STANDARD FRONTPAGE FOR EXAMINATION PAPERS To be filled in by the student(s). Please use capital letters. Subjects: (tick box) Project Synopsis Portfolio Thesis Study programme: Culture, Communication, Globalization Semester: 8 Exam Title: International Relations Name and date of birth/ Name Names and dates of birth of group Alexandra Diana Chirilă members: Written Assignment Date of birth 20/10/1989 Hand in date: 29/05/2012 Project title /Synopsis Title/Thesis Title China’s role in the Security Council of the United Nations Is China’s influence increasing to a harmful level? According to the study 72.000 regulations, the maximum number of keystrokes of the paper is: Number of keystrokes (one 48.849 standard page = 2400 keystrokes, including spaces) (table of contents, bibliography and appendix do not count)* Supervisor (project/synopsis/thesis): Peer Lunde 1 I/we hereby declare that the work submitted is my/our own work. I/we understand that plagiarism is defined as presenting someone else's work as one's own without crediting the original source. I/we are aware that plagiarism is a serious offense, and that anyone committing it is liable to academic sanctions. Rules regarding Disciplinary Measures towards Students at Aalborg University (PDF): http://plagiat.aau.dk/GetAsset.action?contentId=4117331&assetId=4171389 Date and signature(s): * Please note that you are not allowed to hand in the paper if it exceeds the maximum number of keystrokes indicated in the study regulations. Handing in the paper means using an exam attempt. 2 The ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the security of all. John F. Kennedy China’s role in the Security Council of the United Nations Is China’s influence increasing to a harmful level? 3 Table of contents Table of contents ............................................................................................................................................ 4 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 5 1. Problem Formulation .............................................................................................................................. 6 1.1 Research Question .............................................................................................................................. 6 2. Methodology ............................................................................................................................................ 7 2.1 Qualitative Methods Analysis ............................................................................................................. 8 2.2 Case Study Design .............................................................................................................................. 9 2.3 Liberalism ............................................................................................................................................ 10 2.3 Realism ................................................................................................................................................ 14 3. Globalization. Global rule through organizations ............................................................................. 18 3.1 Globalization ....................................................................................................................................... 18 3.2 Global Order Structure ...................................................................................................................... 19 3.2.1 UN Security Council ................................................................................................................... 19 3.2.2 China in the Security Council ........................................................................................................ 21 4. Analysis .................................................................................................................................................. 23 4.1 China’s Veto on the Security Council Reform ............................................................................... 23 4.2 Veto on the resolution on Syria ........................................................................................................ 26 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................... 29 Appendix ........................................................................................................................................................ 30 4 Introduction The world is accustomed with the global order instituted after the World War II, when the poles of power have been split between the winners of the war. Today, in the 21st Century, despite Fukuyama’s vision of the End of the History, we are facing the change of the global order and the shifting of the power poles. Countries that we used to consider underdeveloped or developing, are now emerging with strong economies and military power. The change in global order leads to many discussions, each with different outcomes. Two main visions are the pessimist and the optimist visions. The pessimists consider that the new multipolar world will bring disorder, fierce fight for the increasing demand in resources, and armed conflicts. On the opposite view, the optimists believe that existing and the emerging powers will cooperate, leading to a stable international environment with benefits for everyone. 1 There are, of course, tens of implications and consequences that a shift in the power poles will bring to the global order. From the awareness, discussions and actions that it creates, it seems that it will hit like a brick. Or perhaps like several BRICS. The acronym BRICS stands for the names of the group of emerging superpowers: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Their economies become stronger and stronger, and therefore their political influence grows. As the power of the nation-state decreases, the key role is played by the global institutions and organizations, who establish norms and regulations that their members must follow. These norms apply not only at the level of international relations and cooperation, but also in domestic matters. As new members, BRICS have also decisional power upon these norms, having to respect them, but can also impose other norms to the other members. The superpowers no longer act alone, in the name of their state, but through the global institutions and organizations. 1 Randall Schweller, Emerging Powers in an Age of Disorder, page 285 5 This paper will take a look at two of the most important global organizations in relation to BRICS, more specifically, in relation to China, and China’s influence within them. The reason why I have chosen China is that this country is the subject of so many debates; also, is the country with the world’s largest population and the second largest economy. Moreover, the main global organizations stand for democracy, whereas the ruling political party in China is the Communist Party. All in all, China is a controversial actor, probably the most controversial, and it seems to have the biggest impact on the world order. 1. Problem Formulation There are many controversies about the new global order and especially about China: whether China will be the world economic leader around 2015-2020, whereas others say it has already become the world economic leader; whether the U.S will decline, or will continue to hold its hegemony for at least three more decades. At a global level, the Security Council is gaining more and more influence. As a focus on its strongest and perhaps most controversial member, China seems to have an increasing impact on the events that are happening. 