedonia and Guatemala.58
China disapproved of the use of force by the UN, claiming that it erodes the norm of
sovereignty.59 Instead of using its veto power, China abstained from supporting UN
missions in Serbia and Kosovo. As reasons, China was trying to improve its relations with
the international community, and it was dangerous to veto for those motions while at the
same time China was also against the humanitarian intervention in Third World countries,
and lacking the necessary strength to stand up to the U.S. It must be also said, that China
had no interest in the geographic areas mentioned above.
60
The evolution of China’s involvement in Security Council continued: in the years
2000, it began supporting more and more UN missions for peacekeeping. A great
advantage that China obtained from here is that it improved its image as a responsible
state.61
55
Ibidem, page 33
Ibidem, pages 34-35
57 Ibidem, page 39
58 Ibidem, page 44
59 Ibidem, page 46
60 Ibidem, page 48
61 Ibidem, page 55
56
22
4. Analysis
In its early years in the Security Council, China admitted that had little knowledge on
the matters and began through a policy of non-participation. In time, as China was getting
more and more used to the Security Council agenda and the State of China was becoming
more powerful, China began making use of its veto power. We see from the earlier chapter
that China began slightly taking more notable actions in the Security Council in the 1990’s;
this period coincides with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, period in which China’s
economy reached 45% of U.S economy.
the fifth largest power in the world.
63
62
In 1993 China was thought to be the third or
As China achieved more and more status, it was
believed that it was its duty to help poorer nations.64
Some of the cases where China used its vetoes and abstained are mentioned in the
theory part; each time had its interests (regional, like in the cases that regarded China’s
relations with Taiwan, or international, such as having a good image in the international
context) for acting or abstaining.
Having in mind characteristics of the IR theories – liberalism and realism – and the
role played by it in the United Nations Security Council, we see China acting more towards
realism, as it opposes humanitarian intervention and defends states sovereignty.
Following now, I will describe two cases where China played an important role: the
Security Council Reform and the UN mission in Syria.
4.1 China’s Veto on the Security Council Reform
Since its inauguration, the Security Council remained practically the same,
functioning on the basis of the UN Charter and dividing the veto power between its five
permanent members. Critics view the Security Council as being undemocratic, as power is
distributed only among few members. 65
In an attempt of improving the Security Council’s functioning, there have been
proposed two models of reform in order to broaden the membership:
62
Yan Xuetong, The Rise of China and its Power Status, page 5
Ibidem, page 6
64 Ibidem, page7
65 J. Mohan Malik, Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto, page 1
63
23
 Adding six new permanent members – most likely Japan, Germany, Brazil, India,
Egypt and South Africa or Nigeria (we see here the rest of the BRICS) and three
new two-year term members.
 Creating a new semi-permanent membership of a four years term for eight
members and one more two year term membership. 66
Neither of the models offers veto power to any new members, which is one of the
main critics of the Security Council.
The reform of the Security Council is a delicate matter for China, especially if
among the new members would be India or Japan. So far, China has been the only Asian
permanent member in the Security Council, which has brought many advantages to China,
such as being a more important actor on the international stage and the only Asian
negotiator with the U.S on matters of security.
67
Also, relations between China and Japan
are characterized by a long history of war and intolerance.
To protect China’s interests in the Security Council, Chinese Foreign Ministry
Spokesperson Zhang Qiyue provided an analysis containing five principles that should be
taken into account when considering the reform of the Security Council.
 Top priority in achieving equitable geographical distribution
According to this first principle, new members in the Security Council should be
selected from Africa and Latin America. Conveniently enough, this would allow China to
remain the only representant for Asia. Moreover, due to the increase in China’s relation
with Latin America, this would be even more beneficial.
 Legitimate wish of developing countries in being members of the
Security Council
India qualifies for being the most progressive developing country; however, China’s
feeling towards India are not necessarily the best ones. When UN claimed that there
should be a focus on developing countries, China urged into approving. However, in
China’s view, India must not have a seat in the Security Council. One explanation that
China gives for holding this position is that offering a seat to India it would be like
66
67
Ibidem, page 2
Ibidem, page 20
24
rewarding it for developing nuclear weapons.
