Andrea Arriaga
ASAN 600S
Fall 05
Complexities of Maintaining Balance and Harmony Within the Balinese
System of Healing
-Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to explore how the Balinese define and
interpret concepts of health and wellness. In doing so, I will attempt to
expose how the Balinese act within a specific ideological framework to
maintain balance and harmony on the island, in the community, in the home,
and within the body. My research rests on the premise that the concept of
wellness within the traditional Balinese system is based on the maintenance
of balance and harmony between dynamic and co-existing forces. Eiseman,
whose work focuses on the concepts of the seen and unseen forces of Bali
discusses how sickness in Bali is a state of disharmony between the
individual and his environment, stating “ in this sense illness is no different
from various other kinds of forces” (1989: 135). The concept of illness
presented by Eiseman and conceptualized by the Balinese is what I will be
referring to as illness in the context of this paper. I will attempt to show
examples of methods of traditional healing within the Balinese system that
are based upon maintaining balance and harmony between interactive and
often opposing forces within the environment, community, family, and the
individual, in order to prevent illness and chaos. I have found that these
methods and structures of healing, as well as healers themselves, act as
bridges between the worlds of the seen and unseen, which in the Balinese
construct of reality exist as one. The intent of my research is not to
deconstruct the Balinese system of traditional healing, rather it is to
understand the Balinese concept of wellness through an anthropological and
historical perspective, as it is my belief that holistic and cross-cultural
perspectives lead to deeper awareness that can then be integrated with and
applied to non-traditional methods and concepts for more holistic practices.
This paper thus views traditional and modern medicines as cooperative and
complimentary. The focus of this research is to look at traditional concepts
and practices of healing in Bali, it will also attempt to demonstrate how
traditional Balinese forms of healing may viewed as both valuable and
effective.
A Description of Bali
-Topography and Geology:
The tropical climate, lush environment, exotic allure, friendly locals, and
easy access to the island, have enticed millions of tourists, scholars, and
residents to place themselves on Bali’s fertile land. Since the 1930’s the
occurrence of modernization and globalization have led the Balinese to
witness a huge increase in the influx of tourism and foreign concepts (Shavit,
2003: 21-60). Bali has been exposed to modernization through the influence
of both the east and west (Shavit, 2003: 1-60). Despite access to and
application of modern scientific thought and practices, the Balinese islanders
remain devout practitioners of traditional methods of healing (Conner &
Asch, 1986: 13, 31-2). Methods of healing within the Balinese tradition are
based upon maintaining balance and harmony between interactive and often
opposing forces within the environment, community, family and the
individual (Hobart, 2003: 1-27). Unlike traditional western concepts that
view illness on a linear and fixed scale, focusing on direct physical
correlations, the traditional Balinese concepts of wellness and illness involve
the worlds of both the physical and supernatural, which includes the dynamic
cyclical inter-play of man and spirit, light and dark, seen and unseen.
(Werner, 1993: 11-25). Methods and structures of healing, as well as healers
themselves, act as bridges between the seen and unseen, functioning to bring,
maintain, and restore, harmony and balance to the world of the Balinese and
to the Balinese themselves.
The Balinese cosmology is deeply rooted in the natural physical
environment and historical context in which they are embedded (Hobart,
2003: 1-24). The Baliaga, Bali’s original people, are believed to have
inhabited Bali since the Stone Age (Mabbett, 1995: 25). The picturesque
island of Bali is geographically located in the Indonesian archipelago, it lies 8
degrees south of the equator at a longitude of 114 degrees east (Conner &
Asch, 1986: 11). The island of Bali is one of over 15,000 islands that comprise
the 3,500-mile chain that makes up the archipelago currently known as
Indonesia (Conner & ash, 1986: 11). Bali is in the middle of the archipelago,
located just east of the larger island of Java, which has some of the densest
population concentration in the world, and west of less populated island of
Lombok (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11). Bali’s capital, the urban city of Denpasar,
lies near the southern tip of the island. Bali’s forests are lush and tropical,
and the beaches are a mecca for sun worshippers and surfers. Encircled by
coral reefs and beautiful beaches, Bali separates the Indian Ocean from the
Java Sea. The island of Bali is over 5,688 square kilometers (Suryani &
Jensen, 1993: 8). Bali extends 50 miles from north to south and 93 miles
from east to west (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11). Bali is a mountains island
where volcanic peaks can be seen floating amidst tropic clouds. The
temperature in Bali ranges from 32 to 36 degrees Celsius year round, with a
rainy season ranging from October to March (Shavit, 2003: 3-4). The volcanic
soils of the island along with the seasonal rains, aid in creating rich and
productive fertile soils and the lush landscape that are crucial factors in
sustaining the islanders (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-19).
Bali is divided into northern and southern portions by a range of
volcanic mountains. Four sacred mountains compromise the range; Gunung
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Agung, Batur, Batukao, and Abang (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-15). Crater
lakes within the volcanoes are the islands main source of water (Hobart,
2003: 9). The aboriginal peoples of Bali believe that Gunung Batur is the
holiest (Mabbett, 1995:13). Gunung Batur is near Bali’s Lake Batur and is
associated with the goddess of the lake, Dewi Danu (Shavit, 2003: 3-4). The
4240-acre fresh-water Lake Batur is sacred as well, and revered by farmers
and priests as being the ultimate source of water throughout central rural
Bali (Shavit, 2003: 3-4). The goddess is a provider of irrigation water (Shavit,
2003; 3-4). Natural springs froth forth on the mountains slopes. The water
flows through the island in the form of rivers and streams, connecting the
intricate rice terraces in a beautiful design which integrate man, nature, and
spirit in a harmonious balance (Hobart, 2003: 9-11 and Conner & Asch, 1986:
11-9)..
The highest and most sacred volcano on the island of Bali is the revered
Gunung Agung. Gunung Agung is considered Bali’s holiest mountain to the
island’s Hindus, and is identified as a supreme manifestation of Shiva
(Eiseman, 1989: 3). Gunung Agung is an active volcano and the highest peak
on the island, standing over 10,000 feet tall (Eiseman, 1989: 3). The Balinese
believe that mountains are homes to the gods and places to be respected and
revered (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11). To many Balinese, Gunung Agung is the
center of the universe and is described as “the navel of the world” (Eiseman,
1989: 11). The Balinese have a story that the mountain of Gunung Agung
was raised up by the gods to be a lookout spot for watching the life below
(Conner & Asch 1986: 74-6). To the Balinese the sacred exists within all
structure, form, and formlessness. The created structures of life, such as
temples, as well as those that are believed to be creative forces themselves,
such as the sea or the gods, all play an important role in the Balinese
conception of self, and thus wellness; through looking at a the historical
background and cultural context of the Balinese the importance of both the
form and formless worlds begin to merge and become better understood.
-Religious History and Structure:
Most Balinese are animistic Hindus who regard spirit to exist in all
things (Conner & Asch, 1986: 23-7). Concepts of being, wellness, and health
are deeply embedded in historical, cultural, spiritual, and religious practices
and concepts in Bali as well as globally (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 2-3).
Indonesia is home to the world’s largest Moslem community; ninety-percent
of Indonesians are Moslems, yet the majority of Balinese practice a variant
form of Hinduism generally known as Bali-Hindu (Hobart, 2003: 9-10). Only
5 percent of Balinese are Moslem, while over 90 percent of the Balinese are
Hindus (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). .Bali’s unique form of Hinduism is a blend
of Hindu, Buddhist, and pre-existing animistic beliefs (Suryani & Jensen,
1993: 7-8). The remaining percent of Balinese practice religions such as
Buddhism, Catholicism, Protestantism, or other indigenous religions (Hobart,
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2003: 9-10). Despite the differences in religious practice throughout the
island the general belief in embedded spirit remains constant (Suryani &
Jensen, 1993: 6-8).
The idea of spirit in all things most likely stems from indigenous
traditions, yet is woven into the greater religious traditions, such as
Hinduism and Buddhism (Conner & Asch, 1986: 23-7). Hindu and Buddhist
influences mark Bali’s early history (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 15-18). Hindu
and Buddhist influences were most likely first brought to Bali from India
between the fifth and ninth centuries A.D. through the Sumatran maritime
empire of India, Srivijaya (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Strong Hindu and
Buddhist influences also came from the neighboring island of Java, where the
tremendous Buddhist monument of Burbador was built in the by eighth- and
ninth- century dynasties (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Although the roots of
the Balinese Hindu tradition stem from India, the greatest Hindu influence
in Bali is believed to have spread from the neighboring island of Java
(Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 11-6).
Although historical evidence is somewhat weak, texts and artistic
sources represent Java’s historical cultural and political influence on the
island of Bali (Hobart, 2003: 11-24). In the late 10th century political unity
between Java and Bali was established by the marriage of Bali’s king
Udayana and the Javanese princess, Queen Mahendradatta (Conner & Asch,
1986: 16). The Queen and King’s son, the eleventh century king Erlangga,
installed Javanese priest and warriors to rule over Bali (Conner & Asch,
1986: 16). To this day the union of the Balinese king and Javanese Queen are
celebrated in performance and art, while poetry, art, and theater also reflect
the influence of the eleventh century ties between Bali and Java under the
rule of their son King Erlangga (Hobart, 2003: 11-27).
