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Athletes, Players and Criminals: The Impact of Racial Stereotyping in Rugby League
To what extent is positioning on the pitch in Rugby League affected by Racial Stereotyping?
Student I.D.: 4118139
Word Count: 12000
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Abstract:
The main objective of this paper is to analyse the social impact of racial stereotyping in
rugby league, and whether this racism has restricted participation opportunities for
minorities. This paper adopts a qualitative approach by thematically analysing Super League
statistics and interviews with professional coaches and players, alongside literature on the
subject field. As well as considering the influence of geography, history and identity on the
demographic of rugby league players, and where they are positioned on the pitch in relation
to race. The main novelties of this research in comparison to previous works are the
attitudinal focus of interviews and the interconnected analysis of empirical data, literature
and interviews; enabling a broader understanding of the subject field in its relevant history
and context. The results obtained confirm the hypothesis that there are issues of racial
stereotyping in rugby league; however the evidence suggests that unexpected motives for
this phenomenon, such as the influence of role models, the conceptual “black athlete” and
socio-economic status, contribute to the issue. It also found that racial traits are popularly
acknowledged as explanations for physical and mental characteristics. Yet analysis and
literature fail to suggest whether professional rugby league is consciously restricting
opportunities for minorities to participate. Therefore, the study provides impetus for further
research into rugby league and other sports where racial stereotyping may affect
positioning and create racial barriers to participation.
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Acknowledgements
Thanks must go to Sarah Williams, the Equality and Diversity Manager at the Rugby Football
League for her initial help with obtaining statistics, alongside Ian Ramsdale who provided
valuable support and insight into the subject, as well as the interviewees who kindly gave up
their time to participate in this research. Gratitude is also saved for my brother, Oliver
O’Mara who introduced me to rugby league and pushed me to play, follow and support
arguably the most underrated but entertaining sport in the world. For without him I would
remain a sheltered and naïve ‘southerner’.
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Contents
1. Setting the Scene: Research Questions, Concepts and Terminology .......... 5
2. A Muddy Racial Field: Introduction and Literature review ......................... 8
3. Why Rugby League? .................................................................................. 19
4. Methodology............................................................................................. 28
5. The reality of Rugby League: Statistics and Interviews............................. 33
6. Rugby League versus Science: Discussion ................................................. 43
7. Research Conclusions and Future Recommendations .............................. 50
Bibliography ..................................................................................................... 52
Appendix.......................................................................................................... 60
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1. Setting the Scene: Research Questions, Concepts and Terminology
Main Research Question:
To what extent is positioning on the pitch in Rugby League affected by racial stereotyping?
Secondary Research Questions:
What do professional players and coaches believe contributes to positioning on the pitch in
rugby league?
Does racial stereotyping restrict the opportunities Black and Minority Ethnic players have to
play professional rugby league?
To what extent is rugby league in the twenty-first century considered diverse?
Concepts and Terminology:
Aesthetic Phenotype is a person’s observable physical characteristics, for example skin
colour.
Diversity is “the presence of (ethnic) differences among members of a social unit”
(Cunningham, 2007: 6).
Ethnicity is “the cultural heritage of a particular group of people” (Cunningham, 2007: 83).
Outside Backs are the wing and full-back positions in rugby league.
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Pivot refers to the scrum-half and stand-off positions in rugby league; commonly the
decision-makers in the team and often referred to as the “creative positions”, alongside
hooker.
Racial Stereotyping is a simplified and misleading reflection of a ‘race’ (Nittle, 2013), in
which individuals of a racial group are said to possess the same or similar physical and
mental characteristics. For example, the belief that black people are physically superior but
intellectually inferior to whites (faster and stronger but slower decision-makers), because of
genetic difference, is a racial stereotype.
Scientific Racism is the idea that genetic difference explains racial inequalities. For example,
all ‘black’ people are fast or unintelligent because they are ‘black’.
Social Validation is where a person will see multiple people perform an action or skill
successfully. This will trigger a process of assimilation as the ‘witness’, so to speak, attempts
to understand how all these people were able to perform the action or skill successfully. The
resultant theory of this assimilation is then remembered, and every time the ‘witness’ sees
another person perform the action or skill, who supports the theory, provides a ‘social
validation’ of the belief.
Abbreviations
APS – Active People Survey
BME- Black and Minority Ethnic groups
CRT- Critical Race Theory
NRL- National Rugby League (of Australia)
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RFL- Rugby Football League (Governing Body)
RFU- Rugby Football Union
UK-CRE- United Kingdom Commission for Racial Equality
Guide to Rugby League
Two teams of thirteen players aim to place the ball down in the opposition’s try zone. In a
match consisting of two forty-minute halves, teams alternately try to score within six
‘tackles’. Players may only pass the ball backwards and tries are awarded four points. After
which, a player can gain two extra points by kicking the ball through the posts. Of the
thirteen players, six are forwards: the ‘hooker’ tends to be the smallest player on the pitch
as being small and fast makes it harder for the opposition to tackle them. This is especially
important because they are often responsible for making the first pass in a ‘tackle’; the two
props predominantly catch and run with the ball, as well as making a high volume of tackles;
the two second row players have the same responsibilities as props but are also faster and
have more space to run with the ball; the loose forward does likewise but also passes the
ball more and makes more decisions for the team. There are also seven backs: the two
‘pivots’, along with the ‘hooker’, are the “creative positions”, and make the decisions for the
team - they will be the primary kickers and play-makers; the two wingers and full-back are
the fastest players on the pitch as they frequently have the ball in tight or large spaces,
therefore acceleration and speed is desirable; whilst players at centre tend to be a hybrid of
all positions in rugby league.
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2. A Muddy Racial Field: Introduction and Literature review
‘The sporting body is simultaneously a source of success, a site of reward and a subject of
rule’ (Miller, 1997: 115).
Introduction
In 2001 Spracklen proclaimed, in rugby league black people ‘are being stereotyped
according to racist beliefs about biological attributes which leads to some playing positions
being available to them, such as the wing and second row, and others being denied’ (p.77).
But, twelve years on, to what extent does racial stereotyping still pervade the sport?
To help answer this question, this dissertation focuses on the impact of racial stereotyping
on rugby league in England. Myriad issues regarding geography, genetics, biology,
Darwinism, history and scientific racism are addressed, whilst frequent references to the
obscurity of race and its implications are made, alongside political and social aspects of
rugby league.
The reason this research focuses on the impact of racial stereotyping in Rugby League is
because, as a ‘southern’ and ‘middle-class’ (BBC, 2013) rugby league player and fan, it is
evident that, as a social space occupied by the white male working-class culture, in which
participants and supporters reproduce social processes and institutions (Spracklen et al.,
2010), rugby league confines those perceived as ‘black’ to the periphery; positioned on the
wing or second row due to their apparent natural speed and strength. Furthermore,
regardless of Rugby Football League campaigns to promote ethnic diversity, rugby league
remains a ‘northern and working-class white man’s game’ (Spracklen, 2001: 71) in which
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those who participate are from the imaginary community of the ‘M62 Belt’ and the west
coast of Cumbria (Spracklen, 2001:74). As a result, this study questions why campaigns did
not yield a more positive social impact; was the lack of diversity in rugby league due to its
status in society as a sport for the northern working class? Was it that rugby league is simply
not popular among ethnic minorities? Or was it something else. Subsequently, it was
concluded racial stereotyping may affect Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) participation in
professional rugby league, which would help to explain why ‘black’ players only seem to
excel and participate in positions such as the wing and second row; thus, decreasing the
opportunities ‘black’ people have to progress into the professional ranks. Therefore, this
research will aim to understand what effect racial stereotyping has on positioning in rugby
league, and if this creates barriers to participation through thematically analysing statistics
and interviews; deducing why professional Rugby League coaches and players think racial
stereotyping does or does not influence positioning; and by applying the themes of the
literature to the data and interviews on where ‘black’ players are positioned to better
understand the impact race and racism has on Rugby League.
The dissertation is broken down into six chapters. In order to provide a sense of direction
each section is now briefly outlined:
Why Rugby League? Outlines and contextualises the research by exploring its demographic
and the social, economic, and political aspects of rugby league in connection with race.
The Research Process: Methodology outlines and reviews the practical, theoretical and
statistical approach undertaken with a discussion on the strengths and weaknesses, as well
as ethical issues.
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The reality of Rugby League: Statistics and Interviews introduce results in two parts. Part
one refers to the empirical data on where players are positioned in rugby league. Part two
introduces the interviews of former and current professional coaches and players.
Rugby League versus Science: Discussion ties the statistics and interviews with the
literature through thematic analysis to understand the extent to which racial stereotyping
affects the positioning of ‘black’ players in rugby league.
Research Conclusions and Future Recommendations make concluding remarks regarding
the research question and recommendations for future research.
This literature review will attempt to reduce the confusion surrounding racial stereotyping
by presenting the different approaches and perspectives of understanding race and its
history in order to contextualise the research, whilst also discussing the influence and role
of sport in society.
Literature Review
History As Carl Sagan proclaimed, “You have to know the past to understand the present” (Brunt et
al., 2012: 327); consequently, this section examines when, how and where ‘race’ emerged
as a term and how it developed into a highly contentious issue. Thus, Appiah claims ‘today
the race concept is more problematic than ever before’ (in Back and Solomos, 2009: 678).