68
Here China supports its point of view, as
Chinese President Hu Jintao made a statement in the Security Council about Nuclear NonProliferation, where he reinforces China’s stand on nuclear disarming.69 China’s stand
towards India seemed to have changed in 2004, when China showed support for India’s
membership, saying however that this support will have its conditions.70
 The expansion of the Security Council must come with restrictions
China suggests that regional private consultations should be held in order to see
which country of that region would be a better representative. This would eventually lead
to conflicts in Latin America and in the Muslim World, as it would be very hard to point out
one representative that would defend the interests of the entire region. If they reach an
agreement, the final evaluation would be made by the United Nations. 71
 Should the new members have veto power or not?
China would like that the veto power to remain the privilege of the first five
permanent members indefinitely, on the grounds that the functioning of the Security
Council will no longer be as efficient and that France, United Kingdom, United States,
Russia and China, as old members, have a much better understanding of the Council.72
 Permanent membership and democratization of the international
relations are not connected
China is continuously rejected the idea of offering veto power to other countries and
agrees with the addition of new members only on the basis that they will not be granted
veto power. Other countries such as Malaysia rebel against this view, underlining that it is
not democratic. For China, having veto power in the Security Council is essential: U.S
needs China’s support for resolving regional conflicts in the Middle east, South Asia, Korea
and in matter that concern security and terrorist threats. As a consequence, U.S must be
very careful when dealing with China.
73
As we look at China’s reaction towards the reform of the Security Council, as in
opposition with its reactions in the 1970’s, 1980’s and 1990’s, we see that nowadays
68
Ibidem, page 21
http://www.china-un.org/eng/chinaandun/securitycouncil/t606550.htm
70 Op cit 72, page 22
71 Ibidem, page 23
72 Ibidem, page 25
73 Ibidem, page 27
69
25
China is defending fiercely its interests. Its relation with the United States has changed, as
U.S need China’s support, the economy of China becomes stronger and stronger, allowing
it to openly deny the right of other nations of joining the Security Council on the basis of
self-interest.
If China’s power will increase even more, as it is said to be, then its position would
be even more strong in international affairs. As we see from the last principle mentioned in
regards to new membership of the Security Council, China’s view of democracy differs
from the one generally understood, where decisions must be taken by everyone equally,
not only by a single power or a few superpowers.
4.2 Veto on the resolution on Syria
In March 2011 the Syrians revolted against the authoritarian regime. The protesters
were suppressed with violence by the government.74
Following the Syrian uprising, the Arab League proposed to the United Nations a
resolution (See Appendix) that would have forced the Syrian President Bashar al-Assa to
step down. This resolution did not take place, since China and Russia vetoed on it.
A United Nations report on the events that took place in Syria accused the Syrian
Government of the following crimes: Arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, torture
and other forms of ill-treatment; Sexual violence; Violation of Children’s rights;
Displacement and restriction of movement; Violations of economic and social rights. 75
In connection with the International Law, the actions that are punishable are:
Impunity, Excessive use of force, extrajudicial executions and other violations of the right
to life, Violations of the right to peaceful assembly and the right to freedom of expression,
Arbitrary detention and violations of the right to a fair trial, Torture and sexual violence,
Violations of children’s rights, Violations of the right to freedom of movement; Violations of
economic and social rights.76
All these crimes taken into account, China decided still to veto against UN
interference.
74
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1781371/Syria-Uprising-of-2011-12
Human Rights Council, Report of the independent international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab
Republic
76
Ibidem
75
26
Iran, Libya and Syria are irresponsible states, which must be disarmed of weapons
of mass destruction, and a successful American move in Iraq as a model will make that
easier to achieve.
Ariel Sharon
The Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations, Li Baodong defends China’s Veto
on the grounds that was attempting to prevent more casualties. Also, the Ambassador
states that such actions of intervention do no help increasing the unity inside the Security
Council nor will they help the Syrian state. However, China is trying to stop the violence
that is happening in Syria.77 We clearly see here realism influence in Chinese international
affairs, clinging on non-interference in domestic affairs of another state.