Today, the Javanese Hindu kingdom of Majapahit is recognized by most
Balinese as being the most important contributor of Hinduism to the island of
Bali (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). The kingdom is renowned for its long
standing contribution to politics, literature, arts, and cosmology (Hobart,
2003: 10). The Hindu kingdom of Majapahit flourished somewhere between
the late thirteenth and sixteenth centuries (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13, 16,
180). In the middle of the fourteenth century Bali fell under the rule of the
Majapahit, and since then the ruling peoples of Bali have claimed a Javanese
ancestry to the kingdom (Barth, 1993: 18-20). Between the fifteenth century
and sixteenth centuries the kingdom of Majapahit began to weaken (Conner
& Asch, 1986: 16). Islamization in Java began to occur as the Islamic elite
began to take political control over Java (Barth, 1993: 18-20). Bali unlike
neighboring Java did not convert to Islam, and devote Buddhist and Hindus
fled to the island (Barth, 1993: 18-20). Artist, intellectuals, priests and
nobles from the last Hindu courts of Java took refuge in Bali, bringing with
them metaphysical texts, epic narratives, poems, and performance theater
(Hobart, 2003: 9-11). Currently Bali is home to the largest population of
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Hindus in the world outside of Java, and is known for its rich cultural
heritage and practices (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Almost all Balinese
currently practice the unique form of Hinduism that incorporates Buddhist
and tantric ideas as well as animism, ancestor, and spirit worship that are
characteristic of the traditional and Malay culture (Hobart, 2003).
-Political History and Hierarchy:
Balinese religion, cosmology, and concepts of wellness are not only tied
to historical and cultural events, they are bound to a social and political
hierarchy as well (Hobart, 2003: 10-16). The system of stratification is based
on the Indian caste system (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 9). The three high
castes of Bali are thought to be descendant from the kingdom of Majapahit
(Ramseyer, 1977: 56-59). Although the traditional caste system from India
that includes the untouchable or outcast class was not adopted by the
Balinese, a modified version was (Eiseman, 1989: 32). The adopted caste
system stemming from the Hindu tradition was originally based on a
member’s role within the community and today is generally of most
importance only during ceremonial activity (Ramseyer, 1995: 267-284). The
three high castes of Bali included the Bahamans who were the highest of the
castes being the priestly caste; the Satriyas, and the Wesias (Hobart 2003,
11-23). Today’s caste system is mainly used for inheritance and ceremonial
purposes (Hobart, 2003:161-162). Modern day priests and healers may be
from ancestrally lower casts, yet priests remain extremely powerful within
the structure of Balinese society no matter what their ancestral lineage is
(Hobart, 2003; 130-133).
A small and powerful elite group of courtly scholars and priests have
been integral in reinforcing and spreading religious and cultural trends
throughout the island (Hobart, 2003: 15-17). Although peasant religion is not
a separate form of religion than that of the elite community, it does tend to
include more animistic beliefs and practices such as magic and sorcery
(Werner, 1993: 11-17). The peasant and illiterate population of Bali have
historically had no access to scholarly and metaphysical text (Hobart, 2003:
16). They are therefore dependent on local priests and religious officials for
transcribed information, which can be correlated to a limited position of
power within the community (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-21). Western scholars
and researchers have most often recorded the elites concepts of religious and
cultural traditions within Bali as it has generally been easier for western
scholars to communicate with and gain access to other scholars and their
knowledge (Hobart, 2003: 11-16). This has placed a bias on western
knowledge of the Balinese worldview as religious beliefs and practices that
rely heavily on magico-animism have most likely been left out of westernbased research.
Although the west has also played a large role in Bali’s history, western
religious practices and ideas of place, time, and being have not displaced the
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traditional cosmological view of the Balinese (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-30
and Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 2-3). The Balinese Hindu religion has
continued to prosper while islands such as Java have experienced intense
Islamization and Westernization, which over time have dramatically changed
the Javanese worldview (Conner & Asch, 19866: 17). In 1816 the Netherlands
declared the East Indies a colony (Conner & Asch, 1986: 17). Bali was spared
from colonial influence unlike the larger islands such as Java, as Bali was
thought too small for large-scale plantation production and lacked the rich
spice groves found on neighboring eastern islands ((Conner & Asch, 1986:
17).. In the mid nineteenth century the British Empire began to threaten
Dutch power in the region, it was during this period that the Dutch turned
their focus to the smaller islands, such as Bali, as well (Conner & Asch, 1986:
16-20).
In 1846 the Dutch took control of the northern part of Bali, by 1908 the
Dutch had gained complete control over the Island. Colonialism in Bali did
not affect the indigenous economy, practices, and beliefs, as it had on other
islands previously occupied by the Dutch (Shavit, 2003: 5-13). During the
time of Dutch control in Bali the Netherlands officially endorsed native
advancement and social welfare through the Ethical Policy (Conner & Asch,
1986: 17-18). “The Netherlands government accorded Bali the status of a
huge native reservation and intended it to be seen as testimonial to the
benevolence of imperial rule…” (Conner & Asch, 1986: 18). The Dutch forces
of power and missionaries who occupied Bali at the time, were not successful
or did not put much effort into converting Balinese beliefs or practices, as
occurred on neighboring islands (Shavit, 2003: 5-13) . The Japanese
succeeded the Dutch in occupying Bali in 1935, and were eventually defeated
in 1945 (Conner & Asch, 1986: 18). In 1949 Bali gained its independence and
after five years of prolonged violence and strife Bali became a province of the
newly united Republic of Indonesia (Conner & Asch, 1986: 18).
From the Second World War through the revolution of the mid-1960’s
Bali experienced extreme social unrest and intense violence (Hobart, 2003:
19-21). The violent and dynamic political and cultural history of Bali is
relevant to the context of healing as it demonstrates how the forces of both
good and evil, and the concepts of light and dark work interactively, and
ultimately in balance to maintain the and create the island paradise of Bali.
Most recently Bali has experienced a series of terrorist bombings, which
although affect the islands economy in terms of tourism, do seem to have
altered the cosmology or practices of the Balinese. Despite the infiltration of
Bali by western and foreign political powers, in terms of beliefs and practices
the Balinese have remained somewhat independent as they have kept their
unique form of Hinduism intact (Hobart, 2003: 19-21).
-Socioeconomic and Family Structure:
Although many changes have occurred in Bali in the last few decades,
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the socio-economic and family structures of the Balinese have also remained
generally unchanged (Vickers, 1996: 1-35). Bali is home to nearly three
million individuals, that compromise two percent of Indonesia’s population
(Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 6). Despite the fact that over fifty percent of the
tourists who visit Indonesia go to Bali and many Balinese have began to work
in the service industry in the cities and tourist areas, over four-fifths of the
islands population still lives in rural areas (Shavit, 2003: 5). The island of
Bali is composed of eight districts, and within each district exist community
groups called banjars (Conner & Asch, 1986: 15 and Suryani & Jensen, 1993:
15). The banjars function as organizational units within the Balinese
communities (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-8). There are over four thousand
banjars that govern the community at large and play an active role in the
social structure of the villages, and island as a whole (Mabbett, 1985: 38-40).
The banjars are made up of community members, they work together to
interpret laws, pass judgment on the unlawful, and keep the community
functioning smoothly and effectively (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-8). The
members of each banjar are also responsible for village ceremonies and
festivities that are crucial in maintaining balance and harmony in the
community (Mabbett, 1985: 38-40). The community member’s primary work
focus and responsibility outside of the home is to the banjar. Sometimes a
member must miss work for weeks if they are needed to do a job or act within
the banjar (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 8). The banjar also functions as an
intermediary between the government and the individual community
members (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-9). Members of the banjar must work
collectively thus creating an intensified sense of unity that is useful in the
maintenance of harmony amongst the villagers within each community and
collectively as Balinese.
Also important in collective responsibility and cooperation are smaller
functional groups known as sekas (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 8). The sekas
are groups within the villages that are allotted various specific tasks and
roles that are important to the villagers, such as specific forms of art or
performance. The sekas are responsible for tasks within the community such
as a specific forms of art, or specific cultivation (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-9).
The practices that are preformed by the sekas are necessary for community
and individual wellbeing.
Another important groups that maintains balance and wellness within
the community is the irrigation group known as the subak (Covarriubas,
1987). The subak is also a small functional group existing within the larger
community, promoting integration and cooperation among individuals,
homes, and villages ((Barth, 1993: 64-75). The subaks are led by high priest
and are believed to be overseen by the goddess of rice, Sri (Mabbett, 1985: 4143). The subaks are composed of village members whose responsibility is to
determine the distribution of irrigation water, which flows down and through
the island (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 9-10). The subak is also responsible for
7
making decisions about planting and other important irrigation practices,
including ceremonial planning which is an essential to the growth and
harvest of crop and the prosperity of the community.(Geertz, 1966).
Geertz points out that a village is not just one unit bounded together it
is an interplay of complex and dynamic levels of organization, including the
family, that together create a community (1996). Although all groups that
compose the Balinese society are important, one of the most important
functional groups within the Balinese society is the family. Over eighty
percent of the Balinese live in extended family units (. The family group in
Bali is known as dadia. The dadia includes the extended family and all of the
ancestors (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 8). According to Suryani and Jensen,
“…family members periodically band together in one place for ceremonies
dedicated to the worship of God: at the house shrine (sanggah or marjan) for
the immediate family, or at the temple (pura) for the extended family” (1993:
8). Ceremonies and communal living situations within the family help to
tighten family ties and create strong foundations for unified beliefs, and
continual traditional practices within the family and home. Through the
complex and dynamic community units, members of the various organized
groups cooperate collectively in the daily tasks necessary for wellness.
Religious concepts and organizations are foundations of social organization,
creating a tightly knit and interconnected sense of unity amongst individuals
and groups. Most every Balinese Hindu must function effectively as a
community and family member in order to attain balance and create optimal
wellbeing for the self and others.