For example, Montagu (1963) explains ‘race’ was first introduced by Buffon in 1749 to
‘distinguish between certain geographic groups of man’. Yet, Outlaw and Miles argue
William Dunbar first used ‘race’ in 1508 to denote a class of persons (Outlaw in Goldberg,
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1990:62), with ‘no implication that these classes or categories were biologically distinct’
(Miles, 1982: 10). Although Mason regards Linnaeus – creator of the term ‘Homo-Sapiens’,
as the individual who promoted its use (1960: 25); whilst Barkan contends ‘race’ emerged
from the field of zoology, as a means of categorising animals, before later being applied to
humans by Blumenbach in 1775 (1992: 15). However, Dunn questions the historiography of
‘race’ because it has existed ‘since the dawn of time’, whereby, even the bible professed
‘the sons of Noah gave rise to the Semitic, the dark-skinned, and the other people’ (1975:
70). Therefore, irrespective of what caused the creation of ‘race’, it is apparent that ‘race’ is
enshrined in complexity from its conception. Yet, it is important to highlight a common
theme running through the history of ‘race’, whereby its usage originally denoted another
group of man, and made no reference to biology or another species.
The development of ‘race’ and its association with biology and genetics took place
incrementally in the nineteenth century, as ‘loose usage’ of the term denoting a class of
persons ‘gave way and the word came to signify groups that were distinguished biologically’
(Goldberg, 1990: 62). For Banton and Harwood (1975) it was in this nineteenth century
confusion that racial stereotyping and the “black athlete” is said to have emerged through ‘a
variety of racial classifications,’ because ‘no-one was quite sure what races were to be
classified for’ (p.38). This enabled ‘race’ to be ‘transformed into a pseudo-biological
property of communal life’ (Goldberg, 1990: 266) in order to create ‘a political entity and a
global sporting racial project’, known as the ‘black athlete’, which developed from ‘common
folklore, sports discourse and by pseudo-scientific inquiries and the educational system’
(Carrington, 2010: 2). This enabled the formation of racial stereotyping and scientific racism
to become part of the popular racial rhetoric, which defined social groups by physical
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characteristics. However, Barkan (1992) accentuates the impact of nineteenth century social
scientists in creating racial stereotyping and the ‘black athlete’, because they ‘reified the
concept of race and endowed it with explanatory powers beyond its initial taxonomic
purpose’ (p.15), by promoting the impact of genetics and hereditary traits as it developed
into a label of identity and status. Back and Solomos (2009) finish this historiography of race
by establishing racial science developed into a ‘worldwide movement’ of eugenics in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, because it claimed it was providing an objective
perspective of racial science and improving the genetic composition of humanity, but
crumbled due to its adoption by Nazism in the twentieth century (p. 680-681). Instead,
genomics was born out of its ashes and genetic engineering is still practiced today, for
example In Vitro Fertilisation (IVF) and Down syndrome screenings. Yet, Back and Solomos
(2009) maintain modern racial genomics continues to promote the use of ‘race’ as a
reflection of identity through its apparent social and scientific (biological) definition.
In conclusion, the history of race as a concept explains biology and genetics was only applied
in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries because of its use as an explanation of physical
and mental characteristics. The history also provides a grounded theory on the development
of race and contextualises the research by preceding the argument and emergence of racial
stereotyping.
But what is Race?
This section explains the different perspectives on the definition of race and the issues
surrounding the concept. For example, Social Darwinists believe race is a term used to
describe the difference types of social group in the world based on Charles Darwin’s theory
of evolution by natural selection, also known as survival of the fittest, and Mendel’s theory
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of genetic inheritance (Goldberg, 1990:65). Hence, Knox (1850) argues ‘men are of various
races; call them species if you will’ based on physical attributes obtained through their
environment (p.9). Likewise, Park states different races came into existence because
‘biological and inheritable differences represent man’s responses to the kind of world in
which he has learned to live’ (in Thompson, 2005: 139). Thus, social Darwinists suggest race
is the result of genetic inheritance and social environment.
On the other hand, social constructionists maintain the meaning of race is dependent on
‘complex interplay with environment, cultural, and social factors’ (Goldberg, 1990:68). Thus,
Goldberg argues the definition of ‘race’ is ‘partly political, partly cultural’, but fundamentally
a ‘social formation’ (1990: 68). Additionally, Omi and Winant say ‘race is an important
dimension of social organisation and cultural meaning’ that shapes ‘social institutions,
economic relations, political ideologies and cultural policies’ (in Carrington, 2010: 66);
insinuating racial meanings are neither static nor fixed; hence, to define race is a complex
task that is context-specific. But Back and Solomos add, at the micro-social, experiential
level, ‘we all experience race in a contradictory fashion’ and we, as analysts, must recognise
the importance of ‘double consciousness’ (where we acknowledge our multiple identities)
which ‘points more than ever to the situated and flexible character of raciality’. Likewise, at
the macro-social level of society, ‘we still live in an unfolding social history’ where our
identity and race is tied to social processes and institutions that determine our existence
(2009: 686); inferring race will always have social meaning for all those people who are
using the concept of race to attain social, political and economic equality. Similarly, Miles
(1982) proposes ‘race’ is used to construct social groups on a false pretence of physical
characteristics, in order to differentiate between populations in society. Yet, this, in turn,
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promotes an idea of institutional racism – of which it is meant social structures, such as
government, endorse racial and racist practises to enable the white elite to stay in control,
whilst socially oppressing black and ethnic minority groups (Stanfield II, 2011: 118).
Spracklen, Hylton and Long (2006) further identify Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a key
theoretical approach to defining race. CRT is a popular and modern academic analysis of
how race and racism are foundational elements in historical and contemporary social
structures and experiences - similar to social constructionists, but also challenge past and
present institutional arrangements in sport that racially discriminate and subjugate
minorities (Delgado and Stefancic, 2006). In addition, CRT ‘challenges’ liberal ideology as
unfeasible and racist in itself, as the concepts of ‘objectivity, meritocracy, colour-blindness,
race-neutrality and equal opportunity’ (Spracklen et al., 2006 p. 294) do not account for
differing circumstances between BME groups, thus congregating all the different issues
encompassing race together into a single issue of ‘racial’ discrimination. Mason (2000) also
adds racism emerges from the theoretical contradictions between individual, institutional
and structural forms. Consequently, Hylton (2009:10) claims structural-level racism
reinforces the embedded nature of racial discrimination in the major arenas of our social
lives, whereby the interconnectedness of these domains—education, employment, housing,
health, policing, legal system, politics—forces minority social groups to contest and fight
with the system for them to succeed. As a result, CRT emphasises ‘race’ as an on-going,
contradictory, self-reinforcing, plastic process, subject to the macro forces of social and
political struggle and the micro effects of daily decisions (Haney-Lopez, 2000: 65).
Moreover, Delgado and Stefancic (2006) state CRT also has its own internal conflict due to
arguments between cultural determinists, such as Mitchell (2012: 69), who think race is
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determined via our upbringing, culture and history; structural functionalists, such as
Montagu (1963: VI), that state society’s complexities promote stability, therefore white
superiority and majority is in the interests of society; and social constructivists, such as
Kuttner (1967: 337), who believe individuals are created through social and racial
interactions ‘before man even begins to think’ because he is already influenced by visual
first impressions. But, all factions promote race as an explanatory notion maintained via
social structures that subjugate minorities through institutional racism and social repression
(Goldberg, 1990: 75), whilst questioning why racial inequality in sport is often seen as
‘exceptional and irregular rather than routinely ubiquitous and deeply ingrained’ (Mirza,
1999: 112). As a result, if the problem of the twentieth century was the problem of the
colour line, the problem of the twenty-first century is the deepening complexities and
contradictions of that colour line (Stanfield II, 2011:64).
But why apply ‘race’ to sport?
Sport is widely seen as a complex cultural arena (Hall, 1998) that serves both to challenge
and confirm racial ideologies, because, as the United Nations Office on Sport for
Development and Peace (2013) explains, sport promotes ‘social integration and economic
development in different geographical, cultural and political contexts’, and ‘as a cultural
phenomenon, it is a mirror of society’. Therefore applying race to the field of sport can
enable a wider social understanding of the impact race has on society.
Yet, the idea that sport can improve humanity’s understanding of society and have a
positive social impact is relatively new to the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Prior
to this, Social Hegemonists, like Critcher (in Carrington, 2010), argued racism is an
underlying social issue, and sport does not warrant cultural analysis because it fails to
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‘reproduce social, economic and political structures that enable society to function’ (p.35).
However, in the 1970’s sport was identified as an integral aspect of social life and entered
the English political rhetoric as a public policy concern, when central government
intervention resulted in the establishment of the Great Britain Sports Council, which focused
on ‘encouraging participation’ (Green, 2004: 368). This signalled a shift from quality of
participation to quantity of participation, as it became apparent to governing bodies in sport
that their demographic failed to reflect the diversity of British society (Hylton and Tooten,
2001). Thus, organisations such as Sport England and the United Kingdom Commission for
Racial Equality (UK-CRE) promoted campaigns such as Sporting Equals, to increase ethnic
minority participation in sport and to encourage governing bodies to develop antiracism
campaigns (Spracklen et al., 2006: 291). Such emphasis on increased diversity in sport was
also reflected by the Labour government through documents such as A Sporting Future for
All (Department for Culture, Media and Sport, 2000), which stressed the need to politicise
sport by developing policies and strategies to manage and encourage diversity. As a result,
diversity in English sport became an integral aspect of participation schemes over the next
thirteen years because, as Spracklen et al. (2006) found, many staff ‘at the core of sports
organisations unanimously felt sport had a clear role in tackling racism in society’ (p.297),
hence, relative to what existed twenty years ago, sport can argue to be more diverse,
inclusive and representational of society. Thus, Hylton (2009) concludes ‘sport is an
institution deemed to lessen or eradicate racist dysfunction when it rears its head within
this hallowed cultural construct’ (p.22).