1.1 Research Question How much influence does China have upon the global organizations? Could this influence be harmful, as China has such different views than those that we are accustomed with? Will it put the country’s interests above human kind benefits? As the global institutions are a channel through which the most important decisions are being made and that determine the fate of the nation-states, the country that has the highest power within these institutions can be called the world’s pole power. Though there is much talk about “poles” of power, the BRICS, there is also talk about one new superpower, China, which will replace the United States on the international stage. One such superpower affords to attend to his matters without considering too much the position of other states. Looking at the United States, we have several examples of acting in self-interest: the U.S is a delinquent contributor, owing money to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and to other international 6 organizations. It has refused the great majority of other countries in creating an International Criminal Court. It has withdrawn and rejoined after several years two UN specialized agencies, UNESCO and the International Labor Organization. Also, although according to the chemical weapons convention the Inspection of other people’s territory is rightly regarded as essential in order to ensure security, the inspection of U.S territory is regarded as unacceptable. Moreover, in the matter of the Iraq War, the United States invaded the country to replace the regime with another one more suitable to its interests without having the approval of the United Nations. 2 The United States are among the founder members of the UN Security Council and are very good represented in the other major global organizations as well. The reason why I wrote about the United States misbehavior in this section, was to show briefly the authority that a superpower has, and I believe it is just cause to start looking at the consequences that another superpower can bring. All eyes turn to China when it comes to the next in line for the biggest superpower title. The U.S hegemony affected the world immensely: here it can be mentioned the westernization process, the invasion of foreign territories, changing of regimes, and so on and so forth. It can only be accurately assumed that the shift in pole power, with a country like China (different in so many ways of the United States) becoming the most powerful and influential will bring notable changes to the world as we know it today. This paper focuses to highlight China’s influence in the Security Council and the effects that this influence brings to the event that are taking place in the international context. 2. Methodology To analyze the influence that China has nowadays at a global level, I will choose particular cases from the international relations context were China has made its presence felt. However, before reaching that point, I will provide the leader with some knowledge about the international relations in the theory part, touching upon international relations theories that are connected with global institutions, such as Globalism, Liberalism, and Realism. The first one explains today’s context, in which the cases that I will investigate 2 Keith Griffin, Economic Globalization and Institutions of Global Governance, page 790 7 are taking place and the forces that shape it. Liberalism and Realism are two opposing theories, and it will be interesting to look at them in an antagonist way: the first one stands for international cooperation, interdependence of the state and the benefit of global institutions, while the second one is glorifying the autonomy of the state, use of force if needed and doesn’t see the need for global rules and norms. After presenting these theories I will feature some of the basic characteristics of the global organization that I will be talking about: the United Nations Security Council. I have chosen this organization as it is very influential nowadays and with decline that a nationstate is facing, it is gaining more and more authority. Furthermore, why is it relevant for this study – China is a controversial member of the UN Security Council. After presenting main characteristics about the organization, I will write about China’s diplomacy inside the Security Council since it has become a member, showing the pattern and the evolution of the decisions it made. Continuing in the methodology part I will write about the framework of the project, the usage of qualitative methods and of the case study design. 2.1 Qualitative Methods Analysis For this research paper I will be analyzing qualitative methods, as they are the way that I want to use in approaching this paper. Answering the questions “How?” corresponds to the QDA method. Using quantitative data, like statistics, increase or decrease in GDP will not be helpful in regard to my research question. To find out the level of influence that China casts upon the Security Council, I must take a look at the reactions of other members of this organization in relation to China; whether they consider it a threat, taking measurements of precaution against it, how much does China take part in the decisional process of the organizations and how much it benefits from them. As sources I will be using the official websites of the organizations that I review, and articles that combine China and the new world order, as well as theories about global institutions and globalization. 8 2.2 Case Study Design A case study is a story about something unique, special, or interesting—stories can be about individuals, organizations, processes, programs, neighborhoods, institutions, and even events.3 This paper orbits around the global organizations, and their relation with a particular actor – China. I seek to bring attention upon the influence that China inflicts in the global order. I will therefore frame the project as a case study design, having the abovementioned features. In the theory part, I am starting from the main phenomenon – globalization, I will narrow it down by making the transition towards global rule through the global organization. I have chosen the United Nations Security Council. It stands for political influence concerning decisions that have as goal peacekeeping and security, whereas the other two are economical and respectively, commercial organizations. I will first offer some background information about it, like members and role, as well as the importance that it has for the world. Afterwards, in order to make the transition towards the analysis part, where I will refer exclusively to China, I will be discussing about China evolution in the Security Council. In the analysis part, I will touch upon two particular cases: China’s stand on the Security Council reform and the use of Veto in relation to the Syrian resolution. I am looking to create a pattern for evaluating the implication that China has upon the existing global order. Case study is also appropriate when using documentation review for analysis, like I will be using articles about China’s use of Veto power in the UN Security Council. The final part of the project will be the assessment, the conclusions that I can withdraw on the basis of the analyzed documents. 3 Palena Neale, PREPARING A CASE STUDY:A Guide for Designing and Conducting a Case Study for Evaluation Input, page 3 9 Education is a human right with immense power to transform. On its foundation rest the cornerstones of freedom, democracy and sustainable human development. Kofi Annan 2.3 Liberalism Liberalism, though not the dominant theory of international relations, had nevertheless its influence upon international relations. There can be mentioned its moments of ascension, like in the periods after each of the two World Wars, and after the end of the Cold War. One notable achievement, in relation with liberalism, was the creation of the United Nations after the World War II. Whilst realists focus on continuity rather than on change, liberals claim that politics itself is product of ideas, and ideas can change.4 Liberal thinkers disagree with the idea of a permanent condition of conflict between states, and that the only way of managing this is by creating alliances against threatening states. War is unprofitable, said Erasmus in 1517. Therefore, the leaders of Europe must desire and enhance peace by having a kind attitude towards other sovereign states and waiting for the same response. 