The Balinese community is rich in unity and beauty despite its economic
position in the world. The majority of Balinese live in the central lowlands
and southern coastal plains areas, near the most fertile irrigated lands and
the major centers of tourism (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Most Balinese live in
rural households and over fifty percent work in some type of farming practice,
many involved in rice agriculture, the ancient staple that has supported the
Balinese for centuries (Conner & Asch, 1986: 19). The remaining percent are
artists, government employees, small-scale industrial workers, or are a part
of the ever-growing service industry geared towards tourism (Suryani &
Jensen, 1993: 7). Over fifty percent of visitors to Indonesia go to Bali, yet the
flow of foreign money has done little to increase the national average wage of
the Balinese (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7). In 1993 the per capita income
averaged less than five hundred U.S. dollars (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 10).
Although this number has surly grown in the last decade the Balinese are no
doubt economically poor people. Despite the level of poverty the quality of
life of the average Balinese is very good when compared with others in
developing countries. There are very few homeless or hungry people in Bali,
as food is plentiful and cheap, and family and community structures and
support are generally very strong and highly functional (Suryani & Jensen,
1993; 10).
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History of the Indigenous Medical System:
-The Early Period:
The island of Bali has long cultural history, having been inhabited since
early prehistoric times. Human fossils that date back to 250,000 years ago
have been found on neighboring Java; while stone tools and earthenware
believed to be around 3,000 years old have been discovered on Bali (Reuter,
2002: 3). Although there is evidence of a cultural history dating back over
2,000 years, little is known about the long early period before the 12th century
and the indigenous medical history that is related to the early era (Hobart,
2003: 11-12). There is much that remains to be questioned with the
possibility for discovery, and there is no doubt that the complex historical
background has left an imprint on current concepts of health and wellness,
within the Balinese system of healing.
Although much of the historic evidence for the indigenous medical
practices and beliefs in Bali are non-tangible, a look into specific known
historic texts, events, and artifacts during the era of the Balinese Kingdom
and beforehand may help to highlight the influences that have a bearing on
the current traditional system of healing. There are wide gaps and
inconsistencies that exist in Bali’s historical record, yet much of the
information related to Bali’s early history may be derived in the form of text,
temples, ceremonial practices, story-telling, performance, and other works of
art that are both historic and current. The modes of historic representation
and inquiry may be dynamic and diverse, yet they are valuable in that to
some extent they represent the collective memory and heritage of the
Balinese, which are important factors in comprehending notions of self and
wellness.
-Religious and Spiritual Influences of the Traditional Medical System:
As is noted in the history of religion in Bali, within the context of the
indigenous medical system there is a strong influence of Hinduism,
Buddhism, and Tantric ideas that intertwine with pre-existing indigenous
customs related to magic, animism, shamanism, sorcery, ancestor and spirit
worship (Hobart, 2003: 12-19 and Lovric, 1987a: 64). According to Conner
and Asch, “the Balinese word balian has generally been translated as
‘traditional healer’ in ethnographic literature, but the significance of balians
activities extends beyond this sphere…” (1986: 21). There is evidence of the
existence of balians, associating them the royal courts, that dates back to the
19th century (Hobart, 2003: 11-14). The balians, for whom there is historic
evidence and representation, were mostly elite literate males of the
Brahmanic priestly caste ((Conner & Asch, 1986: 22). Although the historic
record is limited for illiterate and peasant healers surly they existed before
and during the 19th century and played an integral role in the lives and
wellness of villagers and their communities. Existence of early healers who
9
were not noted in historic texts can be inferred through various mediums of
the arts (Conner, 1982). Artistic representations of men and women give
insight into the historic roles they played and the archetypes to which they
are or have previously been associated with. Representations of female
balians are generally associated with the Hindu goddess of the underworld
and destruction, Durga (Conner & Asch, 1986: 22). Female images are often
portrayed as witchlike and exist beyond the boundaries of patrilineal-based
scholarly and literate knowledge, while historic artistic representations of
male balians differ in that the images are more diverse in their
representation (Conner & Asch, 1986: 22-23). Male balians are depicted as
both helpful and harmful and may exist within or on the outskirts of orthodox
and scholarly knowledge (Vickers, 1980: 1-47). Artistic representation of the
past allows us to more fully understand the complex history and structure of
healers’ roles within Balinese society.
Relics of the past also indicate that ancestors and spirits were venerated
in Bali’s early history (Stutterhiem, 1935: 7). The practice of ancestor and
spirit worship is widespread today in Bali. It is believed that when the
ancestors, Gods, and demons are dissatisfied due improper treatment and the
lack of proper offerings and rituals bestowed upon them, illness and
misfortune will surly manifest amongst the descendants of the ancestor and
within the individuals of any given family or village who have not properly
satisfied the demon or God (Hobart, 2003: 37-88).
In understanding the relationship between the Balinese and the spirit
world it is important to take into account the history of Tantric ideas in Bali.
The Tantras themselves are a specific set of Indian text that are numerous
and obscure, they often require a teacher to fully comprehend (Hobart, 2003:
12). The word Tantra itself is literally defined as, ”any of a comparatively
recent class of Hindu or Buddhist religious literature written in Sanskrit and
concerned with powerful ritual acts of body, speech, and mind”
(www.dictionary.com, 2005). In Hinduism Tantric teachings involve popular
aspects of religion and healing such as spells, rituals, and symbols, while
Buddhist Tantric teachings deal with a broader array of practices
(Snellgrove, 1897: 203-204). Both Buddhist and Hindu Tantric teachings are
part of the Balinese cosmology. The common thread of the Tantric texts and
concepts utilized in Bali is the focus on a cosmic sexuality (Hobart, 2003: 12).
The union of the divine female and male can be viewed as a historic symbolic
representation for the culmination and union of opposing forces in the
universe. This divine union is expressed in the literature and arts of Bali
and is a representation of the harmonious balance that can be achieved
through the uniting and intertwining of opposing forces (Hobart, 2003).
The influence of Tantric ideas on the Balinese system of wellness, stress
the seemingly contrary or paradoxical nature of Tantrism as well as those of
the Balinese concepts of wellness. Loverick states:
“The twin themes of horror and hilarity, of the lurid and the lucid, of invoking
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extremes and of dialectical reversals, demonstrably features of the Balinese magicomedical tradition, are all characteristic of Tantric rites. (1987a: 426)
Tantric ideas of balance and harmony through movement, interaction, and
intercourse are heavily drafted into the notion of healing within the
conceptual framework of the Balinese. Poems, statues, and stories, tell of a
history in which Hindu and Buddhist cults merged, both carrying with them
a foundation of Tantric beliefs and practices (Fontein 1990: 49-55). Along
with the historical representations of Tantric practices, today small groups of
Balinese Buddhist priests known as Brahmans exist on the island (Hobart,
2003: 13). They are specialist in Tantric text, and continually reinterpreted
and reintegrate Tantric practices and beliefs into Balinese culture, especially
in the metaphysical healing realms of sorcery and magic (Hobart, 2003: 1214). The continual integration of Tantric values and the practice of
indigenous belief are tools the Balinese use to keep balanced mentally and
physically and to understand and experience the dynamic world and bodies in
which they live.
Philosophies that deal with the balance of nature, man and spirit, have
been passed, integrated, and implemented in Bali. Tantric texts that are
influential in Bali often distinguish between the culmination and balance of a
right and left hand path, otherwise known as a yoga (Hobart, 2003: 12). The
goal of the individual is to create a path that is balanced, thus utilizing
cosmic power to its full potential, transforming and restoring vitality and
optimal wellness within the individual and community. When the right and
left paths are followed in a balanced manner, harmony is thought to be
achieved as the lotuses or charkas within the body awaken and open,
allowing energy to flow freely through the body (Judith, 2005: 9-41). Once the
seven charkas are open and clear the free and powerful energy of the
universe is though to move in accordance through the body, eventually
leading to a blossoming of knowledge, consciousness, and optimal health and
wellness.
-Ancient Manuscripts and Ayurvedic Values:
The Tantric belief in the seven charkas, or energy centers in the body,
stems from the Ayurvedic medical knowledge of India (Judith, 2005: 9-13).
Other Eastern concepts of healing and energy that are practiced in Bali such
as the Chinese meridian points are very similar to Ayurvedic charka theory
(Judith, 2005: 13-16). When the body is out of balance, there is thought to be
a blockage of energy resulting in disease (Judith, 2005: 16-30). The ancient
tantric Ayurvedic beliefs, such as those related to the charkas or kundalini
are very important foundations for the practices of Balinese healers (Hobart,
2003: 11-17).
Some traditional healers in Bali are illiterate or do not have access to
the traditional text while others are highly regarded healers who specialize in
reading, interpreting and using the ancient text (Hobart, 2003: 59-61). The
11
Lontar usada are manuscripts containing metaphysical information of magic,
mysticism, and medicine (Nala, 1993: 18). The Ancient palm leaf manuscripts
texts are known as lontar usada, and are derived from the Sanskrit word for
healing ausada (Nala, 1993: 18). The lontar usada were originally written in
the ancient Indian language of Sanskrit, which was generally only
comprehensible to the literate and scholarly elite yet many of the concepts
found in the lontar texts have been filtered into the villages and to those who
do not have access to them through art and performances (Hobart, 2003: 15).
Some of the lontar texts are transcribed into Old Javanese (Kawi), even
though originally they are derived from India (Hobart, 2003: 15). The
metaphysical lontar text are thought to have first arrived in Bali from east
Java during the eleventh century, brought by the courtly priest Mpu Kuturun
(Nala 1993: 18). The lontar usada are also suspected to have been brought to
Bali during the reign and fall of the Javanese kingdom of Majapahit (Hobart,
2003: 15). The manuscripts fall into three groups; the first group is referred
to as tutur and are metaphysical, cosmological, and mystical in nature, the
wariga is the second group which are more divinatory and magical in
orientation, this group also contains information on medicinal plants, the
third group defines and discusses various illnesses and diseases and how to
diagnose them (Hobart, 2003: 60-61). The palm leaf manuscripts are dried,
treated, and bound, then put to use by healers who traditionally give advice,
medicine, charms, and instructions for offerings and ceremonial procedures
(Hobart, 2003: 59-61).