On the other hand, sport has a negative social effect on society by enhancing scientific
theories of racial superiority through institutionalised racism. Spracklen (2008) states,
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‘scientific racism is normalised in sport’ which insinuates genetic explanations emerging
from social Darwinism, ‘to explain differences in elite performance’ (p.221), underpin
negative stereotypes upon all athletes, regardless of standard, whilst preventing the
development of equality throughout society. Stone et al. (1997) support this conclusion
because they found, after interviewing 1500 students at the University of Arizona, black
athletes were considered to have greater natural athletic ability than sporting intelligence.
Whilst, White athletes were measured by participants in the opposite way: better in terms
of sporting intelligence than natural athletic ability (p.291). Carrington (2010) states this
reflects black people as ‘creatures of the body and not of the mind’ (p.174), enabling the
white majority to maintain power. Equally, Syed (2010) explains ‘this demonstrates just how
powerfully stereotypes influence the way we perceive the world’. Yet, ‘now the prevailing
assumptions favour blacks whilst deterring whites’. Black athletes will be perceived as
naturally gifted, and encouraged, leading to extra practise and better performances, thus
seeming to confirm the original assumption (pp. 265-266). This is what Gallagher calls a
‘cycle of stereotypes’ (2011). Therefore, sport is seen to be institutionally racist as a
meritocracy, which is often marked by its subtle covert incarnations as opposed to the more
overt expressions of racist behaviour by individual actors (Wieviorka 1995:78).
Consequently, associating racial stereotyping with rugby league enables this research to
study the subjective and attitudinal nature of race as a signifier of identity through a subject
field in which identity is seen to determine access and opportunities to participate
professionally.
In summary, three key debates emerge from this literature review. Firstly, the history of
race is a complex issue that appears unresolvable – although this allows for research into
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the concept’s historiography. Secondly, the definition of race is flexible and ambiguous, thus
clarification and research into its utility is advisable to better understand the implications of
it use. Finally, sport has a positive and negative impact on society due to its assertion of
equality yet meritocratic environment that supports theories of institutional racism.
Therefore it is ascertained sport is a social mechanism that diminishes and exacerbates
issues surrounding race.
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3. Why Rugby League?
‘Rugby League is a game for everyone to enjoy equally and as an inclusive and welcoming
organisation we respect and value the rights, dignity and worth of every person’ (RFL,
2011a).
This chapter introduces the subject field in greater detail than the literature review allowed,
whilst questioning why rugby league has been selected as the research subject field. It
presents the participant demographic of rugby league; discusses the geography of
professional clubs and the impact this has on stereotypes associated with the sport; explains
the impact of campaigns such as TackleIT, established by the RFL to counter racism; as well
as making comparisons with the NRL (National Rugby League of Australia); and familiarises
you, the reader, with recent events associated with race in rugby league.
Participation numbers across rugby league have been declining over the last five years
according to the 2012 Active People Survey (APS) result for Rugby League, conducted by
Sport England. However, this survey also explains the participant demographic in more
detail with 51,100 participating in rugby league at least once a week, of which 47,700 are
male and 47,400 are ‘white’ (Sport England, 2012: 5). Similarly, data obtained from the 2010
APS result for Rugby League – when the overall participation stood at 52,300 people - shows
14,400 people from Yorkshire (Sport England, 2010: 6), 12,800 people in the North-West of
England (Sport England, 2012: 5) and 1,100 from the North-East play rugby league once a
week, compared to 24,600 participants in the rest of the country (Sport England, 2010: 6).
This fits in with analysis conducted by Spracklen (2001) that suggests an overwhelming
majority of amateur and professional rugby league clubs fall into the ‘M62 Belt’, with
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another large density of clubs along the West Coast of Cumbria (p.74). Additionally, it is said
12,700 people of socio-economic classifications one to four, 9,100 of socio-economic
classifications five to eight, and 29,300 of socio-economic classification nine (Sport England,
2012: 5) play rugby league once a week. Therefore, if the one to four classification is for
those people who are ‘small employers’ up to ‘high managerial, administrative and
professional occupations’ (Office for National Statistics, 2010) – popularly known as the
‘middle-’ and ‘upper-classes’ (BBC, 2013) – then it can be concluded, along with the results
on colour and location, that rugby league is predominantly participated in by white,
working-class and northern males. This has negative implications on the identity of rugby
league as a diverse sport, and proposes participation and opportunities to progress in the
sport from amateur to professional rugby league are restricted to those of a stereotypical
ethnic, economic and geographical background. Hence, research into the impact of racial
stereotyping in rugby league appears to provide a greater understanding of views on race in
northern England.
Spracklen supports the above conclusion by claiming, in amateur and professional Rugby
League, ‘‘black’ players find it ‘hard to overcome stereotypes’ and, ‘do not have the same
familial and social access’ to rugby league; they start as ‘outsiders already objectified as the
Other’. Consequently, rugby league is ‘unattractive’ to some ethnic minority sports fans and
athletes because of the perceived ‘cultural traditions and associations of white, northern,
working-class males’ that control and dominate the sport. Furthermore, those who do wish
to participate in rugby league find racial discrimination ‘built into the boundaries of the
imaginary community in the form of shared history and meanings which they do not share,
and stereotypes and assumptions’ (2001: 77) that restrict opportunities to play the sport
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professionally. However, this is not a recent development; in 1999, the RFL Chief Executive
at the time, Neil Tunnicliffe conducted a survey with players, supporters and coaches, which
found there was a ‘small but significant problem of racism in rugby league’ (Select
Committee on Culture, Media and Sport, 1999), but this conclusion was overlooked by social
analysts and the media due to emphasis on ‘small’. Although, the RFL launched multiple
anti-racism campaigns and the thirteen-point action plan for clubs, which are to be
discussed later.
As the above evidence suggests; locality and town loyalties prove to be important in all
levels of rugby league, because the implication is that it is ‘inextricably linked’ to a northern
identity justified ‘with recourse to the past’ (Spracklen, 2001:74). Whereby, for members of
the imaginary community, the formation of the Northern Union in 1895 – before it later
became known as rugby league in 1922, created this identity. This formation was a split
from rugby union that wished its participants to remain amateur, and therefore supported
the ‘invention of a culture defined by what it is not: no southerners, no toffs’ (Spracklen,
2001: 72). This distinction and continued association with the northern working-class, is how
rugby league remains to be identified. Hence, access to participate in rugby league is denied
for BME populations living in the north, because these ‘invented traditions’ are associated
with an idealised past that existed before the changing migration patterns in the second half
of the twentieth century (Spracklen, 2001: 72).
However, rugby league is evolving and thus enables the research to track the changing
perspectives on race across England. In 2013, Championship One – the third and bottom tier
of professional rugby league – is expanding to include more clubs from outside the rugby
league ‘heartland’ of northern England. Three clubs are making their professional rugby
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league debuts this season: Hemel (Hempstead) Stags, Oxford RL, and the University of
Gloucestershire All Golds. Whilst, French side Catalan Dragons have been members of Super
League (the top-tier of professional rugby league in England) since gaining their license in
2006. These teams represent a conscious decision by the RFL to develop the participation of
professional rugby league away from the imaginary community that plagues the sport, and
which shapes its ‘white’ identity in England. Yet, the RFL are also promoting minority ethnic
involvement through antiracism campaigns in order to engage with the increasingly diverse
communities within the country.
This initial engagement began in 1997 when the RFL launched a thirteen-point action plan to
tackle racism and encourage the development of rugby league in Asian and black
communities. This involved professional clubs explicitly and publicly condemning racist
chants, ensuring no racist literature was handed out on match days and had to eradicate
any racist graffiti in the grounds and stadiums. Additionally, amateur and professional
players and coaches had to follow a code of conduct prohibiting them from making racially
abusive remarks. Whilst, clubs' development programs have also had to actively encourage
ethnic minorities from within local communities to participate in rugby league (Sport
business, 2001). From which this plan then evolved into the RESPECT and Tackle IT
campaigns which are on-going today.
In 2011 the RFL launched Tackle IT; an educational and marketing campaign to promote ‘six
key equality strands of race, sexuality, gender, disability, age and religion’; which still aims to
‘increase awareness of issues such as racism, homophobia and other forms of discrimination
and prejudice within Rugby League’ (RFL, 2013). The campaign was widely supported and,
consequently, Championship club Sheffield Eagles became the first UK sports club to wear a
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playing strip displaying an anti-homophobia message. They were also joined by all Super
League clubs in signing up to the Government’s Charter Against Homophobia in Sport; thus,
the RFL became the first UK sport’s governing body to produce a resource simultaneously
tackling and celebrating all six key equality strands (RFL, 2012c). Similarly, the RFL launched
the RESPECT campaign to enhance the environment in which Rugby League is played at all
levels by discouraging unsporting, foul or illegal behaviour and acts of violence, both on and
off the pitch (RFL, 2012a: 2) through similar means as Tackle IT.