5 Liberalism, as its name may suggest, it is focused around the liberty of the individual. According to this theory, international relations must have the same aim. There are three main types of liberalism identifies: liberal internationalism, idealism and liberal institutionalism. Liberal Internationalism Leading figures of the liberal internationalism in the Enlightenment (18th Century) were Immanuel Kant and Jeremy Bentham. At that time, domestic politics were encountering a new age of rights, citizenship and constitutionalism. Kant and Bentham were against the barbarity that was characterizing at that time the international arena. They wrote manifests that can lead towards freedom and justice in international relations. In order to achieve perpetual peace, according to Kant, it is needed the transformation of 4 5 John Baylis and Steven Smith, The Globalization of World Politics, page 163 Ibidem, page 165 10 individual consciousness, republican constitutionalism and a federal contract between states to abolish war. 6 At the same time, Bentham favored the apparition of an international tribunal, that would judge international disputes, and therefore the war would no longer be needed.7 Liberal internationalists believe that an international law system could emerge without the existence of a global government. As a sum-up, this variety of Liberalism circles around the idea that international cooperation in trade and other fields will have peace as an outcome. Idealism (1900 until 1930) Having the same goal as the liberal internationalist, to prevent war, idealists were, however, skeptics about the fact that the go with the flow principles, such as free trade, would bring peace. Also, while liberal internationalists consider that peace is a natural condition, idealists believe that peace must be constructed. In this line of view, U.S President Wilson said that international anarchy can be managed by an international institution, and that international relations, much as domestic affairs, must also have a set of rules.8 As a result, the League of Nations was found, whose aim was to maintain peace. However, the League was not a success; though based on idealist foundation, in practice it was governed by self-interest, which finally lead to its dissolution in 1946. Another important idea of Idealism was about education. International Relations were first set as a discipline in 1919, promoting the League of Nations and providing understanding about other civilizations. 9 Liberal ideas brought their contribution to global politics even during the Cold War, who provided a suitable context for realism rather than liberalism. To conclude, idealists have two major suggestions: first is to have an explicit normative thinking in how to promote peace and build a better world, and second, to have an international organizations with norms and rules that the states will obey. 10 6 Ibidem, page 165 Ibidem, page 166 8 Ibidem 9 Ibidem, page 169 10 Ibidem, page 171 7 11 Liberal Institutionalism After the dissolution of the League of Nations, there was a call for a replacement. However, due to previous events, in the case of the United Nations there was a need for a consensus between great Powers, which led to the veto right for the five permanent members of the Security Council. The international context was too complicated at that time, and a collective security system was operationalized only after the end of the Cold War. 11 David Mitrany, an integrationist theorist argued in favor of the idea of transnational cooperation to solve common problems. He was focusing his theory on ramification, as international cooperation would extent in several sectors, therefore making it complicated for states to withdraw from one of the cooperative ventures. 12 There are in liberal institutionalism two main concepts that characterize it: transnationalism and interdependence. The first one is mainly theoretical, but the second one has been recognized by pluralists as a growing phenomenon between states An interesting point of view of the liberal institutionalism is that the downfall of the state autonomy is not necessarily a bad thing; furthermore, transnationalism and interdependence are phenomena that must be managed. 13 In conclusion, Liberalism stands for individual freedom, peace and collaboration and the existence of global institutions with the same norms and rules for everyone. Liberal responses to globalization Previous characteristics of Liberalism that I have presented above portrayed this theory in the course of history. As the project will deal with the context of international affairs of today, in the age of globalization, we must take a look at the three responses that liberalists have towards this phenomenon. Neo liberal internationalism 11 Ibidem Ibidem 13 Ibidem, page 170 12 12 In this section we come across a new concept: globalize liberalism, an attempt of the Western states who are supported by Fukuyama’s theory The End of History where he underlines the superiority of the United States. How to do this? One example would be by destroying the state-structure, like in the cases of Yugoslavia or Somalia, for the consequence of such event call for humanitarian intervention. There is another way of “exporting liberalism”, who does not include military actions: through institutions. Here we have as example the European Union in relation with former communist states. 14 In the Third World aid such as loans is given under conditions that deal with privatizing the economic sector, good governance and norms about human rights. 15 However, there is a criticism about this attempt of Western states to implement their ideology: the number of stable democracies in the world may have been overestimated, and the end of the Stalinism does not necessarily imply the success of liberalism over all other existing ideologies. Also, behind the mask of spreading liberalism, Western states are viewed as having as primary interest commercial benefit.16 Neo- idealism Peace through interdependence and the success of democratic governments remain common features for idealists and internationalists. Neo-idealists are prone to the idea that peace requires a design, especially in a globalized environment. Therefore states and international institutions should be even more democratic.17 As opposed to neo - internationalism, who see globalization in a positive way, neoidealists tend to criticize it. They believe that globalization and community may come into conflict. Though globalization has brought economic benefits for everybody, the rich nations have become far more richer comparative with the economic development of poor nations. Idealists prescript the democratization of the societies, in countries were the society beliefs contradicts has been brought but not implemented. 18 Neo liberal institutionalism 14 Ibidem, page 172 Ibidem, page 173 16 Ibidem 17 Ibidem 18 Ibidem, page 175 15 13 They give prescriptions on how to cooperate and maintain relations in a context of anarchy. Like realists, neo liberal institutionalists believe that the state holds the main role in an anarchic international environment. 