Scholarly priests who have been historically linked with royalty, to give
personal and political advice, also used the lontar usada (Hobart, 2003: 1513).. The fifteenth century Javanese Brahaman priest Nirartha, is revered in
Balinese history for his poetry and historic recording (Ramseyer, 1977: 59).
He is also known as being the first scholarly priest of the high courts to
encourage and engage villagers to participate in courtly arts and healing,
promoting the mergence of classic texts with folk traditions in Bali
(Ramseyer, 1977: 59). Nirartha was a distinguished scholar on the Tantric
based usada that focused on ideas of Kundalini-Sakti Yoga (Lovric 1987a:
317-325). Kundalini text and practices also focus on the Ayurvedic notion of
clearing the charkas for increased power and vitality (Judith, 2005: 35-41).
Kundalini is also known as serpent power, it is the idea that energy sits like
a coiled serpent in the first or root charka at the base of the spine, as the
charkas open through meditation, breath, and yoga (the yoking of the mind
and body), the serpent energy uncoils passing through the seven charkas or
energy points of the body; consciousness is then awakened and the body
begins to balance and vibrate harmoniously with the energy of the universe
(Judith, 2005: 35-41). Present day priests and scholarly healers in Bali are
aware of Kundalini-Sakti theory and believe that energy can be harnessed as
power, through meditation, awareness and education, and can then be used
in the context of wellness to heal or harm others and the self (Hobart, 2003:
12
17).
-Progress and Modernization:
Notions and historic beliefs of the Balinese and their societal roles as
healers and maintainers of harmony have remained, despite the political and
global changes that have occurred through the centuries (Suryani & Jensen,
1993: 2-4). Colonial rule, globalization and post independence through the
twentieth century brought progress, modernization, and western biomedical
concepts to Bali (Hobart, 2003: 19-23). The Dutch introduced schools and
hospital into urban districts yet generally ignored the role of traditional
healers and rural communities (Hobart, 2003: 21). Not until the mid 1950’s
after Bali gained its independence did the greatest changes in health care
practices occur; with government aide, community and health care centers
focusing on infectious diseases, maternal, and pediatric health were
established, and disease such as small-pox was eradicated (Conner & Asch,
1982: 51). From the 1960’s through the 1980’s international agencies such as
the WHO, UNICEF, and national agencies such as the U.S. AID, and
Indonesia’s IGGI helped in the promotion and funding of programs to
establish low-cost basic health care to citizens of Indonesia, including those in
rural and urban Bali (Conner & Asch, 1986: 34). In 1986 the National Health
Conference implemented the plan for Community Health Care Centers that
was intended to increase community involvement in rural areas through
training, participation, and the establishment of health centers (Conner &
Asch, 1986: 34). Many of these programs focused on creating access to
medical care in rural communities and educating community members on
public health services, giving them the skills to service themselves (Conner &
Asch, 1986: 35).
These practices and programs, which are based on modern western
concepts of health and scientific thought, may have influenced the physical
wellness of the Balinese, but have not diminished the practice or usage of
traditional healers (McCauley, 1979: 1-20). Conner states,
Many doctors inherited the prevalent Dutch attitude that literate medical practitioners
who used classical medical text were to be admired whereas the illiterate midwives,
spirit mediums, and other healers were to be despised for their primitive practices”
(1986: 35).
Despite this statement researchers, such as Boedhihartono, conclude that
modernization has not changed Balinese attitudes towards traditional or
indigenous healing practices, and traditional medicine has not experienced a
decrease in popularity in either rural or urban areas (1982: 33). It may be
assumed that factors such as transportation, access, economics, and
education are crucial in the medical choices that the Balinese make, yet
McCauley proves that these social conditions are not determinants of the
health care that the Balinese seek, as both traditional and modern care are
13
used by most Balinese. (1979: 1-20). The programs intended to increase
public health care, did not diminish the value of traditional healers, in fact
they ultimately may be viewed as having had encouraged the value and use
of traditional healers. One outcome of the health care service program was
the systemization and coordination of traditional scholarly medical texts and
practices, exemplified by the publication of the book Usada Bali, published in
1993 by Nala. Traditional midwifes were also given training in health care
centers, which supplemented their traditional knowledge and experience
(Muninjaya, 1982: 40). Throughout Bali village midwifes are given delivery
kits and supported by government run health care centers and policies
(Muninjaya, 1982: 40). Alternative practices such as acupuncture and
Ayurvedic medicine are now legalized and recognized in Indonesia, the
legitimization of foreign forms of traditional medicine in Indonesia has
helped bring greater validity and respect to traditional Balinese healers and
the Balinese indigenous medical traditions (Boedhihartono, 1983: 33).
Although traditional healers in Bali still do not constitute on officially
recognized instituted body, unlike Ayurvedic practitioners and
acupuncturists they are still regarded by the Balinese as being skilled and
valued practitioners of healing (Conner & Asch, 1986: 22).
Concepts of Wellness, Health and Being
-Life in Balance and Flux Within Time and Space:
As is evident, the traditional Balinese healing system and concepts of
wellness are a mesh of Buddhist, Hindu, Tantric, and indigenous customs
and beliefs, woven together by a common thread. The Balinese are part of a
wondrous whole of cycles and systems, not separate from nature. Within the
context of healing the common thread is the maintenance of harmony and
balance found at different structural levels. The Balinese believe that all
things are dynamic; this belief is paradoxical to its nature, as the belief itself
remains a constant. It is the job of the healer, family, and community to
maintain balance at all levels in order to maintain harmony and wellness. As
Obeyesekere says, definitions of wellness and healing are culturally
constructed concepts that ‘are intricately locked into larger cultural and
philosophical issues and problems of meanings’ (1989: 235). It is thus
necessary to look at different and complex cultural beliefs, practices, and
structures to understand how the Balinese go about maintaining balance and
harmony.
One mode of representation that helps to explain the Balinese
worldview and thus gives a deeper understanding of notions of being, balance
and wellness is the Balinese calendar system and construction of time. To
the Balinese all things in nature and space are dynamic and cyclical, even
time is nonlinear (Mabbett, 1985: 56-59). According to the film, Bali, Beyond
Good and Evil, the Balinese believe that only demons walk in straight lines.
Balinese view time as cyclical and see life as a co-existence of ancient and
14
modern. The Balinese place importance on the repetitive rhythms of growth
in the natural world, recognizing that cycles endlessly repeat, and that the
past is never really gone (Mabbett, 1985: 56-60). There are two different
calendars used in Bali, the lunar calendar (saka), and the 210-day wuku
calendar (Eiseman, 1989: 172). Balinese calendars, unlike western, mark the
intersection of cycles. The Balinese calendars can keep track of cycles up to
10,000 years, to the Balinese the gods have powers over certain days, and
certain homage must be paid to appease these gods, if balance and harmony
are to be maintained, and illness or misfortune to be prevented (Mabbett,
1985: 56-60). Temples and calendars are used in Bali to keep track of the
rhythmic and temporal cycles (Eiseman, 1989: 172-192).
Along with the concept of time and movement, several other major Bali
Hindu beliefs are keys to understanding Balinese cosmology, culture and
cognitive construction; therefore they are important factors in comprehending
Balinese construction of self, balance, and harmony. These beliefs include
and are not limited to the idea of a supreme god, eternal soul, karma,
reincarnation, and unity with God (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 18). They
spiritual concepts also include the idea of maintaining harmony and balance
between the supernatural, man, and his environment, and acknowledging the
important role unseen guardians and connections have in maintaining
harmony, health, daily life, protection and wellness 9Conner & Asch, 1986:
21-30). Spirituality and notions of place and being within the Balinese
cosmology extend to all of nature and the universe, including seen and
unseen aspects. Traditional healers and community members use number of
methods structures, techniques and remedies to maintain harmony and cure
illness through the restoration and maintenance of balance.
-Desa Kala Patra (Place, Time, Rules and Customs):
To the Balinese cycles of time are functional in bringing the three worlds
of Bali together and important in maintaining harmony. The three worlds
consist of the world of the gods and ancestors, the world of man, and the
world of the demons, or underworld (The Three Worlds of Bali). To the
Balinese these worlds not only coexist side by side in the same time and
space, they dynamically interact in a balanced flux moment by moment. One
example of the importance of the concept of time that is integral to
maintaining balance and harmony in Bali is “Desa Kala Patra”, translated as
“place, times, rules and customs” (Muninjaya 1982: 38). Desa Kala Patra
carries the meaning that every action should be carried out at the
appropriate place and time, and should be followed by appropriate rules and
customs. The Balinese will gain advice from priests, healers, and scholarly
text on dates and times important decisions, projects, and actions should be
taken and stared, for example, through consulting the Balinese calendar or
local priestly advice, proper auspicious days are determined for rice planning
and harvesting (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 50). There are even malevolent days
15
for birth, if a child is born on one of these days special offerings must be made
to appease the gods in order to save the individual from a life of suffering and
misfortune (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 15-16). When customs and rules of
conduct are not followed or are done at inappropriate times, members of the
family, whole families, and even communities may become ill or experience
extreme misfortune .
Another example of the Balinese belief in Desa Kala Patra is
exemplified by the volcanic eruption of Gunung Agung in 1963 (Mabbett,
1985: 73). Every one hundred years the purification ceremony, known as Eka
Desa Rudra, intended to restore harmony and balance in people and all of
nature, is held (Conner & Asch, 1986: 74-76). The ceremony lasts over a
month and is attended by all Balinese (Eiseman, 1989: 235). During the reign
of President Sukarno the ceremony was held sixteen years ahead of the
completion of the one hundred year cycle because Sukarno wanted to impress
a group of western travel agents (Eiseman, 1989: 235). During the untimely
event the sacred Gunung Agung began its most violent eruption in over 600
years (Mabbett, 1985: 73). To the Balinese it may have been viewed as hell on
Earth as fire and smoke consumed the area killing almost two thousand
people and destroying almost ninety thousand homes, miraculously Pura
Beskiah, the great and most sacred temple which is located on Gunung
Agung, was spared by the lava that flowed around it (Eiseman, 1989: 236).