The campaigns yielded positive results immediately, with a vast number of participants from
a BME background completing coaching courses and helping to deliver rugby league to
communities that may have not had the opportunity previously (RFL, 2010:3). As well as
this, seven UK based Jamaicans have been selected to represent their country in rugby
league (RFL, 2010:1), which shows the quality of BME participation is developing and racial
barriers are being broken down. Similarly, in 2008 Ben Noble became the first blind person
to achieve his level 1 rugby league coaching certificate (RFL, 2011b:1). Furthermore, in 2012
the RFL won the Stonewall Sports Award of the Year, which celebrates the impact and
contribution of sporting organisations and athletes in breaking down the barriers of lesbian,
gay and bisexual inclusivity in the sporting environment (2012b: 1). However, little is said
about the experiences minorities have in attaining these qualifications and achievements.
As a result, in 2011 the RFL undertook research into the ‘Perceptions and Experiences of
Rugby League’ to understand how rugby league is seen in Asian communities. From this, it
was apparent all BME groups face a lack of opportunities and access to participating and
supporting rugby league at any level. This was not because Asians and BME groups were
disinterested ‘in accessing new sports’, but rather that clubs are perceived as ‘white spaces’
24
(RFL, 2011c: 8); in which the white- British majority control the social environment.
Additionally, there is a lack of clear pathway between participating at school and finding an
amateur or professional sports club. Accordingly, the RFL found rugby league needs to
actively create more opportunities for participation, and market itself to BME communities
in order to raise its profile– an example of this successful effort is Omar Khan’s recent
acquisition of Super League club Bradford Bulls, in which he has become the owner (BBC,
2012). This research thus shows, although rugby league acknowledges the need to diversify
the sport and improve relations with BME groups, it still needs to develop a greater
understanding of what ethnic minorities require in terms of education, opportunities, and
pathways; whilst simultaneously challenging stereotypical assumptions regarding disinterest
and physical attributes, as well as marketing itself to BME communities. Therefore, research
into this subject field enhances the understanding of attitudes towards different races and
views on racial stereotyping, which are essential to breaking down barriers to participation
faced by ethnic minorities.
However, the history of race in rugby league is comparatively positive when equated with
football – the most popular sport in England with the highest weekly attendances and
participants (Back et al., 2001). It was in 1937 that Jimmy Cumberbatch of Broughton
Rangers became the first black player to represent England at rugby league (RFL, 2011c: 3),
forty-one years before Viv Anderson played football for England in 1978 (100 Great Black
Britons, 2013). Clive Sullivan also became the first ‘black’ rugby league captain for Great
Britain in 1972 (Yorkshire Post, 2006); twenty-one years before Paul Ince became the first
‘black’ person to captain the England football team. Additionally, Roy Francis became the
first ‘black’ coach of a top-tier British professional sports side for Hull FC in 1949 (Hull FC,
25
2013), the same year Alec Givvons also took over as coach of Oldham A (RFL, 2011c: 3), both
more than half a century before Paul Ince, in 2008, became the first English top-flight
manager in football (BBC, 2008).
Nevertheless, in 2004 a total of 172,000 Australians aged 15 years of age and over
participated in Australian rugby league (p. 129), with national interest in the sport at over
30% of the population (Rugby Week, 2010). Therefore, it would be naïve and irresponsible
of this research to ignore the affect Australia has on racial stereotyping in rugby league due
to its global influence as a producer of participants and supporters. Additionally, recent
evidence suggests Australian rugby league remains a racially contentious subject area. For
example, in February 2013, former Australian Rugby League (ARL) Indigenous Council
chairman Percy Knight said, "There is rampant racism within the NRL's administration and it
is very toxic" (Webster and Badel, 2013). Knight explained Aboriginal people are perceived
as ‘second-class citizens’, and reflected as the ‘enemy’ in show-piece events such as the AllStar game; whereby, the best ‘Indigenous’ NRL players play the best white NRL All-Stars in
an annual match. As a result, the selection of the team on the basis of race is seen as an
example of ‘enlightened racism’ and a ‘reinforcement of perceived racial differences’ (Cottle
and Keys, 2010: 8). Consequently, Aborigines formed their own Rugby League Council to
address specific issues affecting indigenous players; suggesting there is an element of
institutional racism in Australian Rugby League. Yet, this ‘feud’ erupted the week after the
Australian parliament officially recognised Aborigines as the continent’s original inhabitants,
and the fifth anniversary of Kevin Rudd’s (the former Prime Minister of Australia) official
apology to the Aboriginal people for past atrocities committed upon them by whites. These
statements imply Australia is divided on the issue of race, and even though the government
26
have released public apologies and statements of intent to abolish racial discrimination, the
reality is race is still a predominant signifier of identity and status in Australian society.
English rugby league is, similarly, not exempt from racial contention. In 2012 Tom Morgan,
of third-tier side South Wales Scorpions, was banned for six games by the RFL for racially
abusing an opponent during a Championship One game (The Times, 2012). Ben Cockayne,
formerly of Hull Kingston Rovers in Super League, was also fined and told to do community
service by his club after being found guilty of making racist comments on Facebook (Mirror,
2011). Whilst in 2007, Tevita Leo-Latu was banned for six games by the RFL for racially
abusing Warrington's Kevin Penny (BBC, 2007). Yet, these are not seen as isolated incidents
because, according to research undertaken by Long and Spracklen (1996), all players (black
and white), half the fans, and a third of officials have heard abusive chanting against black
players at their own grounds, plus it is not said to be confined to a few rogue clubs (p. 21).
Therefore, it can be argued rugby league in England remains a racially contested space in
which racial discrimination still exists.
In conclusion, like all sports, rugby league is used to define and shape identities. Although,
antiracism campaigns, research and the inclusion of professional clubs outside of the
northern ‘heartland’ are enabling it to slowly lose the white, northern and working-class
identity. Yet, to increase diversity in rugby league further it must abolish racial stereotyping
and discrimination that restrict the opportunities BME groups have to participate in and
legislate the sport. Rugby league is currently and justifiably seen as a white man’s game but
this is only so because it is defined and controlled by white men (Spracklen, 2001:79). As a
result, rugby league requires a better understanding of those within the management
structure, as well as those who do not participate in the sport, to improve the diversity of its
27
demographic and the experiences they have. Plus, research into this subject field
contributes to a greater knowledge on how race is perceived in society, as well as the extent
to which racial traits contribute to positioning in rugby league.
28
4. Methodology
‘Everyday terms such as White and Black actually have little empirical meaning, except in the
most stereotypical ways’ (Stanfield II, 2011: 48).
This research employs a multimethodology of qualitative and quantitative data, with an
attitudinal approach to better understand the subject field and the results acquired through
semi- structured interviews and empirical data on where ‘black’ players are positioned. A
theory-led thematic analysis will then be applied to the views of those interviewed on racial
stereotyping in rugby league and data collected on where black players are positioned. After
which, the discussion will question to what extent racial stereotyping has had an impact on
rugby league.
Approach and Method
An attitudinal approach has been used because of the subjective orientation of racial
stereotyping, which is said to ‘influence the way we perceive the world’ (Syed, 2010: 265).
Thus, if race is socially constructed then racial stereotyping is a subjective ideology
classifying people through generalised similarities. As a result, to understand the extent to
which racial stereotyping affects positioning in rugby league, this research must deduce the
thoughts and attitudes of those who participate in the sport.
Theory-led thematic analysis involves identifying a number of ‘themes’ which describe the
‘significant aspects’ of the text (Howitt and Crammer, 2008: 336) and reflect their textual
data through a process of coding and sub-coding transcripts and data; as well as correlating
sub-themes with context of the subject field to better understand the data. It also develops
29
themes based on initial theory, in this case the theory of scientific racism and racial
stereotyping, which structures the preliminary thematic coding, before testing the themes
against the data. This approach offers a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the subject
field, and increases the efficiency of deciphering significant themes by providing a clear
structure upon which to base initial codings on racial stereotyping and the issues
encompassing it. Thematic analysis also develops an increased familiarisation of the data by
constantly questioning and reviewing what is significant and relevant to the research (Braun
and Clarke, 2006). This method of analysis will, as a result, interpret and illustrate results
more comprehensively than any other approach due to acknowledging, and accounting for,
the complex subject of race and racial stereotyping in rugby league, as well as the subjective
impact the researcher and interviewees have on the results.
Statistics on where professional black players are positioned on the pitch have been
collected through Super League club websites; however only players having made an
appearance as of Round Seven, week ending March 17th in the current 2013 season have
been listed to ensure the data is reflective of current professional players in Super League.
Similarly, primary data was gathered and authorised by the dissertation supervisor prior to
conducting semi-structured Interviews with professional players and coaches to discover
their views on racial stereotyping, and to assess how their personal experiences with race
affect positioning. These statistics and answers will then be compared to the themes set out
in the literature on racial stereotyping, in order to better understand the impact it has on
positioning in rugby league.