19 This theory has four main principles: Actor: while recognizing the importance of global institutions, neo liberal institutionalism grants the main power to the state; Structure: a structure of regimes and international institutions can help states to cooperate in an anarchic context, by reducing verification costs, reinforcing reciprocity and making defection from norms easier to punish; Process: as integration increases, the future of the European Union is seen as a test for neo liberal institutionalism; Motivation: significant gains will stimulate states to cooperate with eachother. 20 Though neo liberal institutionalists grant the state with the higher power, they do say that human government and democratic procedure are needed in order that the states wins its legitimacy. 21 In opposition with the first two liberal ideologies, neo liberal institutionalism does not believe in peace enhanced by trade, and makes the distinction between cooperation and harmony. Free trade may bring peace, but does not guarantee keeping it. 22 2.3 Realism Realism has been the dominant theory of world politics since the beginning of academic international relations.23 Before going into detail and examples about realism, I would first like to mention one of the most influential figures of this paradigm: Niccolo Machiavelli, a XVI Century writer, also known as “the father of modern political theory”24. He is most famous due to his work “The Prince”, a book about how a statesman should conduct himself. Machiavelli 19 Ibidem, page 177 Ibidem, page 176 21 Ibidem 22 Ibidem 23 John Baylis and Steven Smith, The Globalization of World Politics, page 145 24 http://www.historyguide.org/intellect/machiavelli.html 20 14 A prince never lacks legitimate reasons to break his promise. Niccolo Machiavelli lived in a very tumultuous period, when empires were fighting for influence and new discoveries were made; his intelligence and his work as a diplomat allowed him to meet some of the most skilled and controversial politicians in history: Pope Alexander the VI and his son, Cardinal Caesare Borgia, who is believed to be the inspiration for “The Prince”. Derived from his name, we are accustomed to hear sometimes the adjective “Machiavellian”. In the Oxford dictionary, this is used to describe a scheming and unscrupulous person, especially when it comes to politics.25 I believe by now that the reader has an opinion about the assumptions that realism makes. However, the realism and realists has much evolved nowadays as a modern theory. This paradigm is well described in John Baylis and Steven Smith’s book, The Globalization of World Politics, from which some key points are written below. A view that is in contrast with the liberalism, realism provides the most powerful explanation for the state of war.26 Realism can be defined through a practical outcome- what American leaders have learnt from it: to focus on interests rather than ideology, to seek peace through strength, to recognize that great powers can coexist even if they have antithetical values and beliefs.27 Realists presume that there are no moral universal principals and therefore state leaders should act according to their interests, instead of sacrificing them for the common benefit. Also, the greater good of the human kind is not a valued notion in the realism, and among with caution and compassion, these should not interfere with the interests of a statesman.28 There are discussions about realism being divided into different types. On one side, there are the historical realists who see the principles of realism as a green light to undergo whatever actions are necessary to ensure success, and on the other side we have the structural realists who see this theory as a permanent condition or preparation of conflict. Then, there is one more type, called the liberal realism, who has a more optimistic 2525 http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/Machiavellian John Baylis and Steven Smith, The Globalization of World Politics, page 141 27 Ibidem, page 142 28 Ibidem 26 15 view. It believes that the state of conflict can manages by the states, given that they create rules for a peaceful coexistence.29 No matter the differences between the different types of realism, there are three major similarities between them: statism, survival, and self-help. Statism First of all, the meaning of the word needs clarification. In the Oxford Dictionary it is explained as “a political system in which the state has substantial centralized control over social and economic affairs”.30 Moreover, it is about the use of force. The state is the main actor, and it has the right to interfere in all affairs that happen within the boundaries of that state. It is a contract between individuals and state, where the latter enforces the law, even making use of violence, and the individual gets in exchange the guarantee of security. 31 As about the external views, the states are in a competition from which someone will be definitely loosing. In theory, a state should not interfere in the affairs of another state, although in practice, realists affirm, this is not usually the case.32 Survival In international relations, the primary goal is survival. This is leading to the achievement of other goals, and the security of the state is one of the top-concerns.33 Realists consider that domestic and international affairs require different set of norms and political rules.34 Furthermore, they argue that the state is the supreme good, based on similarities, common cultures and institutions. They reject the idea of “international community”. This view has been criticized by the liberals, who claim that the actions of states should be judged on the existence of common international values. For instance, while liberals 29 Ibidem, page 149 http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/statism 31 Op cit 10, page 150 32 Ibidem 33 Ibidem, page 151 34 Ibidem, page 152 30 16 We should all oppose acts of encroachment on other countries' sovereignty, forceful interference in a country's internal affairs, and willful use or threat of military force. Hu Jintao support interference in the affairs of other states regarding matter of human rights, realists see this intrusion as an imposition of one state’s moral principles on another. 35 Self-help According this last principle, states must rely only on themselves, and on the help that another state may provide them. Realism states that in international affairs there can be no such notions as thrust, friendship, or honor. The only aspect is a state of uncertainty, due to the lack of a global government. Some degree of cooperation is possible as realist states aim to gain more than other states. 36 However, throughout the history there have always been regional alliances between states that preferred this kind of cooperation rather than self-help. Bottom line, when talking about realism, we think about the main instinct of survival of the states that are to protect their own interests even if they are to disregards such notions as the greater good of the human kind. Moreover, states are bound not to interfere in each other’s internal affairs. China in correspondence with Liberalism and Realism The Liberalism implies that the threat of war it is still a slight possibility. However, the best way of promoting peace and prosperity, and having societies focused on prosperity while competition will remain in the economic zone, is to bring China into the world capitalism process.37 Looking at China’s foreign policy lately, and seeing what the two IR theories are about, it appears that China is keener towards liberalism rather than realism. Interdependence and international cooperation characterize China’s international decisions, such as joining the World Trade Organization in 2001 and being part of the ASEAN (South-East Asia Economic Area) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. 