The Hindus prayed to the gods to forgive them for defying custom, attributing
the misfortune to anger of Shiva and their defiance of Desa Kala Patra
(Eiseman, 1989: 236).
The Balinese view humans as neither good nor evil, the human world is
the middle ground in between the heavens and the earth (Bali: Beyond Good
and Evil). It is the job of the humans to maintain harmony and balance by
appeasing demons, ancestor, gods, and spirits with appropriate offerings,
sacrifice, prayer, ritual, ceremony, and action. Through right action the
Balinese not only appease the gods, they maintain wellness, and beautify the
land in which they live with temples, shrines, and offerings. For the Balinese
the eradication of evil is not possible, for all things exist as one; both evil and
good must be fed, and balance between forces maintained so that wellness
and harmony prevail and manifest, rather than illness or chaos.
-Panca Srada (Five Principles of Life):
Another term, which expresses the Balinese philosophy of life, is Panca
Srada (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 15). Panca Srada refers to the five principles
of life and important beliefs of the Balinese. The Panca Srada is derived from
the Buddhist and Hindu beliefs that influence the Bali-Hindu religion
(Geertz and Geertz, 1975: 11). According to Suryani and Jensen, the five
beliefs, which compromise the Panca Srada, are:
(1)
(2)
(3)
The existence of a supreme God (Sang Hyang Widi Wasa)
The existence of an eternal soul (atman)
The conviction that every deed has reward (karma pala)
16
(4)
(5)
Reincarnation (punarbawa)
Eventual unity with God (moksa) (1993: 15)
The Panca Srada, combined with pre-existing traditions and values, are
determinants of Balinese behavior and influential in Balinese daily life and
the importance that the Balinese place on maintaining harmony (Muninjaya,
1982: 36). By acting virtuously and appeasing gods in the present life the
Balinese may pay off karmic debt accumulated from past lives, enabling the
possibility for a more rewarding next life while simultaneously creating
wellness and balance within their current lives (Suryani & Jensen 1993: 15).
-Tri Hita Karana (Three Balancing Factors of Harmony):
The Balinese believe in 3 dynamic factors that interact and have
significant value in the maintenance of harmony, balance, wellbeing, and
health. The three main entities that must relate to one another in balance
and are regarded extremely important by traditional healers in order to
achieve a harmonious state are collectively known as Tri Hita Karana
(Muninjaya, 1993: 37). The three factors that the Balinese strive to keep in
equilibrium on a daily basis include: (1) sanghyang jagat karana: supernatural powers or sang hyang widi wasa: God; (2) bhuana agung: the macro
cosmos, the total physical environment of man; including the universe; (3)
bhuana alit: the micro cosmos, man him or herself; including bodily needs,
thoughts, feelings, and the soul (Suryani & Jensen 1993: 16). Disharmony or
disturbance between the supernatural powers or god, man, and his
environment is believed to result in disease, chaos, and disharmony. In order
to maintain this balance on a daily basis ritual prayer and offerings are
ceremoniously preformed. In living, work, and public spaces there are
shrines and small temples so that the individuals within the Balinese
community may maintain a balanced self and environment, through
appeasing and venerating gods and ancestors (Hobart, 2003). The Balinese
believe that all three elements of Tri Hita Karana are involved in illness and
wellness and if all are not regarded or in balance, physical and mental illness
and chaos in the family or community will result (Suryani & Jensen 1993:
16).
-Kanda Empat (Four Spirit Siblings):
Anther important foundational concept in Bali is the idea of the four
spirit siblings, kanda empat (Hobart, 2003: 22). Every individual is believed
by the Balinese to have four spirit siblings (Conner & Asch, 1986: 28-30).
Certain rites and ceremonies are preformed before and after birth to ensure
that the spirit siblings will protect the child from illness and misfortune
(Conner & Asch 1986: 28-30). If the siblings are not properly venerated the
fetus is believed to become impure and fetus and infant will have health
problems or the future person will manifest the impurities incurring illness
and misfortune in a variety of possible forms. (Hobart, 2003: 57). The four
spirit siblings unite the individual with macrocosm and the realm of the
17
supernatural, thus the importance of nurturing the kanda empat through
ritual is considered as important as nurturing the child and mother with food
and shelter (Conner & Asch, 1986: 28). The kanda empat are considered as
important as biological siblings, many childhood rites of passage are
preformed in which they are recognized(Conner & Asch, 1986: 28-30). They
are often called upon in ritual by traditional healers and remain an
important part of an individual’s life and welfare throughout the life-cycle
(Conner & Asch, 1986: 29).
Types of Illness and Diagnosis:
The Balinese believe that all illnesses, be they physical or mental have
specific causes (Hobart, 2003: 53-56). Traditional biomedical concepts of the
west believe that causes of illness stem from biophysical realities that can be
seen, examined, and understood with proper knowledge and technology
(Werner, 1993: 11-25). Meanwhile, the Balinese believe western concepts to
be true within the context of certain illnesses, yet as in other great
civilizations, the Balinese also believe that illness or misfortune may have
moral dimension in which the causes may be understood even if they are
unable to be seen on the physical plane (Brandt & Rozin, 1997: 15). Within
Bali all illness and misfortune are determined by a combination of natural
and moral, seen and unseen causes, thus the job of the Balinese healer
becomes to act as bridge between the worlds of the visible and invisible in
order to bring balance and harmony to a middle ground. The Balinese
concepts of illness and wellness, rely on the concept that a seen and unseen
reality exist side by side and interact, this results in two basic categories for
defining types of illnesses in Bali. The two categories used to define illness
also help to understand the type of healer an individual will choose.
-Sekala (Illnesses from the Visible World):
The first category of illness is what westerns traditionally conjure up
when they word illness is placed in mind. This category can be referred to as
sekala, and is defined as illness from the seen world (Hobart, 2003: 54).
These types of illnesses are known to arise from natural self-evident causes.
Sekala are generally minor physical illnesses that have obvious direct
physical causes, causes include infection, age, and poor health habits
(Hobart, 2003: 54). Physical illnesses in the category of sekala are often
caused by disharmony, especially between the internal state of an individual
and the state of the external world in which they live, examples include colds
from changes in weather, food poisoning, imbalances from improper diet, or
problems with aging such as eye-sight (McCauley, 1979: 5).
For most Illnesses in the sekala category individuals will go to modern
doctors or nurses or may visit healers known for their knowledge of herbs and
homeopathic cures (McCauley, 1979: 4-9). Generally natural diseases are
those accompanied by symptoms like pain, fever, or rashes, and they respond
18
effectively to modern medical treatment, when physical symptoms are not
responsive to modern medical treatment patients often suspect that the
natural disease was caused by a supernatural being and will go to a
traditional healer to find out what has caused the disease and what offerings,
sacrifices, or practices must be done to appease the supernatural force of
causation in order to regain wellness and harmony within the body
(McCauley, 1979: 6-8). Despite the type of healer that Individual chooses the
intent of the treatment is restore balance in the body and bring it back to a
harmonious state.
-Niskala (Illness from the Invisible World):
The second category of illness is unique to the general western-based
concepts of medicine. This category can be referred to as niskala, and is
defined as illness resulting from the unseen world (Hobart, 2003: 54).
Supernatural causes are like the wind playing on a rice terrace in Bali, they
themselves are unseen, yet the effects may be seen and felt. These types of
illnesses are believed to stem from invisible supernatural forces, such as the
gods, nature or ancestral spirits (Muninjaya, 1983: 35). Illness may result as
punishment from angry gods or ancestor due to a lack of proper veneration,
ritual, or offerings (Conner & Asch, 1986: 70-74). The Balinese also believe
that illness may result from neglect of demon spirits (Hobart, 2003: 54).
Although the Balinese do not worship demon spirit they do leave them
offerings that are thought to distract the demons from causing harm, illness,
or misfortune. The neglect of spirit siblings may also result in illness, or
illness and misfortune may result from laws of karmic cause and effect
(Hobart, 2003: 54). Supernatural and unseen causes may also result in illness
and misfortune due to the disruption of balance between natural forces, for
example illness may result after a death or crime in a village, or after
childbirth or during menstruation. It is believed that the village becomes
impure or imbalanced when natural forces are disrupted and the individuals
or community must undergo purification rituals, as impurities are believed to
lead to a weakened and imbalanced state causing individuals and
communities to be susceptible to evil forces and illnesses (Gunawan, 1983:
55).
Although causal forces are unseen, to the Balinese this is not significant
in the acceptance of recognizing cause. Many illnesses that result from
invisible cause are believed to have deliberate human causes such as black
magic, revenge, or spells (Hobart, 2003: 54). During the rainy season there is
an increase in disease and illness, although this is acknowledged to be in part
due to natural causes, supernatural causes too are believed to greatly affect
illness during the wet season (Gunawan, 1983: 56). The Balinese believe that
the increase in illness during the rainy season is due to demonic influences as
the rainy season is a time of year when black magic practitioners are believed
to transform themselves into various forms known as leyak, bringing illness
19
and misfortune to those they encounter (Gunawan, 1983: 56). When the
leyaks transform themselves, the physical body is believed to stay in bed
asleep in human form, while the leyaks transformed shape will manifest as a
physical reality of the night (Eiseman, 1989: 129). Leyak are believed to be
actual community members who have they ability to transform into many
things including animals, light, or the strongest form of leyak being wind
(Covarrubias, 1937: 322-5). Leyak gain their abilities by birth, spell, or
amulet and it is believed that some leyak have secret knowledge of the lontar
manuscripts, which they spend years studying to use for black-magic or
malevolent purposes (Eiseman, 1989: 128). Some people are able to sense
leyak in their human or transformed form and are considered more
susceptible to illness, harm, or even death that the leyak may cause (Suryani
& Jensen, 1992: 322-5). The leyak are one example of a form of malignant
witchcraft or sorcery in Bali, many other examples of Balinese witches and
demonic forces that cause illness or suffering can be given.