Issues and Access
30
Social media, such as LinkedIn and Facebook, was integral to communicating with potential
interviewees because many players and coaches now employ agents to organise their public
appearances. Therefore, consent was acquired via email unless the interviews were face-toface, from which a consent form was signed. Similarly, an explanation of the research was
completed via email if conducting a telephone interview due to geographical and financial
limitations. Inevitably there were problems with conducting telephone interviews, such as
muffled speech, however clarity was rarely an issue and all nine were completed without
any problems. Nevertheless, to counter issues with access, geography and time, purposive
sampling was utilised based on experience. Interviews were conducted with current and
former international and Super League players and coaches, as well as experienced and new
professional players and coaches from outside Super League. Additionally, the ‘racial’
demographic was reflected by interviewing two white- Australians, four ‘white’- British, one
‘black’- British, and one Polynesian professional, all of whom live and work in England, and
have experienced rugby league in Australia and New Zealand. This increased the breadth of
the data and validity of the research conclusion because of the representative nature of the
participants. However, a number of participants were particularly wary of the implications
of their answers, due to their public position in society. As a result, constant reiteration of
the anonymity of the research, and validation by the participants that their views were
purely based on experience took place. A male focus in the subject field has also been
adopted because researching male and female athletes would be too time consuming,
whilst males have been chosen ahead of females due to their dominance in the subject field,
and due to my own association and understanding of male rugby league.
31
In addition, as BME groups are vast and diverse, the primary selection process to be labelled
‘black’ is based on aesthetic phenotype; for example, BME players, such as Moari and
Aborigines, are grouped together under the all-encompassing heading of ‘black’. However, it
is acknowledged the appearance of all these people greatly differs between themselves, but
they have one significant characteristic in common: they are not categorised as ‘white’; and
it is this socially- subjective distinction that all analysis will be based on. Another significant
reason for this differentiation between ‘white’ and ‘black’ is Sport England – the
government agency responsible for all delivery of sport in England; who categorised BME
groups under the heading ‘non-white’ in the 2012 Sport England Active People Survey for
Rugby League. Likewise, players of Polynesian descent are categorised as ‘black’ by white
Australians who are claimed to be the largest participating social group in rugby league
across the world (Long and Spracklen, 1996: 19). Therefore, this over-simplified
categorisation is supported by the governing body of sport and the largest participating
social group, thus validating the decision.
Similarly, due to the indistinct definition of racial stereotyping, this research fixed the
meaning (outlined in Concepts) to ensure the interviewees fully understood the questions
asked. To the audience this will seem like the research is neglecting the social and cultural
differences between the ethnic groups and issues surrounding the definition of ‘race’,
however as this study is focused on the attitudinal impact of racial stereotyping, the
meaning of the concept has to be clear to the participants and, equally, the categories
discussed are primarily based on social attitudes rather than the formation of knowledge
from aspects such as genetics and biology. Thus, it is less significant where the person is
32
from, compared to their general appearance and aesthetic phenotype, and how this is
reflected to the white majority.
33
5. The reality of Rugby League: Statistics and Interviews
‘Scientists may or may not believe in “races”, but their position has no influence on the
perception of the man on the street, who can see perfectly well that the differences exist”
(Back and Solomos, 2009: 69).
Part one of this chapter presents empirical data on where ‘black’ players are positioned on
the pitch in rugby league obtained via club websites. It groups together all ethnic minorities
to understand the overall nature of BME positioning in rugby league, as well as focussing on
those individually categorised as Maori, Aboriginal, Polynesian and ‘black’, and what these
distinctions suggest about racial stereotyping in rugby league.
Part two introduces and assesses interviews provided by nine former and current
professional coaches and players; their thoughts on how racial stereotyping developed, the
extent to which it affects positioning, and diversity in rugby league. From which a thematic
analysis enabled three key themes associated with the research question to emerge; one,
race continues to affect positioning in rugby league; two, a lack of diversity in rugby league
is an issue that needs to be dealt with; and three, racial stereotyping is the result of the
media and sport constantly providing “evidence” of genetic difference.
Part one:
The acquisition of data focused on four aspects of Super League’s demographic: a player’s
birthplace, current club, position and colour; thus, figure 1. In the Appendix presents all
those considered ‘black’ due to their aesthetic phenotype; figure 2. Unveils the number of
players in Super League considered ‘white’ and who play on the wing or in “creative
34
positions”, such as stand-off, scrum-half and hooker. Whilst, figure 3. Displays how many
‘white’ players are positioned at second row, as well as the total number of players who
have played for each club this season. As a result, a number of themes emerged from
analysis of the data: firstly, the majority of ‘black’ players in Super League are Maori and
Aboriginal people from New Zealand and Australia, of which they account for twenty-two of
the forty-eight ‘black’ players in Super league; secondly, eleven of the twenty-one ‘black’British players (born in Britain) are outside backs, of which eight are positioned on the wing;
thirdly, only four ‘black’ players out of all 333 players in Super League are selected in
“creative positions”, of which there are two hookers and two stand-offs. These three
themes will now be discussed in relation to the research question in greater detail.
The first theme is that twenty-two of the forty-eight ‘black’ players in Super League are of
Maori, Aboriginal and Polynesian descent, of which thirty-two percent are positioned at
second row (figure 1). This suggests there is a lack of participation in rugby league amongst
British BME communities, and ‘non-whites’ are racially stereotyped in regards to
positioning, irrespective of their birthplace. However it also raises more questions than
provides answers surrounding the research question. For example, why, in a country ten
thousand miles away, are the majority of ‘black’ players in Super League considered Maori
and Aborigines? And, why are they predominantly positioned second row? In Australia
national interest in rugby league is over thirty percent of the population (Rugby Week,
2010). Thus, if the majority of those interested also participate then opportunities for
players of all ‘races’ and ethnicities to play professionally will be reduced because there will
be increased competition for positions. Hence, a large number of Australians move to
England in order to have a greater opportunity to play professional rugby League.
35
Additionally, Aboriginal, Maori and Pacific Islander players have been subjected to racial
taunts and insults when participating in the traditionally white-dominated code of rugby
league (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 2006: 135-136). As a
consequence, it can be assumed they move to England in order to escape the frequent racial
discrimination they experience in the NRL structure, as well as providing greater
opportunities to play positions such as hooker and stand-off, because they are seen to have
come from a social environment that promotes versatility, in regards to positioning. This is,
in part, validated by statistics stating players in Super League from Maori, Aboriginal or
Polynesian descent are represented in every position. However, the data also suggests not
all individuals are exempt from racial stereotyping; because 32% are positioned at second
row – a disproportional representation when you consider only 14.3% of ‘black’-British
players (figure 1) and 18.6% of whites are positioned at second row (figure 3).
Similarly, themes two and three also claim racial stereotyping still exists in rugby league. The
data explains that if players of Maori, Aboriginal and Polynesian descent were removed
from the statistics, then eleven of the twenty-one ‘black’ British players in Super League are
outside backs, whilst eight of these are wingers (figure 1). Or, put another way, fifty-two
percent are outside backs, of which seventy-three percent are wingers; and only four –
which corresponds to eight percent of all ‘black’ players in Super League - are selected in
“creative positions” such as hooker and stand-off. This is evident in statistics also obtained
by Long and Spracklen seventeen years ago, where they found there were five black
forwards, thirteen wingers, one utility back and one who played anywhere (i.e. 75% are
backs, 65% wingers) in the whole first tier of professional rugby league. Whilst, of the black
players in the second division, seven were forwards and eleven were wingers. Therefore, of
36
the players from ethnic minorities in both divisions, none were in the scrum half or stand-off
position, and only one was a hooker (1996: 20). As a result, both sets of data suggest racial
stereotyping affects positioning in rugby league, and has for over fifteen years at least.
Further sub-themes also emerge from analysing ‘black’- British players as a social group. In
which, eight of the twenty-one, or thirty-eight percent, of ‘black’- British players in Super
League are from Leeds and Bradford; whilst, London has only produced two ‘black’-British
players (figure 1). In relation to clubs, London Broncos have only selected two ‘black’ players
this season; one British winger, and one Polynesian prop. In comparison, Leeds Rhinos have
selected five ‘black’ players, whereby four are ‘black’-British – the largest composition of
‘black’-British players at any one club in Super League - and Bradford Bulls have featured
four ‘black’ players, in which two are ‘black’-British. From these three clubs, six are forwards
and five are backs. However, the biggest composition of ‘black’ players is at Huddersfield
Giants, where six have made appearances this season. Yet, none of these players are
positioned in the “creative” roles at stand-off and scrum-half.
Nevertheless, the effect of racial stereotyping on positioning is exacerbated when statistics
on ‘black’ positioning is compared to those of ‘white’ players. As this analysis took place,
333 players of all race and ethnicity have made an appearance this 2013 season in Super
League; of which, only forty-eight are considered ‘black’. Consequently, if one was to
remove the forty-eight ‘black’ players, the number of ‘white’ players would stand at 285.
This enables us to decipher 10.1% of whites in Super League are wingers (figure 2.), 18.6%
are second rows (figure 3.) and 22.5% of whites are selected in “creative positions” (figure
2.); suggesting Maori, Aboriginal and Polynesian players are over-represented in the second
row position, whilst ‘black’-British players are disproportionately over-represented with 38%
37
positioned on the wing. Likewise, all ‘black’ players are excessively under-represented at
pivot and hooker with 94.1% of the sixty-eight being white.
In conclusion, the data implies racial stereotyping affects positioning in rugby league greatly.
However, the extent to which this positioning is a conscious decision by players and coaches
based on race, or a coincidence, whereby ‘black’ players who happen to have stereotypical
physical characteristics are positioned on the wing or second row because their attributes
are best utilised here, can only be known through interviewing the actors themselves; which
is presented in the next part of the chapter and will, fundamentally, determine the answer
to the research question.