As the interests or, shall I call them, fears in regards to an intervention in Syria,
China though that the situation in Libya and Egypt could repeat itself, as professor Sun
Zhe admits.
78
Extrapolating from here, China might fear the spread of the Jasmine
Revolution in China, as there have also been recently riots in China.
United Nations Security Council duty is to interfere in such situations, like
Government violence against protestors in Syria according to the first article of the UN
Charter. 79
77
China Defends its Veto of UN Resolution on Syria, http://www.voanews.com/content/china-defends-un-veto-onsyria-138774539/151637.html
78
Ibidem
79
http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter1.shtml
27
Conclusion
One of the main achievements of the global organizations was the fight for human
rights, humanitarian intervention and global security. The Western superpowers, which
dominated the world order until recently, shared a common history, similar ideologies and
politic regimes, as well as similar beliefs on human rights.
China emerges now, a country with an amazing history, very complex and different
beliefs, a politic regime that contradicts Western beliefs. This happens in an era where
revolts and war (Arab Spring, Iraq and Afghanistan war) shake the entire world, and when
there are also new emerging powers that claim a position in the new global order.
In connection with the articles that I have read, I have noticed that China inclines
too much towards realism, and to me it does not seem that poor and anarchic nations
have a lot to benefit from this view. Realism stands for self-help; how will countries from
the Third World help themselves? How will nations obtain more power in the Security
Council, voting on issues that concern them as well, if China wishes to keep the veto
power indefinitely for the first five permanent members?
If I would have done a comparative study, between China and another nation (such
as Russia, perhaps) or nations, it is possible to have arrived at another outcome. However,
doing the case study about those two situations, the Security Council Reform and the
Syrian Resolution, I feel answering to my research question in the following way:
China will only undergo actions that suit its interests, and want to protect the status
that has achieved so far fiercely. China’s vision does not embrace the importance of
human rights and of humanitarian intervention; what should the poorer nations hope for?
Communism in Eastern Europe collapsed with help provided from outside; isn’t that a
prove that global intervention can be beneficial? Massacres in countries such as Syria and
Libya can be prevented and stopped.
I believe that the analysis of the two cases show that China’s increasing power and
influence on a global level can have harmful effects on the world, especially upon
underdeveloped and developing countries.
28
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 Gregory Chin and Ramesh Thakur, 2010, Will China Change the Rules of Global Order,
Center for Strategic and International Studies, The Washington Quarterly
 Human Rights Council, Report of the independent international commission of inquiry on
the Syrian Arab Republic http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/SY/A.HRC.S17.2.Add.1_en.pdf
 J. Mohan Malik, 2005, Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto, World Policy
Journal, World Policy Institute
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Counci, Columbia University
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http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_functions.html
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29
Appendix
The Security Council,
Recalling its presidential statement of 3 August 2011,
Recalling General Assembly resolution A/RES/66/176 of 19 December 2011, as well as
Human Rights Council resolutions S/16-1, S/17-1 and S/18-1,
Noting the League of Arab States' request in its decision of 22 January 2012,
Expressing grave concern at the deterioration of the situation in Syria, and profound
concern at the death of thousands of people and calling for an immediate end to all
violence,
Welcoming the League of Arab States' Action Plan of 2 November 2011 and its
subsequent decisions, including its decision of 22 January 2012, which aims to achieve a
peaceful resolution of the crisis,
Noting the deployment of the League of Arab States' observer mission, commending its
efforts, regretting that, due to the escalation in violence, the observer mission was not in a
position to monitor the full implementation of the League of Arab States' Action Plan of 2
November 2011, and noting the subsequent decision of the League of Arab states to
suspend the mission,
Underscoring the importance of ensuring the voluntary return of refugees and internally
displaced persons to their homes in safety and with dignity,
Mindful that stability in Syria is key to peace and stability in the region,
Noting the announced commitments by the Syrian authorities to reform, and regretting the
lack of progress in implementation,
Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial
integrity of Syria, emphasizing its intention to resolve the current political crisis in Syria
peacefully, and noting that nothing in this resolution authorizes measures under Article 42
of the Charter,
Welcoming the engagement of the Secretary-General and all diplomatic efforts aimed at
addressing the situation, and noting in this regard the offer of the Russian Federation to
host a meeting in Moscow, in consultation with the League of Arab States,
30
1.