38 35 Ibidem, page 153 Ibidem, page 155 37 Stephen M. Walt, International Relations: One World, Many Theories, page 40 38 Gregory Chin and Ramesh Thakur, Will China change the World Order?, page 120 36 17 In what concerns China’s domestic affairs, it is more prone towards realism, as it values more a strong state, a disciplined society, stable economic growth, and national security over ‘‘imported’’ notions of human rights, democracy, and unregulated markets. 39 Statism and survival, two of the characteristics of realism, are present. 3. Globalization. Global rule through organizations 3.1 Globalization In Encyclopedia Britannica, the word “globalization” is associated with “standardization”. It is supposed to make the human life experience the same everywhere.40 Although the above definition stands for “cultural globalization”, we can extent it to “economic and political globalization” as well. Could it be understood that the globalization process will make the economies and politic regimes of the world alike? In his work, Economic Globalization and Institutions of Global Governance, the author Keith Griffin talks about the “Asymmetry of Globalization”. According to him, globalization is leading to greater economic integration. However, he believes that the benefits of this process have been distributed inequitably and that the solution would be more liberalization and democracy at a global level. 41 There are nowadays institutions that manage the global trade, global economy and make the major decisions about peace and war. They have standards and requirements that are imposed to all members, offering therefore uniformity. How far do these organizations go when it comes to interfere in domestic matters? In the following chapters, I will present two major international relations theories that have different aims in how the relations between states should be. After, I will be writing about the main features of two of some of the more important global organizations to provide the reader with some ground information about them. It has been said that arguing against globalization is like arguing against the laws of gravity. Kofi Annan 39 Gregory Chin and Ramesh Thakur, Will China change the World Order?, page 122 http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1357503/cultural-globalization 41 Keith Griffin, Economic Globalization and Institutions of Global Governance, page 792 40 18 3.2 Global Order Structure If we are to look upon the main purpose of the global organizations we can say that they are meant to overcome “selfish state behavior, mainly by encouraging states to forego immediate gains for the greater benefits of enduring cooperation.” 42 If in the old days the powerful nations and empires were forming alliances based on similar interests, dividing poorer territories between them, today the main powers organize themselves into global organizations, taking decisions that affect all the states, on the basis of equality, respect of human rights, solvation of financial problems and peacekeeping. Among the most important global organizations are the United Nations- of which the Security Council plays a very influential role- and the Global 20. As in the analysis part I will be writing about China’s role and influence in the above-mentioned, in the theory part I will describe the function/role and members of those organizations. 3.2.1 UN Security Council The Security Council is one of the main organs of the United Nations. Its powers are granted by the United Nations Charter. (Article 25, UN Charter).43 The Security Council mission is to insure international peace and stability, through peaceful means as much as possible instead of using armed forces. When a conflict arises, the possible solutions will be put towards voting for the members of the Council. Members The United Nations Security Council is composed of five permanent members, two of them also being part of the BRICS. The five permanent members are: China, France, Russian Federation, United States, and the United Kingdom.44 More than ever before in human history, we share a common destiny. 42 Stephen M. Walt, International Relations: One World, Many Theories, page 32 http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter5.shtml 44 http://www.un.org/sc/members.asp 43 19 We can master it only if we face it together. And that, my friends, is why we have the United Nations. Kofi Annan Apart from the above-mentioned, the General Assembly also elects ten nonpermanent members for two-year terms. The new elected countries that have started their term on the 1st of January 2012 are Azerbaijan, Morocco, Guatemala, Togo and Pakistan. 45 The non-permanent members are chosen on the basis of geographic equality: five members from Africa/Asia, two from Latin America, one from Eastern Europe and two from Western Europe or other regions.46 The change of the presidency of the Council takes place every month, by rotation, in alphabetical order. Upon the decisions taken in the Security Council, each member has a vote. Procedural matter require nine votes, while the substantive matters, apart from the nine votes, require that all the five permanent members will agree. This is referred to as “the Veto power”, as if one of the permanent members will use it, the motion will not be approved. 47 “Procedural matters are those matters relating to the structure of the Security Council session. They include, but are not limited to, voting on, establishing a Speaker’s List, establishing speaking time, motions and adjournment of the Security Council session. All Delegates must vote on procedural matters and no Delegate may abstain.”48 By substantive matters it is meant “the investigation of a dispute or the application of sanctions”.49 Function The main responsibilities of the Council are the keeping of the peace and security. In the case of a dispute, the primary action of the Council is to try to make the parties 45 Ibidem http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/532070/United-Nations-Security-Council 47 Op Cit 1 48 sites.mgkworld.net/thessis07/files/rulessc.doc 49 http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_background.html 46 20 reach an agreement through peaceful means. Its role is to investigate and mediate, and it may even set the principals for a peaceful settlement.50 If a dispute leads to fight, the Council’s role is to bring it to an end. Other functions: to formulate plans for the establishment of a system to regulate armaments; to determine the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression and to recommend what action should be taken; to call on Members to apply economic sanctions and other measures not involving the use of force to prevent or stop aggression; to take military action against an aggressor; to recommend the admission of new Members; to exercise the trusteeship functions of the United Nations in "strategic areas"; to recommend to the General Assembly the appointment of the SecretaryGeneral and, together with the Assembly, to elect the Judges of the International Court of Justice. 