Part two:
The first theme arose from seven of the nine participants saying, from their experience, race
has affected where a player is positioned on the pitch. However, the reasons for this differ
with every answer. P1 and P9 claim professional Rugby League is a ‘meritocracy’, and thus
does not allow for racial stereotypes which could negatively affect the team’s performance.
However, black people do have a genetic pre-disposition towards playing in the outside back
positions because they are “faster and stronger” than whites (P9). For example, in Australia
“Aboriginal players who didn’t play much sport were still put on the wing or positions where
they could just run in rugby league” (P1). Likewise, “you would be hard-pushed to think of a
black player who plays hooker” (P2) because black people possess “natural speed and
strength” (P2; P4). Consequently, they are positioned in the outside back positions or
second row, which are said by all participants to require such attributes.
38
However, P2 distinguishes between ‘black’ players and those of a Maori descent in relation
to racial stereotyping because New Zealand is seen to have a predominantly ‘non-white’
population. Thus, “they play every position on the park” because racial stereotyping
requires subjugation and a restriction of opportunities only provided by a white racial
majority in the population; therefore, the social environment of New Zealand enables these
players to develop experience and skills to play any position. P5 and P7 oppose this
conclusion by arguing, all ethnic minorities are restricted from playing “scrum-half or standoff” (P7) due to racial stereotyping about the physical and mental characteristics people of
“an African and Polynesian background” (P5) are perceived to hold. P8 adds, although he
disagrees with ideas about genetic pre-disposition, the rugby league scouting network has
an identification process which reinforces racial stereotypes by actively searching for players
with overt racial characteristics. For example, when a scout witnesses a fast, black player
positioned on the wing scoring record amounts of tries they are going to actively search for
a player of similar appearance– a formula which, when successfully applied, creates
Gallagher’s ‘cycle of stereotypes’ (2011) because the racial stereotype that black people are
fast gets reproduced.
In contrast, P3 suggests positioning is simultaneously affected by black people imitating
their role models; the social construction of the “black athlete”; and the view black people
possess similar physical and mental attributes. As a result, a coach can be seen to racially
stereotype black players because they have a genetic and social pre-disposition towards one
position over another. Yet, this is not what he calls racism because black players are making
a conscious decision to play in the outside backs to emulate their heroes. However, this
theory fails to address how those role models came to play their positions originally.
39
Although, it supports the ‘cycle of stereotypes’ theory because successful black wingers will
be idolised and imitated by young black children who will, if successful, be replicated by
their younger black fans, and so on.
On the other hand, P4 claims experience is the primary determinant of positioning because
every player needs to be “a strong runner, good in the air and an all-round player”, but
certain positions also require prior “knowledge” and “experience” to be able to play there –
this is something all interviewees agreed with, and implies “creative positions” need mental
attributes such as “a good reading of the game” (P6), which not all positions require.
Consequently, the above answers suggest race plays a significant role in where a player is
positioned, because it is widely believed that ‘blacks’ possess physical characteristics which
make them more suited to positions that utilise these attributes.
The second theme sees the ‘cycle of stereotypes’ theory re-emerge when interviewees are
questioned about their views on diversity in rugby league. Seven of the nine interviewees
identified socio-structural aspects of rugby league and society as causes for a lack of
diversity, such as environmental barriers and socio-economic status, as well as
discrimination itself on a micro and macro level.
From the seven who identified socio-structural concerns as causes for a lack of diversity in
rugby league, further sub-themes emerged. For example, P5 and P1 suggest there is a lack
of diversity because “there aren’t a lot of black players out there” (P5), as locations in
England which play and support rugby league have a relatively small ethnic minority
population compared to cities such as London. Correspondingly, P2 adds “we’re lucky in
London because… there is such an ethnic mix that you end up with more players from
different backgrounds”. Furthermore, P1 acknowledges ‘outside of London it is very rare…
40
you meet with black people in general’, therefore increasing the diversity of rugby league is
limited by the demographic of populations in northern England that have people who want
to play rugby league. Accordingly, coaches become dependent on the participation of black
and minority ethnic individuals from Leeds or Bradford ‘where you come across and play
against black people more commonly’ to improve the diversity of rugby league and to
promote the sport by acting as role models to BME communities, according to P2. Thus, it
could be argued coaches are unable to “look at a wider spectrum of players” (P1), because
they are already looking at the whole population interested in rugby league. P1 and P9,
however, contend there is also a lack of diversity because black and minority ethnic groups
prefer to play other sports like basketball or athletics due to the social environment they
grow up in. If a boy was to grow up playing basketball with his friends or being actively
encouraged by teachers at school to play a specific sport then he is more likely to develop
attributes in that area. P7 supports this because participation “depends on a lot more things
than just colour” of a person’s skin and the size of a BME population in a given area; the
reasons people play sport is affected by financial incentives, socio-economic status,
education, genetic attributes, social structures and racial barriers. Whereby, a child of low
socio-economic status is less likely swim if they cannot afford the leisure centre membership
to enable them to practise. Similarly, if rugby league pigeon-holes black players into certain
positions then they are more likely to play sports such as basketball or football where there
are no such restrictions or discrimination. It are these social variables, P3 and P8 maintain,
alongside the meritocratic nature of rugby league, where players get selected in positions
best suited to their physical and mental attributes, which explains why it, and all sport, lack
diversity. However, P3 adds “If there is a player who’s got the ability to play a certain
position, irrespective of what colour they are, of course I will play them there”.
41
On the other hand, P4 states rugby league is a diverse sport because “you see different
people play everywhere”. P4 also argues “Super League is unique”, as it not only encourages
and welcomes BME participants, but integrates them into the social structure and promotes
their individuality through schemes publicly advocating equality, rather than targeting them
as a unit of a social group. But P4 does question why there are so few black hookers in the
sport and so many professional black sprinters.
The third theme relates to the emergence of racial stereotyping, in which eight of the nine
interviewees claim it, as a concept, is a social formation constantly re-shaped by the media
and sport providing evidence of racial traits. For example, P1 and P4 suggest the media
constructed the “black athlete” by placing successful black sportsmen on a pedestal, and
focussing on their perceived innate and hereditary physical traits because “you wouldn’t
hear the media talking about a black person if they were slow” (P4). This ‘social validation’ is
a term interviewees implicitly, yet frequently, refer to; explaining that racial stereotyping
emerges from experiences. P3 and P5 support this idea of sport socially reinforcing racial
stereotypes because the general public “visualise” the “black athlete” every time they see a
black sportsman run quickly or be strong in the media (P3). Similarly, according to P2 and
P9, sport is said to construct the “black athlete” image through providing a “social
environment” (P9) and the “limelight” (P4) to reflect their supposed physical superiority. For
example, “you can look at the (Olympics) 100 metres final and say black people are going to
win it for as long as I’m going to live” (P2) – this is, in fact, an analogy consistently referred
to as evidence of racial genetics by participants. Although, negative representations of black
sportsmen “as the athletic players and perhaps not as the decision-makers in the team”
(P2), are also reproduced in sport because it creates a theoretical “traditional relationship
42
with dark guys who are fast or meant to be strong” (P7). But P4 contends this “traditional
relationship” is the result of colonialism, before it was later embedded in the sporting
culture and structure as “evidence” of genetic difference. By colonialism, it is meant
“through history” and “slavery” black people were subjugated and required to perform
“physical work” that “helped them to evolve and made them stronger” (P4). Consequently,
P8 states “if in our lifetime there is a white person who is considered the fastest human on
the planet then things will change, but until someone disproves that theory then proof is in
the pudding as they say”.
In conclusion, racial stereotyping has affected where a player is positioned on the pitch.
These views were closely linked with the level of diversity rugby league has achieved;
whereby, interviewees identified socio-structural aspects as causes for a lack of diversity,
such as environmental barriers and socio-economic status, as well as discrimination itself.
Whilst interviewees also believe racial stereotyping is a social formation constantly reshaped and reproduced by the media and sport, although history is also seen by some to
have initially manufactured the formation.
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6. Rugby League versus Science: Discussion
‘The ‘black athlete’ does not exist in any meaningful ontological sense outside of the
discourse of white sports science and popular imaginings’ (Carrington, 2010: 81).
This chapter discusses the implications of the thematic analysis on the subject field. It
connects the themes of the data and interviews with the literature on race and rugby league
to understand the extent to which racial stereotyping affects positioning in rugby league. It
looks at four aspects of analysis that provide an insight into the underlying issues of racism
in sport: the consequence of social Darwinism and genetic pre-disposition on sport; sociostructural barriers and institutional racism on diversity in rugby league; development of the
“black athlete”; and sport as a social mechanism that diminishes and exacerbates issues of
race and racial stereotyping. Whilst simultaneously discussing why analysis suggests rugby
league positioning remains affected by racial stereotyping and what it means for rugby
league as a social institution. Plus, can racial stereotyping be abolished and how can rugby
league improve the diversity of its demographic?