1. Condemns the continued widespread and gross violations of human rights and
fundamental freedoms by the Syrian authorities, such as the use of force against
civilians, arbitrary executions, killing and persecution of protestors and members of
the media, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, interference with access
to medical treatment, torture, sexual violence, and ill-treatment, including against
children;
2. Demands that the Syrian government immediately put an end to all human rights
violations and attacks against those exercising their rights to freedom of expression,
peaceful assembly and association, protect its population, fully comply with its
obligations under applicable international law and fully implement the Human Rights
Council resolutions S-16/1, S-17/1, S-18/1 and the General Assembly resolution
A/RES/66/176;
3. Condemns all violence, irrespective of where it comes from, and in this regard
demands that all parties in Syria, including armed groups, immediately stop all
violence or reprisals, including attacks against State institutions, in accordance with
the League of Arab States' initiative;
4. Recalls that all those responsible for human rights violations, including acts of
violence, must be held accountable;
5. Demands that the Syrian government, in accordance with the Plan of Action of
the League of Arab States of 2 November 2011 and its decision of 22 January
2012, without delay:
a. cease all violence and protect its population;
b. release all persons detained arbitrarily due to the recent incidents;
c.
withdraw all Syrian military and armed forces from cities and towns, and return
them to their original home barracks;
d. guarantee the freedom of peaceful demonstrations;
e. allow full and unhindered access and movement for all relevant League of Arab
States' institutions and Arab and international media in all parts of Syria to
determine the truth about the situation on the ground and monitor the incidents
taking place; and
f.
allow full and unhindered access to the League of Arab States' observer mission;
6. Calls for an inclusive Syrian-led political process conducted in an environment free from
31
violence, fear, intimidation and extremism, and aimed at effectively addressing the
legitimate aspirations and concerns of Syria's people, without prejudging the outcome;
6. Fully supports in this regard the League of Arab States' 22 January 2012 decision to
facilitate a Syrian-led political transition to a democratic, plural political system, in which
citizens are equal regardless of their affiliations or ethnicities or beliefs, including through
commencing a serious political dialogue between the Syrian government and the whole
spectrum of the Syrian opposition under the League of Arab States' auspices, in
accordance with the timetable set out by the League of Arab States;
7. Encourages the League of Arab States to continue its efforts in cooperation with all
Syrian stakeholders;
8. Calls upon the Syrian authorities, in the event of a resumption of the observer mission,
to cooperate fully with the League of Arab States' observer mission, in accordance with the
League of Arabs States' Protocol of 19 December 2011, including through granting full and
unhindered access and freedom of movement to the observers, facilitating the entry of
technical equipment necessary for the mission, guaranteeing the mission's right to
interview, freely or in private, any individual and guaranteeing also not to punish, harass,
or retaliate against, any person who has cooperated with the mission;
9. Stresses the need for all to provide all necessary assistance to the mission in
accordance with the League of Arab States' Protocol of 19 December 2011 and its
decision of 22 January 2012;
10. Demands that the Syrian authorities cooperate fully with the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights and with the Commission of Inquiry dispatched by the
Human Rights Council, including by granting it full and unimpeded access to the country;
11. Calls upon the Syrian authorities to allow safe and unhindered access for humanitarian
assistance in order to ensure the delivery of humanitarian aid to persons in need of
assistance;
12. Welcomes the Secretary-General's efforts to provide support to the League of Arab
States, including its observer mission, in promoting a peaceful solution to the Syrian crisis;
13. Requests the Secretary General to report on the implementation of this resolution, in
consultation with the League of Arab States, within 21 days after its adoption and to report
every 30 days thereafter;
14. Decides to review implementation of this resolution within 21 days and, in the event of
non-compliance, to consider further measures;
15. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
32
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