51 3.2.2 China in the Security Council China is a founding member of the UN Security Council. Its efforts have been guided towards peace-keeping and development of the world.52 China entered the United Nations Security Council on 29th of October 1971. During the period of the Cold War, though promoting principles that were contradictory to both U.S and U.S.S.R, China rarely defied the two superpowers, choosing to make its point through non-participation.53 One important feature of China’s membership during this period is the fact that it only used its veto power twice: once, when the Council considered Bangladesh’s request for UN membership, and second, in the case of Israeli use of force in the Middle East. 54 50 Ibidem UN Security Council / Functions and Powers http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_functions.html 52 http://www.china.org.cn/english/zhuanti/china2003/73247.htm 53 Joel Wuthnow, Beyond the Veto: Chinese Diplomacy in the United Nations Security Council, page 24 54 Joel Wuthnow, Beyond the Veto: Chinese Diplomacy in the United Nations Security Council, pages 31-32 51 21 He who controls others may be powerful, but he who has mastered himself is mightier still. Lao Tzu China’s little interference in the Security Council in that period can be explained by the fact that at that time, China had little knowledge about the Security Council, was not familiar with the environment, and also, apart from the Bangladesh issue, had no other foreign concern.55 In the 1980’s, China started being more active, increasing considerably its participation and affinity with the United States.56 China’s voting patterns had slightly changed during the 1990’s, only the increase of affinity towards the United States is notable.57 The three vetoes that China used in this period had more to do with the delicate relations between China and Taiwan, rather than with the peacekeeping concerns in Haiti, Macedonia and Guatemala.58 China disapproved of the use of force by the UN, claiming that it erodes the norm of sovereignty.59 Instead of using its veto power, China abstained from supporting UN missions in Serbia and Kosovo. As reasons, China was trying to improve its relations with the international community, and it was dangerous to veto for those motions while at the same time China was also against the humanitarian intervention in Third World countries, and lacking the necessary strength to stand up to the U.S. It must be also said, that China had no interest in the geographic areas mentioned above. 60 The evolution of China’s involvement in Security Council continued: in the years 2000, it began supporting more and more UN missions for peacekeeping. A great advantage that China obtained from here is that it improved its image as a responsible state.61 55 Ibidem, page 33 Ibidem, pages 34-35 57 Ibidem, page 39 58 Ibidem, page 44 59 Ibidem, page 46 60 Ibidem, page 48 61 Ibidem, page 55 56 22 4. Analysis In its early years in the Security Council, China admitted that had little knowledge on the matters and began through a policy of non-participation. In time, as China was getting more and more used to the Security Council agenda and the State of China was becoming more powerful, China began making use of its veto power. We see from the earlier chapter that China began slightly taking more notable actions in the Security Council in the 1990’s; this period coincides with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, period in which China’s economy reached 45% of U.S economy. the fifth largest power in the world. 63 62 In 1993 China was thought to be the third or As China achieved more and more status, it was believed that it was its duty to help poorer nations.64 Some of the cases where China used its vetoes and abstained are mentioned in the theory part; each time had its interests (regional, like in the cases that regarded China’s relations with Taiwan, or international, such as having a good image in the international context) for acting or abstaining. Having in mind characteristics of the IR theories – liberalism and realism – and the role played by it in the United Nations Security Council, we see China acting more towards realism, as it opposes humanitarian intervention and defends states sovereignty. Following now, I will describe two cases where China played an important role: the Security Council Reform and the UN mission in Syria. 4.1 China’s Veto on the Security Council Reform Since its inauguration, the Security Council remained practically the same, functioning on the basis of the UN Charter and dividing the veto power between its five permanent members. Critics view the Security Council as being undemocratic, as power is distributed only among few members. 65 In an attempt of improving the Security Council’s functioning, there have been proposed two models of reform in order to broaden the membership: 62 Yan Xuetong, The Rise of China and its Power Status, page 5 Ibidem, page 6 64 Ibidem, page7 65 J. Mohan Malik, Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto, page 1 63 23 Adding six new permanent members – most likely Japan, Germany, Brazil, India, Egypt and South Africa or Nigeria (we see here the rest of the BRICS) and three new two-year term members. Creating a new semi-permanent membership of a four years term for eight members and one more two year term membership. 66 Neither of the models offers veto power to any new members, which is one of the main critics of the Security Council. The reform of the Security Council is a delicate matter for China, especially if among the new members would be India or Japan. So far, China has been the only Asian permanent member in the Security Council, which has brought many advantages to China, such as being a more important actor on the international stage and the only Asian negotiator with the U.S on matters of security. 67 Also, relations between China and Japan are characterized by a long history of war and intolerance. To protect China’s interests in the Security Council, Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Zhang Qiyue provided an analysis containing five principles that should be taken into account when considering the reform of the Security Council. Top priority in achieving equitable geographical distribution According to this first principle, new members in the Security Council should be selected from Africa and Latin America. Conveniently enough, this would allow China to remain the only representant for Asia. Moreover, due to the increase in China’s relation with Latin America, this would be even more beneficial. Legitimate wish of developing countries in being members of the Security Council India qualifies for being the most progressive developing country; however, China’s feeling towards India are not necessarily the best ones. When UN claimed that there should be a focus on developing countries, China urged into approving. However, in China’s view, India must not have a seat in the Security Council. One explanation that China gives for holding this position is that offering a seat to India it would be like 66 67 Ibidem, page 2 Ibidem, page 20 24 rewarding it for developing nuclear weapons. 68 Here China supports its point of view, as Chinese President Hu Jintao made a statement in the Security Council about Nuclear NonProliferation, where he reinforces China’s stand on nuclear disarming.69 China’s stand towards India seemed to have changed in 2004, when China showed support for India’s membership, saying however that this support will have its conditions.70 The expansion of the Security Council must come with restrictions China suggests that regional private consultations should be held in order to see which country of that region would be a better representative. This would eventually lead to conflicts in Latin America and in the Muslim World, as it would be very hard to point out one representative that would defend the interests of the entire region. If they reach an agreement, the final evaluation would be made by the United Nations. 