On the island of Bali witchcraft is associated with the Hindu goddess of
destruction and the underworld, Durga (Hobart, 2003: 108-112). Witches are
thought to be uncivilized, jealous, greedy, and obnoxious, they are opposed to
the ways of benevolent gods and righteous citizens. They are considered
opposite of all that is normal and decent, and are believed to enjoy things
that ordinary Balinese find morally outrageous, revolting and disgusting
(Howe, 1984: 212-217). Although sorcery and witchcraft are spoken of within
the Balinese communities as strong and widespread cosmic forces, actual
accusation of witchcraft is rare; leading to a disjunction between belief and
practice (Howe, 1984: 213). Based on the disjunction between belief and
accusation the concept rather than the action of witchcraft itself may play a
functional role in maintaining balance and harmony within the individual
and the community.
Sociological theories include such well-worn hypotheses as those which state that fear
of accusation prevents people from behaving in antisocial ways likely to provoke the
anger of a witch or sorcerer, or that people are persuaded not to act like witches lest
they themselves be accused of being one (Ellen, 1993: 18).
The theory of the conceptual function of witchcraft and sorcery is also noted
by Conner and Asch who discuss how individuals in the Balinese community
who are eccentric and display social deviance may be accused of witchcraft
(1986: 68). When sorcery or other forces of the supernatural are thought to be
affecting the wellness and balance of a person or group, a balian is sought to
restore harmony and balance (Hobart, 2003: 54).
-Choices of Care:
Illnesses caused by supernatural forces may result in physical disease,
yet most often they are manifested as mental illness. Individuals who
experience illnesses believed to be caused by unseen supernatural power
generally visit traditional healers in order to be healed (McCauley, 1979: 4-9).
Most often healing of supernatural causes involves sorcery and contact with
20
the spirit world, frequently the balian will go into a trance state to allow for
direct communication with the supernatural cause of illness (Conner & Asch,
1986: 21-33). The Balinese believe that balians are capable of treating
natural illness as well as supernatural while modern doctors are only capable
of treating natural illnesses; this gives the balians increased credibility as
they are able to help patients achieve equilibrium in regards to the concept of
tri hita karana (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 17) There are a variety of types of
balians a patient will visit dependent on the perceived illness (Conner &
Asch, 1986: 30-39). Many Balinese choose to go to both balians and modern
doctors, and it is rare that a Balinese will visit a modern doctor only, as
modern doctors cannot fully recover a patient since they tend to disregard the
supernatural powers and macrocosm which are necessary elements to the
Balinese for truly retaining a harmonious state of being (McCauley, 1979: 120). Balians are unlike western doctors in that they generally do not search
for a direct physical cause of, or correlation to illness (Hobart, 2003: 54-61).
Balians make their diagnosis’s by noting the history of the patients
complaint, examining the body, examining the patients relationship with
family and community members, and examining the patients relationship to
gods, spirits, and ancestors (Conner & Asch, 1986). In view of the Balinese
conception of health and wellness, balance and health cannot be maintained
by modern medicine alone, so despite socio-cultural factors affecting health
care practices traditional healers are crucial to the wellness of the Balinese
and their communities.
-Dynamic Worlds of Bali:
All members of the Balinese communities, whether they are defined as
traditional healers or not, have important roles in the system of Balinese
healing, in that all community members function in some way to establish
balance and harmony within the body, home, or village. Balinese act to
maintain balance between the three worlds of Bali, which collectively exist as
one. The three worlds of the Bali include the spirit world, the human world,
and the underworld (Eiseman, 1989: 5-6). The Balinese are all important in
the Balinese context of healing as they act to maintain balance between the
worlds, with the human world being regarded as the middle ground. The
individual, family, and community that exist on the middle ground are all
important factors in the biophysical and conceptual realities of the Balinese.
When an individual is ill, the family and community not only may play
contributing roles in the imbalances or illness, they may also function to
restore equilibrium and balance not only by physically nurturing the ill
individual but also by such acts as ceremonial attendance, ritual offering and
performance (Conner, 1984). The idea of the three worlds of Bali, like the
concept of tri hita karana, is a foundational concept upon which Balinese
beliefs of wellbeing are built, it is impossible to discuss, diagnose, or heal
from an emic cultural perspective without recognizing the role of the larger
21
environment of man in his or her wellbeing. The dynamic key concepts of
balance and imbalance, harmony and chaos, purity and impurity, dark and
light, good and evil, are not truly forces of distinction rather they all exist in
dependency to the other and it is the responsibility of all healers and
community members to maintain these forces in a harmonious balance in
order to ensure individual and communal welfare.
Acquiring Healing Power:
-Innate and Inherited Powers:
There are various ways in which individual’s within the Balinese
communities acquire the skills or power to heal by traditional methods. As
has been discussed, all Balinese are born into a system in which they are
required as functional community members to performing healing acts, either
through ritual, ceremony, performance, or other forms of art (Hobart, 2003).
Power can be hereditary or innate, achieved through training, meditation or
asceticism (Hobart, 2003: 59-61). In discussing acquisition of healing power I
will be referring specifically to those individuals who are recognized by fellow
community members as tradition healers, balians. According to Kapferer, in
the context of healing, sorcery, and witchcraft, kasktian (power) is best
interpreted as being simultaneously creative and destructive (1997). Inborn
ability is very rarely recognized as a mode of acquisition of healing power
among the Balinese (Boedhihartono, 1982: 24). After a healer has experience,
they may develop intrinsic or intuitive powers known as ilmu tetenger,
allowing the healer to experience a form of psychic vibration in the client or
in their own body as they perform healings (Muninjaya, 1983: 35) Although
innate and intuitive powers of healers are believed rare, healers within the
Balinese community may acquire their healing powers through inheritance.
Skill may be passed down from elder family members to children or younger
relatives. Healers that gain power through inheritance may include, but are
not limited to scholarly healers (balian usada), bone setters (balian tulang),
masseuses (balian apun, balian uat), midwifes (balian manak), homeopathic
specialists (balian paica) and various other types of traditional healers who
demonstrate a wide array of therapeutic skills (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25).
-Nyantrik (Education and Apprenticeships):
All types of healers who fall under the category of having inherited
powers may also be placed with those healers who gain their power through
education or apprenticeships. In further discussing acquisition of power
through education and apprenticeship here, I will focus on those who learn
and study under trained literate scholarly healers, balian usada (Conner &
Asch, 1986: 24). The practice of learning and serving under an established
scholarly healer in order to gain medical knowledge and skill is traditionally
referred to as nyantrik (Boedhihartono, 1982: 26). Those who train to become
scholarly healers (balian usada) study the ancient palm leaf manuscripts
22
known as the usada. Only men are allowed to study the usada and must
study under a trained master for years (Hobart, 2003: 60).
-Tirakatan, Nglakoni, Mesu Raga, and Mesu Brata (Meditation and Denial of
Bodily Desire):
Individuals who wish to gain healing powers may also due so through
meditation and suffering (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26). Usually the
individual who chooses this route will deny all pleasurable bodily desires and
isolate themselves in a holy place while they fast and meditate with the
intention of acquiring spiritual strength (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26).
Through spiritual cleansing and suffering the participant will try to
commune with the sacred and ask the spirit to grant them powers to heal and
cure (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26). The actions of meditation and suffering to
gain healing powers are known as triakatan, nglakoni, mesu raga, or mesu
brata (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26).
-Tiban and Wahyu (Sudden Miracles and Blessed Madness):
There are some individuals such as Jero Tapakan, who Conner
researches and interviews, that acquire miraculous healing powers that occur
after a period of suffering and psychological trauma, this type of acquisition
is known as blessed madness (Conner & Asch, 1986: 6, 248-9). Those who
experience blessed madness may display behavior and experiences that
appear as though they are crazy or mad, this may be accompanied by vision
and voices and may continue until the spirits divine them to become healers
(Conner & Asch, 1986: 6, 248-9). Once the individuals who experience blessed
madness begin to put their healing powers to practice in the community they
often take the role of spirit mediums, and act as vessels for spirits to enter to
communicate directly with the human world (Conner & Asch, 1986: 240-255).
In most cases of blessed madness or miraculous acquisition of power, the
recipient of power is usually not previously seeking it, nor do they have prior
intention of becoming a healer, rather they come to their calling by a process
of divine inspiration and power which is gifted to them by supernatural
cosmic forces (Boedhihartono, 1982: 26).
-Perewangan (Possession):
Another mode of acquisition that is directly related to blessed madness
in which healing powers can be acquired without being directly sought is
through possession, is referred to as perewangan; the word perewangan
stems from the word for servant, rewang (Boedhihartono 1982: 26). The
healer who experiences perewangan may enter a possession state to perform
healing through trance or during non-altered states of consciousness
(Boedhihartono 1982: 26). Suryani and Jensen describe a woman who
became possessed, when first possessed she would act mad and was able to
communicate directly with the gods (1993: 61-63). The gods told her to pray
23
and sacrifice (Suryani & Jensen: 1993, 61-9). She followed the orders of the
gods and would move in and out of states of possession until eventually she
became an established balian during her states of possession (Suryani &
Jensen: 1993, 61-9). When performing as a balian her personality and
demeanor would change to that of an old man, usually she would not
remember her role or actions when performing healing, and when her healing
work was completed she would revert back from being possessed to her
normal self (Suryani & Jensen: 1993, 61-9).