The science of ‘race’ is widely acknowledged among literature to have developed during the
late eighteenth and the nineteenth century; whereby a variety of racial classifications had
emerged alongside racial stereotyping and social Darwinism, because people were using
science and theories of genetics to explain human differences and development. This
‘transformed into a pseudo-biological property of communal life’ (Goldberg, 1990: 266), as
race became associated with traits and reflections of identity (Banton and Harwood, 1975;
Miles, 1982; Goldberg, 1990; Barkan, 1992; Back and Solomos, 2009). Yet, racial
stereotyping continues to permeate society in the twenty-first century because institutions
44
like sport legitimate these ideas and reproduce an environment in which they are seen as
rational explanatory notions. For example, the consistent representation of ‘black’ people in
athletics events such as the 100 metre finals and international sportsmen such as Harry and
Jamie Redknapp (football), Chris and Stuart Broad (Cricket), as well as Andy and Owen
Farrell (Rugby League/Union) have all provided “evidence” of hereditary and racial traits
due to their perceived “natural” ability to play sport.
Nevertheless, Sport is widely seen to have a positive and negative impact on society by
emphasising the importance of ‘social integration and economic development’ (United
Nations Office on Sport for Development and Peace, 2013), as well as normalising ‘scientific
racism’ and stereotyping as explanations for physical performances that consequently place
black sportsmen on a pedestal (Spracklen, 2008; Stone et al., 1997; Syed, 2010). The latter
evaluation of racism is widely supported by interviewees who proclaim black people possess
“natural” speed and strength, and are, consequently, positioned where they can utilise their
physical attributes most effectively, which is said to be the outside back or second row
positions (P1; P2; P3; P5; P7; P8; P9). Hence, it is unsurprising 32% of the twenty-two Maori
and Aboriginal players are positioned at second row in contrast to 18.6% of whites, whilst
only four ‘black’ players in Super League are positioned in “creative positions”, compared to
94.1% of pivots and hookers who are white. Additionally, out of the twenty-one ‘black’British players in Superleague, 38% are positioned on the wing, in comparison to 10.1% of
whites who are wingers. Thus, signifying ‘black’ players are pigeon-holed in rugby league on
the basis they are genetically pre-disposed to play “speed-related positions” (P6) because of
a supposed “traditional relationship with dark guys who are fast or meant to be strong”
(P7). Subsequently ‘black’ players are subject to social restraints ‘before man even begins to
45
think’ (Kuttner, 1967: 337), because he is already influenced and affected by visual first
impressions, such as aesthetic phenotype.
Consequently, Hylton (2009:10), P7 and P3 claim structural-level racism reinforces and
reproduces the embedded nature of racial stereotyping in the major arenas of our social
lives, whereby the interconnectedness of these domains—education, employment, housing,
health, policing, legal system, politics—forces minority social groups to contest and fight
with the system for them to succeed, often despite the system (Miles, 1989; Mason, 2000;
Delgado and Stefancic, 2006; Hylton, 2009).
Similarly, Carrington (2010) claims the “black athlete” was a product of religious fables and
the scientific tales of nineteenth century racial science created within education and politics
to oppress black people. As a result, it is understandable P4 contends racial traits and the
“black athlete” materialised from colonialism and history, before the theories were later
reproduced in the sporting culture as “evidence” of genetic difference. Thus, it can be
assumed white people reduced the achievements of black sportsmen by claiming their feats
were due to “nature” in order to mitigate the social impact of black industriousness on
colonialism, and to retain white superiority in the British Empire. However, mental ability
was less universally objective in terms of measurement, therefore black people were
presented as intellectually inferior relative to British educational ‘standards’; enabling the
white majority to advocate social inequality and, especially, slavery. Whilst, P1 and P3 state
the media compound the issue of racial stereotyping by highlighting the successful
performances of black players who have stereotypical physical attributes such as speed and
strength. On the other hand, P6 argues race is a socially constructed label that precedes
issues of identity by convoluting social groups, as well as over-emphasising the impact racial
46
traits have in explaining physical characteristics. These perceived differences in explaining
physical and mental ability were consequently found to be determined by the participant’s
experiences; from which all views were validated by “from my experience” or “from what
I’ve seen”. This suggests views on the implications of race are shaped by social environment
at the micro-social, experiential level, where ‘we all experience race in a contradictory
fashion’. Likewise, at the macro-social level of society, ‘we still live in an unfolding social
history’ (Back and Solomos, 2009: 686), which implies, regardless of our experiences and
beliefs, we, as a humanity, must acknowledge our lives are controlled by social
constructions and definitions that are ever-changing, as well as imaginary identities that are
subjective and not necessarily reflective of actual differences. However, is racial
stereotyping the sole reason ‘black’ players are statistically proven and popularly thought to
be pigeon-holed into certain positions?
Spracklen (2001) claims there are a number of factors preventing ethnic minorities from
participating in Rugby League and certain positions. For example, ‘black’ players find it ‘hard
to overcome stereotypes’ and, ‘do not have the same familial and social access’ to rugby
league, so they start as ‘outsiders already objectified as the Other’ (p. 77). Subsequently,
rugby league is displayed as an exclusive, members-only club for white, northern and
working-class men. This is supported by P3 and P8 who argue ‘black’ players have a social
pre-disposition towards certain positions because they seek to imitate their role models,
whilst also being affected by the “black athlete” image. This image has two implications:
one, if a black person does not have those attributes they may make a conscious decision to
attain one or both of them through practise; or, two, they happen to be quick or strong and
then consciously stereotype themselves by choosing to play positions which enable them to
47
utilise these characteristics; rather than cultivate skills and experience in other positions,
because they know they will have greater opportunities to play professional sport if they are
in certain positions or have certain attributes which a scout or coach is looking for.
Therefore, Bill Gallagher’s (2011) ‘cycle of stereotypes’ is constantly reproduced through
social and cultural factors that inadvertently and indirectly endorse theories of scientific
racism, albeit from a purely sporting context. Additionally, P1, P7 and P9 explain the cultural
environment of BME groups; alongside financial incentives, socio-economic status, and
education, affects the interests of athletes because they will be more inclined to participate
in sports where a large proportion of their social group also participate, as well as greater
opportunities to play the sport away from racial discrimination. Correspondingly, RFL
research (2011:b) found Asians were not necessarily disinterested ‘in accessing new sports’,
but rather that participation in rugby league was affected by clubs being perceived as ‘white
spaces’ (p. 8). This white dominance is also seen to affect the ability of ethnic minorities to
gain experience in difference positions because rugby league has developed into a complex
sport; where certain positions require prior “knowledge” and “experience” to play there
successfully (P4). This is not made in reference to the race or ethnicity of a player, however
it can be applied to explanations of racial stereotyping as ‘black’ players can be assumed to
participate in rugby at a later age than the white majority, due to less ‘familial and social
access’ (Spracklen, 2001: 77). Thus, they lack the experience or knowledge to play “creative
positions” until later in their careers when positions have become more fixed.
Another key theme emerging from the analysis was that of geography. P1, P2 and P5 all
insinuated that locations in England which play and support rugby league have a small
ethnic minority population compared to London; thus the numbers of ‘black’ rugby league
48
players is small as a consequence of this. Yet, thirty-eight percent of ‘black’- British players
in Super League are from Leeds and Bradford; whilst, London has only produced two ‘black’British players (figure 1) participating in Super League this season. This could suggest the
population of London is disinterested in rugby league, however clubs such as Hemel Stags,
London Broncos, London Scholars and Hammersmith Hoists suggest otherwise.
Nevertheless, London Broncos have only selected two ‘black’ players this season, whilst
Leeds Rhinos have selected five, Bradford Bulls have four, and six ‘black’ players have made
an appearance for Huddersfield Giants this season. From these four clubs, nine are forwards
and eight are backs. Which implies, no matter how large or small a number of ‘black’ players
a club have or where the club is situated geographically, the same issues regarding racial
stereotyping arise. On the other hand, it can be argued, at least there is potential for racial
stereotyping at these clubs, because it means there is diversity and representation of racial
minorities amongst the matchday squad, whilst no ‘black’ players have made an appearance
this season for Wigan Warriors by the time this data was collected.
So will scientific racism and racial stereotyping ever be abolished? It is highly unlikely as the
foundation of thought is based on experience gained through sight. Yet, “if in our lifetime
there is a white person who is considered the fastest human on the planet then things will
change” (P8). However, the data also explains only forty-eight of 333 players that have
made an appearance in Super League this season are ‘black’, so it can be assumed the more
diverse rugby league becomes, the more racial barriers to participation and positioning will
be broken down, because people will become more exposed to the different characteristics
‘black’ people possess. This will enable people who form assumptions based on racial traits
49
to realise there is no scientific evidence to suggest all ‘black’ people are fast and strong, or
at least there are more differences than similarities between people of a social group.
As a result, it can be concluded ‘black’ players are restricted to playing second row and
winger as a result of a perceived social and genetic pre-disposition. This stereotyping has
resulted in rugby league becoming a ‘white space’, where positioning is primarily
determined by aesthetic phenotype because social, cultural and scientific factors promote
the idea that people of a certain colour possess certain attributes required in certain
positions in rugby league. Yet, whether this is an issue of racial discrimination is subjective
opinion because, as interviewees and literature has explained, ‘we all experience race in a
contradictory fashion’ (Back and Solomos, 2009: 686). Consequently, the reasons for why a
player may play in a certain position are outweighed by the characteristics and experience
enabling them to play there initially.
50
7. Research Conclusions and Future Recommendations
‘Racism operates in a number of ways and incorporates a plethora of acts and processes that
include individual and institutionalized practices that can be either overt or covert’ (Hylton,
2010: 350).