71 Should the new members have veto power or not? China would like that the veto power to remain the privilege of the first five permanent members indefinitely, on the grounds that the functioning of the Security Council will no longer be as efficient and that France, United Kingdom, United States, Russia and China, as old members, have a much better understanding of the Council.72 Permanent membership and democratization of the international relations are not connected China is continuously rejected the idea of offering veto power to other countries and agrees with the addition of new members only on the basis that they will not be granted veto power. Other countries such as Malaysia rebel against this view, underlining that it is not democratic. For China, having veto power in the Security Council is essential: U.S needs China’s support for resolving regional conflicts in the Middle east, South Asia, Korea and in matter that concern security and terrorist threats. As a consequence, U.S must be very careful when dealing with China. 73 As we look at China’s reaction towards the reform of the Security Council, as in opposition with its reactions in the 1970’s, 1980’s and 1990’s, we see that nowadays 68 Ibidem, page 21 http://www.china-un.org/eng/chinaandun/securitycouncil/t606550.htm 70 Op cit 72, page 22 71 Ibidem, page 23 72 Ibidem, page 25 73 Ibidem, page 27 69 25 China is defending fiercely its interests. Its relation with the United States has changed, as U.S need China’s support, the economy of China becomes stronger and stronger, allowing it to openly deny the right of other nations of joining the Security Council on the basis of self-interest. If China’s power will increase even more, as it is said to be, then its position would be even more strong in international affairs. As we see from the last principle mentioned in regards to new membership of the Security Council, China’s view of democracy differs from the one generally understood, where decisions must be taken by everyone equally, not only by a single power or a few superpowers. 4.2 Veto on the resolution on Syria In March 2011 the Syrians revolted against the authoritarian regime. The protesters were suppressed with violence by the government.74 Following the Syrian uprising, the Arab League proposed to the United Nations a resolution (See Appendix) that would have forced the Syrian President Bashar al-Assa to step down. This resolution did not take place, since China and Russia vetoed on it. A United Nations report on the events that took place in Syria accused the Syrian Government of the following crimes: Arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, torture and other forms of ill-treatment; Sexual violence; Violation of Children’s rights; Displacement and restriction of movement; Violations of economic and social rights. 75 In connection with the International Law, the actions that are punishable are: Impunity, Excessive use of force, extrajudicial executions and other violations of the right to life, Violations of the right to peaceful assembly and the right to freedom of expression, Arbitrary detention and violations of the right to a fair trial, Torture and sexual violence, Violations of children’s rights, Violations of the right to freedom of movement; Violations of economic and social rights.76 All these crimes taken into account, China decided still to veto against UN interference. 74 http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1781371/Syria-Uprising-of-2011-12 Human Rights Council, Report of the independent international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic 76 Ibidem 75 26 Iran, Libya and Syria are irresponsible states, which must be disarmed of weapons of mass destruction, and a successful American move in Iraq as a model will make that easier to achieve. Ariel Sharon The Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations, Li Baodong defends China’s Veto on the grounds that was attempting to prevent more casualties. Also, the Ambassador states that such actions of intervention do no help increasing the unity inside the Security Council nor will they help the Syrian state. However, China is trying to stop the violence that is happening in Syria.77 We clearly see here realism influence in Chinese international affairs, clinging on non-interference in domestic affairs of another state. As the interests or, shall I call them, fears in regards to an intervention in Syria, China though that the situation in Libya and Egypt could repeat itself, as professor Sun Zhe admits. 78 Extrapolating from here, China might fear the spread of the Jasmine Revolution in China, as there have also been recently riots in China. United Nations Security Council duty is to interfere in such situations, like Government violence against protestors in Syria according to the first article of the UN Charter. 79 77 China Defends its Veto of UN Resolution on Syria, http://www.voanews.com/content/china-defends-un-veto-onsyria-138774539/151637.html 78 Ibidem 79 http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter1.shtml 27 Conclusion One of the main achievements of the global organizations was the fight for human rights, humanitarian intervention and global security. The Western superpowers, which dominated the world order until recently, shared a common history, similar ideologies and politic regimes, as well as similar beliefs on human rights. China emerges now, a country with an amazing history, very complex and different beliefs, a politic regime that contradicts Western beliefs. This happens in an era where revolts and war (Arab Spring, Iraq and Afghanistan war) shake the entire world, and when there are also new emerging powers that claim a position in the new global order. In connection with the articles that I have read, I have noticed that China inclines too much towards realism, and to me it does not seem that poor and anarchic nations have a lot to benefit from this view. Realism stands for self-help; how will countries from the Third World help themselves? How will nations obtain more power in the Security Council, voting on issues that concern them as well, if China wishes to keep the veto power indefinitely for the first five permanent members? If I would have done a comparative study, between China and another nation (such as Russia, perhaps) or nations, it is possible to have arrived at another outcome. However, doing the case study about those two situations, the Security Council Reform and the Syrian Resolution, I feel answering to my research question in the following way: China will only undergo actions that suit its interests, and want to protect the status that has achieved so far fiercely. China’s vision does not embrace the importance of human rights and of humanitarian intervention; what should the poorer nations hope for? Communism in Eastern Europe collapsed with help provided from outside; isn’t that a prove that global intervention can be beneficial? Massacres in countries such as Syria and Libya can be prevented and stopped. I believe that the analysis of the two cases show that China’s increasing power and influence on a global level can have harmful effects on the world, especially upon underdeveloped and developing countries. 