Types of Traditional Healers:
The type of healer an individual chooses to visit may be dependent on
one or a combination of factors including; the imbalance, problem, or illness
the individual client or group are dealing with, the convenience of accessing a
specific healer, the amount of power the healer is perceived to have, or the
healer’s reputation (McCauley, 1979: 1-20). It has been estimated that there
are over 1000,000 traditional healers in Indonesia, with an average of more
than one per every 1,500 persons (Boedhihartono 1982: 21). There are a wide
array of types of healers in Bali, and the three categories for which I have
chosen to distinguish them are not necessarily fixed, as each individual may
have one specific specialty or may have healing techniques and skills that
place them in multiple categories. Other systematic classification can be
found in the works of Geertz (1962), Suparlan (1978), Koentjaraningrat
(1979), Conner (1986), Boedhihartono (1982), Muninjaya (1982) and Hobart
(2003).
-Balian Usada (Scholarly Healers):
Of all the diverse healers in Bali, scholarly healers are the most revered.
According to Muninjaya, about 42% of the healers in Bali are balian usada
(1982: 39). The balian usada are known for their elite knowledge of the
ancient medical manuscripts, usada, and their potent powers. The authority
and status of the balian usada within the community is increased and
supported by the fact that they usually come from the elite high ranking
castes and the fact that all are males (Hobart, 2003: 59-60). Even if a woman
wanted to become a scholarly healer it would be very difficult for her since
menstruation is deemed as impure and would thus be an obstacle in pursuing
the life of a literate healer which requires fasting, meditation, and studying
that often takes place in sacred spaces where purity must preside (Ruddick,
1989: 38). Also if a woman is seen out at night alone or frequenting powerful
magical or sacred sites, practices which are often necessary if one is to
become a scholarly healer, she may be accused of witchcraft (Howe, 1984:
212-217). The scholarly healers must spend years in training and
preparation before they are able to exert their power in the community as
healers. The scholarly healer generally inherits the right to become an
apprentice through their patrilineal heritage (Hobart, 2003: 23), while those
24
who do not have children may teach others who are not related to them in
order to pass on their healing skills; as continuing the tradition through
passing on medical knowledge is deemed as extremely important to the
balian usada (Muninjaya, 1982: 38-9).
Medical knowledge is passed on and must be learnt to become a literate
medical specialist, yet ironically not all balian usada are literate. “For some
the main qualification is the possession of the medical texts rather than the
ability to read them” (Conner & Asch, 1986: 24). While most balian usada
are literate elites, some peasant balians also base their practices of healing
on the lontar texts, although formal training is important it is not absolutely
necessary. Even if an individual has studied the usada extensively they will
not necessarily be well venerated or respected, as true power as a healer
comes from the cosmos and the best way to gain legitimization as a balian is
based on divine omens or communication with the deities (Conner & Asch,
1986: 25).
-Balian Takson (supernatural Healers):
Supernatural healers are termed balian takson; placed in this category
are spirit mediums (balian taksu or balian tapakan) (Hobart, 2003: 60). Spirit
mediums act as direct bridges between the spirit and the physical worlds, the
word taksu means to be a witness of the gods, while tapak means to enter
(Conner & Asch, 1989: 261). Unlike scholarly healers, spirit mediums are
usually female, and come from lower castes Conner & Jensen, 1986: 30-33).
The spirit mediums receive their power as healers through divine inspiration,
after an illness or accident or through blessed madness (Hobart, 2003: 23).
Although spirit mediums may achieve influence and increased status in the
community, they are usually less respected than scholarly healers or
sorcerers since their role as healers requires no training and they have not
intentionally acquired elite knowledge or power to aid in the wellness of other
human beings, these reasons for limited social status when compared with
balian usada are compounded by the fact that spirit mediums are usually
unmarried and childless women (Hobart, 2003: 88).
Also unlike scholarly healers who have community ties and
relationships to their clients, clients usually travel outside of their villages to
visit spirit mediums who they do not know personally; this practice may be
due to a desire of the client to keep some sense of privacy at home as “spirit
mediums are at the center of client networks based on ties of kinship,
friendship, and economic relations” (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25) Spirit
mediums often gain clientele through reputation as seen in the film A
Balinese Trance Séance; community members may choose a spirit medium
outside of their village based on the recommendations from neighbors,
friends, or relatives.
Spirit mediums although not usually literate, do have knowledge about
customary laws and rituals that should be preformed and they play a large
25
role in helping the community to maintain balance and harmony as they give
advice on ritual, offering, and action that should be taken (Conner & Asch,
1986: 26). Spirit mediums act in a variety of ways to bring balance and
wellness to individuals and the community, they act as village priests,
perform séances and trance performances, contact and act as vessels for
spirits, deities, and ancestors to communicate with humans, and give
medicinal advice, amulets, tonics, massage, and blessings to the their clients
(Conner & Asch, 1986 and Hobart, 2003). Spirit mediums play an important
role in the cosmology of the Balinese as they are bridges who allow clients to
communicate with the supernatural world, bringing together the seen and
unseen dimensions of life, supporting a clients concept of reality, and possibly
helping them to reconstruct immediate notions of reality so that clients may
feel capable of bringing peace and balance to themselves under times of
stress, through understanding and harmonizing with the forces that
surround them and exist within them.
-Therapeutic Healers:
The last classification of healers I will present, are therapeutic healers,
these healers are most often illiterate and do not have access to the ancient
lontar palm leaf manuscripts (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25) Therapeutic healers
include “bone setters (balian tulung), masseurs (balian apun, balian uat),
(and) midwifes (balian manak)” (Hobart, 2003: 23). Balian apun and balian
tulung are able to set bones, relieve pain, heal sprains, and correct
dislocations, this is done with massage and physical manipulation of the body
and may be combined with “supernatural manipulation of mystical forces
through mantras and offerings” (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 49). Therapeutic
healers do not necessarily need formal education or apprenticeship although
most skills preformed must be learnt, it is possible to receive information and
skill for therapeutic techniques through possession, visionary experience,
divine inspiration or directly from the gods (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 79).
Aside from the power to heal, the status and validity of a therapeutic healer
may be further increased if they learn their skills through inheritance and
are descendant of a well regarded healer (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25). Most
therapeutic healers practice their skills on clients within the villages in
which they live. The therapeutic healers gain their reputation through
successful practice and will be extremely popular if they gain a reputation for
miraculous healing techniques and cures (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 71-8).
Traditional Structures and Methods Involved in the Maintenance of
Harmony and Balance:
In conjunction with the array of types of traditional healers in Bali,
there are a wide variety of traditional methods and structures involved in the
maintenance of harmony and balance within the Balinese system of healing.
26
-Ceremony:
Ceremonies in Bali occur almost daily, and like other traditional
Balinese concepts and aspects of life involved in healing, have remained
relatively unchanged in value and form despite globalization and
modernization (Suryani & Jensen, 1998: 11). The ceremonies in Bali are
methods of great importance within the Balinese system of healing. The
function of ceremony is to maintain harmony and balance within and
between man and the material and spiritual aspects of his or her
environment. Balinese beliefs are expressed, manifested, and reconciled by
the ceremonial involvement in their daily lives. Muninjaya states, “…
ceremonies show how they worship their God, how they recognize and honor
the spirits surrounding them and how they live together in their community
and family compound” (1982: 37). Muninjaya describes five general types of
ceremonies collectively referred to as Panca Yanda, the five duties of life
(1982: 37). These Panca Yanda include:
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
Dewa Yadnya, the worshiping of God and his manifestations. The main activities
are seen during temple ceremonies.
Pitra Yadnya, the purification of the soul after death. These ceremonies are
conducted after cremation of the body.
Buta Yadnya, the ceremonies for earthly spirits. For example every morning after
cooking housewives put simple offerings on the left side of the door and in the
middle of the house compound so as to maintain harmony between man and his
spirit environment.
Resi Yadnya, priesthood ceremonies. These are the offerings of thanks to a priest
after he has taken part in ceremonies.
Manusi Yadnya, life cycle ceremonies. These start with the first movement of the
fetus in the womb, mark birthdays, include tooth filing and wedding ceremonies,
and finish with cremation. (Muninjaya, 1982: 37)
Many scholars have given detailed descriptions of various ceremonies and
festivals that fall under different categories within the Panca Yanda, these
include but are not limited to those that are dedicated to spirits, gods, and
goddesses, to a specific form of art such as woodcarving, fasting, retreating,
and purifying ceremonies, ceremonies for the dead, harvest festivals, and
ceremonies and festivals held to commemorate special anniversaries (Belo,
1953; Boon, 1977; Conner 1986; Covarrubias, 1937; Hobart, 2003; Hooykas,
1977; and Suryani & Jensen 1993). The various ceremonies form and support
collective rituals and beliefs, which aid in the establishment and practice of
communal and individual daily customs and activities.
Ceremonies serve to bring the community together as they usually include
the participation of a number of people who must cooperate and have specific
roles to play; ceremonies may include the family, banjar, or all Balinese as
the ceremony of panca wali krama does (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 11).
Ceremonies all serve in bringing individuals and their environments together
in different ways. Temporal and spatial factors are very important in
ceremonies, as place and time are key factors in the success and meaning of
the various ceremonies that have been described by numerous scholars (Belo,
1953; Boon, 1977; Conner 1986; Covarrubias, 1937; Hobart, 2003; Hooykas,
27
1977; and Suryani & Jensen 1993). The ceremonies function to bring man
together with the supernatural and macrocosmic spheres of life. The
numerous types of ceremonies are important parts of rites of passage and
necessary for maintaining harmony in the Balinese as individuals and within
collective units, as they serve to establish a sense of identity and place in
time and space, and aid in bringing the three worlds and forces of life in Bali
together in balance.