There is evidently an issue in Rugby League regarding racial stereotyping and positioning,
but it would be unjust of this research to assume it is due to racism in any overt or covert
form. Thus, it can be concluded attributes the majority of professional ‘black’ rugby league
players in Britain happen to possess; speed and strength, frequently lead to ‘black’ players
being stereotyped into positions that will best utilise their ‘talents’. However, whether this
is due to racial stereotyping or rugby league being a meritocracy cannot be fully known due
to the subjective nature of the topic. Yet, the views from players and coaches on why ‘black’
people are perceived to have these characteristics suggest there is a widespread belief that
‘black’ people are genetically different to white people. The analysis and literature also state
this has negative implications by creating barriers to participation, and reduced
opportunities for ethnic minorities as they are pigeon-holed into specific positions.
The literature and thematic analysis of data and interviews have also shown historical
developments, scouting networks, social identity, science, role models, cultural
environment and stereotyping all contribute to positioning in rugby league. Consequently,
the role coaches have in determining positioning should be understood as a secondary
aspect that results in racial stereotyping, rather than a primary cause such as social
structures and processes that subjugate BME groups, like the media and sport which
promote inequality and oppression.
51
Additionally, the analysis and literature reflect rugby league as a social institution striving for
racial equality. Yet, individual actors and the impact of the media in reproducing the “black
athlete” retain the white, northern, working-class identity plaguing rugby league and
preventing it from being popularly considered as diverse. This seemingly unconscious
contestation is what is currently being played out every matchday, and explains the
contradiction between data that supports racial stereotyping having an effect on
positioning, views that rugby league is a racially neutral meritocracy and perceptions of
diversity lacking due to coincidental social implications.
Future research recommendations
Further research is required on the impact of racial stereotyping in rugby league to better
understand the effect these views and attitudes have on positioning in comparison to other
sports, therefore expanding the data and number of interviews is necessary across all
sports. This will increase the efficiency of diversity schemes and BME participation initiatives
by enhancing understanding of what different ethnic groups require and need, so they can
participate free from racial restraints. Similarly, more research needs to be done by
governing bodies in sport to clarify the meaning of race and who, if anyone, should be
categorised as part of a race. This will help to clarify an ambiguous term that triggers
multiple social, economic and political issues. Likewise, more research into the stigma of
race in sport should be done because experiences, as results show, shape and influence our
views of each other; which can create distinctions based on false pretences, such as race.
52
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Appendix
Interviewees
Participant
Age
Number
Years of
Role/ position
Former Clubs/Honours (Player and Coach)
1
Hooker
South of England
15
Coach
-
16
Coach
St George Illawara Dragons, Penrith Panthers,
Professional
Experience
P1
21
P2
P3
37
Catalan Dragons
P4
33
P5
P6
46
15
Outside-Back
England, Great Britain
11
Coach
Harlequins RLFC (now London Broncos RFLC)
26
Coach
Illawara Steelers, St. George Dragons, Workington
Town, Huddersfield Giants, Leeds Rhinos, England,
Great Britain
P7
31
12 (retired
Utility
in 2011)
New Zealand Warriors, Brisbane Broncos, Castleford
Tigers, Hull FC, Whitehaven RFLC, Wakefield Trinity
Wildcats, New Zealand
P8
46
14 (retired
Wing
in 2001)
P9
22
2
Widnes RLFC, Wigan RLFC, London Broncos, Salford
City Reds, England, Great Britain
Utility
London Broncos
61
Figure 1. ‘Non-white’ and ‘black’ players in Super League (that have made an appearance in the
current 2013 season)
Name
Birthplace
Team
Position
Matty Blythe
Salford
Bradford Bulls
Centre
Keith Lulia
Sydney, Australia
Bradford Bulls
Centre
Manase Mannokafoa
Sydney, Australia
Bradford Bulls
Prop
Chez Walker
Leeds
Bradford Bulls
Second Row
Jack Webster
Melbourne, Australia
Castleford Tigers
Centre
Rangi Chase
New Zealand
Castleford Tigers
Stand-off
Weller Hauraki
New Zealand
Castleford Tigers
Second Row
Charlie Martin
Durham
Castleford Tigers
Second Row
Brent Webb
Cairns, Australia
Catalan Dragons
Full Back
Leon Pryce
Bradford
Catalan Dragons
Stand-Off
Zeb Taia
New Zealand
Catalan Dragons
Centre
Jamal Fakir
Morocco
Catalan Dragons
Forward
Daryl Millard
Sydney, Australia
Catalan Dragons
Centre
Luke George
Huddersfield
Huddersfield Giants
Outside-Back
Leroy Cudjoe
Huddersfield
Huddersfield Giants
Outside-Back
Jermaine McGillvory
Huddersfield
Huddersfield Giants
Wing
David Faiumu
New Zealand
Huddersfield Giants
Forward
Ukumi Ta’ai
Tonga
Huddersfield Giants
Forward
Jason Chan
Sydney, Australia
Huddersfield Giants
Forward
Aaron Heremaia
New Zealand
Hull FC
Hooker
Evarn Tuimavave
New Zealand
Hull Kingston Rovers
Prop
Constantine Mike
New Zealand
Hull Kingston Rovers
Second Row
Omari Caro
Hammersmith
Hull Kingston Rovers
Wing
Mickey Paea
Sydney, Australia
Hull Kingston Rovers
Second Row
Alex Brown
Huddersfield
Hull Kingston Rovers
Wing
Jamie Jones-Buchanan
Leeds
Leeds Rhinos
Forward
Ryan Hall
Leeds
Leeds Rhinos
Wing
Ryan Bailey
Leeds
Leeds Rhinos
Prop
Kallum Watkins
Manchester
Leeds Rhinos
Centre
Kylie Leuluai
New Zealand
Leeds Rhinos
Prop
62
Kieran Dixon
Hackney, London
London Broncos
Wing
Antonio Kaufusi
Tonga
London Broncos
Prop
Jodie Broughton
Leeds
Salford City Reds
Wing
Danny William
Leeds
Salford City Reds
Wing
Jordan Turner
Oldham
St. Helens
Centre
Sia Soliola
New Zealand
St. Helens
Centre
Francis Meli
Samoa
St. Helens
Wing
Tony Puletua
New Zealand
St. Helens
Second Row
Willie Manu
Sydney, Australia
St. Helens
Second Row
Ali Lauitiiti
New Zealand
Wakefield Trinity Wildcats
Second Row
Reece Lyne
Hull
Wakefield Trinity Wildcats
Outside Back
Paul Aiton
Papa New Guinea
Wakefield Trinity Wildcats
Hooker
Ryan Atkins
Leeds
Warrington Wolves
Wing
Willie Isa
New Zealand
Widnes Vikings
Wing
Patrick Ah Van
New Zealand
Widnes Vikings
Wing
Frank Winterstein
Canterbury, Australia
Widnes Vikings
Second Row
Macgraff Leuluai
Wakefield
Widnes Vikings
Second Row
Phil Joseph
Huddersfield
Widnes Vikings
Hooker
63
Figure 2. White Super League Wingers, Pivots and Hookers (that have made an appearance
in the current 2013 season)
Team
Total number White
Pivots and
White Pivots and
of Wingers
Wingers
Wingers (total)
Hookers
Bradford Bulls
3
3
4
4
Castleford Tigers
2
2
4
3
Catalan Dragons
3
3
5
4
Huddersfield Giants
3
-
4
4
Hull FC
3
3
6
4
Hull Kingston Rovers 4
3
6
6
Leeds Rhinos
2
1
4
4
London Broncos
2
1
4
4
Salford City Reds
3
2
4
4
St. Helens
3
2
6
6
Wakefield Trinity
3
3
5
5
Warrington Wolves
3
2
5
5
Widnes Vikings
3
2
7
6
Wigan Warriors
2
2
5
5
Total
39
29
68
64
Wildcats
64
Figure 3. White Super League Second Rows and total players (that have made an
appearance in the current 2013 season)
Team
Total number of
White Second
Total Number of players
Second Rows
Rows
Bradford Bulls
6
5
22
Castleford Tigers
4
3
24
Catalan Dragons
5
5
26
Huddersfield Giants
4
2
25
Hull FC
4
4
24
Hull Kingston Rovers 7
5
26
Leeds Rhinos
3
2
21
London Broncos
4
4
28
Salford City Reds
4
4
29
St. Helens
4
2
31
Wakefield Trinity
7
6
23
Warrington Wolves
4
4
25
Widnes Vikings
4
2
28
Wigan Warriors
5
5
23
Total
63
53
333
Wildcats
65
Additional sources
http://www.bradfordbulls.co.uk/bulls/first_team
http://www.castigers.com/team/34
http://www.giantsrl.com/locker_room/first_team
http://www.catalansdragons.com/index.php?article=a_DragonsEquipe
http://www.hullfc.com/first-team/squad
http://www.hullkr.co.uk/on-the-pitch/first-team
http://www.therhinos.co.uk/rugby/matchcentre/leeds_rhinos_1st_xiii_profiles.php#.UVAw
NBdWyf0
http://www.londonbroncosrl.com/rugby/fixturesandresults/squad_first_xiii.php
http://www.wakefieldwildcats.co.uk/squads/first-team-squad
http://www.reds.co.uk/squad
http://www.saintsrlfc.com/team/73
http://www.warringtonwolves.org/first-team
http://www.widnesvikings.co.uk/team.php?id=86
http://www.wiganwarriors.com/Wsquadp.aspx
(All accessed: 21/03/2013)