28 Bibliography China Defends its Veto of UN Resolution on Syria, http://www.voanews.com/content/chinadefends-un-veto-on-syria-138774539/151637.html Gregory Chin and Ramesh Thakur, 2010, Will China Change the Rules of Global Order, Center for Strategic and International Studies, The Washington Quarterly Human Rights Council, Report of the independent international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/SY/A.HRC.S17.2.Add.1_en.pdf J. Mohan Malik, 2005, Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto, World Policy Journal, World Policy Institute Joel Wuthnow, 2011, Beyond the Veto: Chinese Diplomacy in the United Nations Security Counci, Columbia University John Baylis and Steve Smith, 2001, The Globalization of World Politics - Second Edition, Oxford University Press, New York Keith Griffin, 2003, Economic Globalization and Institutions of Global Governance, Institute of Social Studies, Blackwell Publishing Ltd, Oxford Palena Neale, Shyam Thapa and Carolyn Boyce, 2006, Preparing A Case Study:A Guide for Designing and Conducting a Case Study for Evaluation Input, Pathfinder International Stephen Walt, 1998, International Relations: One World, Many Theories, Foreign Policy, No. 110, Special Edition: Frontiers of Knowledge, published by Washington post Newsweek Interactive, LLC Yan Xuetong, 2006, The Rise of China and its Power Status, Chinese Journal of International Politic, Reproduced from the Science of International Politics, with kind permission of the authors and the Institute of International Studies, Tsinghua University” http://www.britannica.com http://www.china-un.org/eng/chinaandun/securitycouncil/t606550.htm UN Security Council / Functions and Powers http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_functions.html http://www.china.org.cn/english/zhuanti/china2003/73247.htm sites.mgkworld.net/thessis07/files/rulessc.doc http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_background.html http://www.un.org/sc/members.asp http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter1.shtml 29 Appendix The Security Council, Recalling its presidential statement of 3 August 2011, Recalling General Assembly resolution A/RES/66/176 of 19 December 2011, as well as Human Rights Council resolutions S/16-1, S/17-1 and S/18-1, Noting the League of Arab States' request in its decision of 22 January 2012, Expressing grave concern at the deterioration of the situation in Syria, and profound concern at the death of thousands of people and calling for an immediate end to all violence, Welcoming the League of Arab States' Action Plan of 2 November 2011 and its subsequent decisions, including its decision of 22 January 2012, which aims to achieve a peaceful resolution of the crisis, Noting the deployment of the League of Arab States' observer mission, commending its efforts, regretting that, due to the escalation in violence, the observer mission was not in a position to monitor the full implementation of the League of Arab States' Action Plan of 2 November 2011, and noting the subsequent decision of the League of Arab states to suspend the mission, Underscoring the importance of ensuring the voluntary return of refugees and internally displaced persons to their homes in safety and with dignity, Mindful that stability in Syria is key to peace and stability in the region, Noting the announced commitments by the Syrian authorities to reform, and regretting the lack of progress in implementation, Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria, emphasizing its intention to resolve the current political crisis in Syria peacefully, and noting that nothing in this resolution authorizes measures under Article 42 of the Charter, Welcoming the engagement of the Secretary-General and all diplomatic efforts aimed at addressing the situation, and noting in this regard the offer of the Russian Federation to host a meeting in Moscow, in consultation with the League of Arab States, 30 1. 1. Condemns the continued widespread and gross violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms by the Syrian authorities, such as the use of force against civilians, arbitrary executions, killing and persecution of protestors and members of the media, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, interference with access to medical treatment, torture, sexual violence, and ill-treatment, including against children; 2. Demands that the Syrian government immediately put an end to all human rights violations and attacks against those exercising their rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, protect its population, fully comply with its obligations under applicable international law and fully implement the Human Rights Council resolutions S-16/1, S-17/1, S-18/1 and the General Assembly resolution A/RES/66/176; 3. Condemns all violence, irrespective of where it comes from, and in this regard demands that all parties in Syria, including armed groups, immediately stop all violence or reprisals, including attacks against State institutions, in accordance with the League of Arab States' initiative; 4. Recalls that all those responsible for human rights violations, including acts of violence, must be held accountable; 5. Demands that the Syrian government, in accordance with the Plan of Action of the League of Arab States of 2 November 2011 and its decision of 22 January 2012, without delay: a. cease all violence and protect its population; b. release all persons detained arbitrarily due to the recent incidents; c. withdraw all Syrian military and armed forces from cities and towns, and return them to their original home barracks; d. guarantee the freedom of peaceful demonstrations; e. allow full and unhindered access and movement for all relevant League of Arab States' institutions and Arab and international media in all parts of Syria to determine the truth about the situation on the ground and monitor the incidents taking place; and f. allow full and unhindered access to the League of Arab States' observer mission; 6. Calls for an inclusive Syrian-led political process conducted in an environment free from 31 violence, fear, intimidation and extremism, and aimed at effectively addressing the legitimate aspirations and concerns of Syria's people, without prejudging the outcome; 6. Fully supports in this regard the League of Arab States' 22 January 2012 decision to facilitate a Syrian-led political transition to a democratic, plural political system, in which citizens are equal regardless of their affiliations or ethnicities or beliefs, including through commencing a serious political dialogue between the Syrian government and the whole spectrum of the Syrian opposition under the League of Arab States' auspices, in accordance with the timetable set out by the League of Arab States; 7. Encourages the League of Arab States to continue its efforts in cooperation with all Syrian stakeholders; 8. Calls upon the Syrian authorities, in the event of a resumption of the observer mission, to cooperate fully with the League of Arab States' observer mission, in accordance with the League of Arabs States' Protocol of 19 December 2011, including through granting full and unhindered access and freedom of movement to the observers, facilitating the entry of technical equipment necessary for the mission, guaranteeing the mission's right to interview, freely or in private, any individual and guaranteeing also not to punish, harass, or retaliate against, any person who has cooperated with the mission; 9. Stresses the need for all to provide all necessary assistance to the mission in accordance with the League of Arab States' Protocol of 19 December 2011 and its decision of 22 January 2012; 10. Demands that the Syrian authorities cooperate fully with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and with the Commission of Inquiry dispatched by the Human Rights Council, including by granting it full and unimpeded access to the country; 11. Calls upon the Syrian authorities to allow safe and unhindered access for humanitarian assistance in order to ensure the delivery of humanitarian aid to persons in need of assistance; 12. Welcomes the Secretary-General's efforts to provide support to the League of Arab States, including its observer mission, in promoting a peaceful solution to the Syrian crisis; 13. Requests the Secretary General to report on the implementation of this resolution, in consultation with the League of Arab States, within 21 days after its adoption and to report every 30 days thereafter; 14. Decides to review implementation of this resolution within 21 days and, in the event of non-compliance, to consider further measures; 15. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter. 32