Ceremonies are extremely important within the Balinese system of
healing. According to Hobart, within the Balinese context ceremonies are
necessary for social health and can be viewed as a form of medicine since they
are therapeutic and healing in their nature (2003: 167-8). It is also expressed
by Hobart that the Balinese fear anger and that chaos may erupt within the
body, family, or community as a resultant cause of anger. (2003: 28-37).
Ceremonies are also functional in the context of healing as they may act as
cathartic stages for the healthy release of anger, pressure, fear, and rage
which could otherwise be manifested as chaos within the family or
community or as illness in the body (Littlewood, 1992: 46). Ceremonies not
only function as rites of passage helping to establish mental health through
supporting healthy psychological individual and group activity and identity,
they also function as preventative medicine as they are believed to protect
against demonic influences and other supernatural forces through pleasing
gods and spirits who may otherwise cause illness or chaos (Obeyesekere,
1991: 118-30).
All ceremonies in Bali are important in the daily lives of the Balinese
and relevant to the context of healing much could be written about each
ceremony that is held in Bali. One of the many extremely important
ceremonies in Bali is Galungan (Hobart, 2003: 167-207). Galungan is
temporal in nature, it celebrates the creation of the world in relation to time
according to the Balinese calendar (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 12-3). It is and is
held on the eleventh week 210 day cycle (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 12-3).
Galungan can be placed under the ritual categories of dewa yadnya and buta
yadnya, as the festival is given for the purpose of appeasing demonic spirits
and paying homage to gods, spirits, and ancestors (Hobart, 2003: 203). One
Balinese villager states, “Galungan is like medicine for it soothes and gives
pleasure” (Hobart, 2003: 167). During the festival all gods, including the
supreme deity come down to earth to be honored and to receive offerings and
praise (Hobart, 2003: 167-204). Galungan celebrates the whole of the cosmos
and represents through performance how the forces of dharma (goodness) are
manifested over evil; the festival is important in merging the spiritual and
physical worlds of the Balinese and in manifesting concepts of balance, as
both forces of light and dark, visible and unseen are venerated and balanced
to achieve and maintain harmony (Hobart, 2003: 167-203).
-Temples, Shrines, and Offering:
28
Spatial location and areas of worship, ceremony, and ritual are also
extremely important in the Balinese system of healing and the maintenance
of balance and harmony. There are more than 10,000 temples in Bali,
although nature is also revered as a sacred space where worship may occur,
most ceremony and ritual take place in temples or at shrines and there are
even festivals called odalan that celebrate a temples founding (Suryani &
Jensen, 1993: 11). All temples in Bali welcome all community members
regardless of socio-economic status, age, race, gender, or religion (Suryani &
Jensen, 1993: 11). Within each village there are many temples, each may
serve a specific purposes in group or individual worship (Hobart, 2003: 30-1).
Each temple within the community and the home has shrines embedded
within them (Hobart, 2003: 31-3). Shrines may also have specific purposes
and may be dedicated to certain entities such as a certain spirit or god, a
specific aspect of nature such as the sea, or a specific created space such as
the village or home (Bali: Beyond Good and Evil). Temples, shrines, and holy
places must always be kept pure as they are spaces traditionally used for
healing and communion with the supernatural world (Muninjaya, 1982: 43).
Temples and shrines are used by healers and individuals as spaces to
commune with the supernatural through prayer and offering; thus they are
structural manifestation within space and time of humankind’s relationship
with the supernatural. Offerings are seen from restaurants to street corners,
as they are placed all around the island of Bali. Conner and Asch recognize
offerings as being integral in uniting the Balinese people with the world of
the supernatural as they “…form one of the main elements of worship and
supplication, exorcism and propitiation” (1986: 70). As is showed in the
ethnographic film on the Balinese healer, Jero Tapakan, offerings are
relevant to the Balinese system of healing as they can be made to reestablish
wellness in times of illness, to appease spirits who are causing chaos, and to
prevent illness or chaos from occurring. Although men do make offerings,
daily offerings for the family are usually done by the women, some of whom
spend their whole lives learning about ritual offerings and may practice
healing through teaching and advising others on proper ritual action
regarding offerings (Conner & Asch, 1986: 71).
Daily offerings are made to ancestors, demons, spirits and gods, they are
generally small and usually consists of plant and food materials (Conner &
Asch, 1986: 71) Most all offerings and prayer are accompanied by lit incense;
in the film, The Three Worlds of Bali, incense is described as a doorway for
spirits to enter and leave, the smoke of the incense brings the essence of the
offering or prayer to the heavens and the spirits whom reside there. The
spirits are not believed to desire the material essence of the offering, rather
they seek the essence of the art, beauty, and care that was placed into the
creation of each offering (Bali: Life in Balance). More elaborate offerings are
given at ceremonies and festivals, where village members spend up to weeks
creating the beautiful gifts to the gods, after the essence of the offering is
29
consumed by the goods the offerings may be taken home and the material
remains maybe consumed by the humans (Conner, & Asch 1986: 71-72).
Offerings are used by traditional healers and community members to interact
with the supernatural realm in order to maintain or reestablish harmony and
wellness on both individual and collective levels.
-Trance and Séance:
Offerings and Prayer are not the only ways to communicate with the
supernatural, in Bali trance and séance also act as methods of healing that allow for
direct communion between the human and spirit world. Unlike western concepts of
trance and possession, the Balinese view possession as positive and welcome spirits
into their live, homes and bodies; unless they are considered to be malevolent spirits
(Suryani & Jensen 1986: 174-7). In the film on Jero Tapakan, Jero Tapakan:
Balinese Healer, Jero is showed going into a trance state, the state allows the
healer to act as a vessel of communion, allowing her clients to communicate directly
with the spirit worlds, in order to heal and to prevent misfortune from occurring.
The Balinese do not use mind altering or hallucinogenic drugs to enter trance states
although according to research they do experience mind altering states and may
have hallucination when in trance (Suryani & Jensen, 1986: 28-30). The altered
state of consciousness during trance in Bali is referred to as nadi; nadi allows
individuals to enter into other realms of being and communicate with deities,
ancestors, and spirits (Hobart, 2003: 88-100). Trance is not only used by traditional
healers it may also be used be community members who participate in performance,
ritual, or religious activity (Suryani & Jensen, 1986). Balinese also may enter into
trance states during the performance and creation of sacred dance, music and art;
these states allow for divine inspiration and performance once again reestablishing
the connection between the sacred and profane and bringing balance, beauty and
harmony to the Balinese (Suryani & Jensen, 1986: 108-28).
-Arts:
The Balinese have no word for art; it may be implied that this is so due
to the engrained nature of art in everyday life and the possibility that to the
Balinese, life is art and there is no distinction for created matter such as the
term art implies, since in the Balinese cosmology creation is constant. The
arts of Bali such as dance, music, mask making, and shadow puppetry are
also modes of healing. Within the arts of ceremonial craftsmanship and
performance community cooperation is necessary. The importance of
cooperation functions to unite individuals on a collective community based
level thus aiding in maintaining harmony within the group structures.
Examples of dance, theater, mask-making and puppetry show the importance
of myths in maintaining a sense of self making them extremely important in
the construction of the Balinese cosmology and system of healing (Hobart,
2003). Through performance theater and art, myths become a lived reality,
gods and spirits are manifested through art and human consciousness on a
30
collective and individual level is increased as creation and performance
involve imagination, cooperation, integration, and ritual (Hobart, 2003: 124).
The healing performances and art of Bali combine the worlds of the seen and
unseen and light and dark, and aid in the transformation and creation of
physical and mental realties, which are foundations upon which the
definitions of self and wellness are built.
-Pakas (Amulets and Drawings and Holy Water):
Along with material objects such as ceremonial masks, tangible objects
such as amulets, drawings, and holy water may actualize vital cosmic energy,
bringing power and healing benefits to individuals and groups. These tools
used by healers to gain kasaktian (power) are referred to as pakas (Hobart,
2003: 62-3). There are many types of amulets used by healers. The amulets
are infused with power through sacred drawings and symbols that are placed
on them or through sacred syllables that are breathed onto the amulet as
specific mantras are chanted by the healer (Hobart, 2003: 63). When clients
come to healers with problems or needs, the healer will give them an amulet
for specific healing purposes to be carried, worn or placed in a sacred space
(Hobart, 2003: 79). Sacred stones and coins are also worn as amulets by
healers, the healers gain power through these amulets and use the acquired
power as well as the amulets themselves on patients during healing practices
(Werner, 1993: 274). The amulets bring powers of healing to both the healer
and the client.
Drawings too can be viewed as an extension of the healer’s powers and
are powerful in their innate nature, as they are composed of sacred symbols
(Hobart, 2003: 63). There are 100’s of sacred drawings used in Balinese
healing practices, the majority of drawings are used for protection and may
be placed on specific points of the body, on paper, or on some other material
form (Hobart, 2003: 62-72 and Werner, 1993: 274-8). When drawings are
made on material form other than the body, they are wrapped in paper and
tied with a string, the recipient is not able to examine the drawings or they
will loose their power (Hobart, 2003: 63-72). Drawings and sacred symbols
unite humans to the supernatural as they are related to religion, myth, and
magic, and act as healing agents bringing power and beneficial rewards of
wellness and prosperity to the recipient.
Holy water unlike amulets and drawings does not function so much as to
bring power to a person or place, rather it is used to purify, cleanse, and
prevent evil forces from polluting a body or space (Eiseman, 1989: 51). They
function of holy water promotes aspects that are necessary for the
maintenance of wellness. Water has a central place in the Balinese religion
and all water is sacred to some degree in daily life (Hooykas, 1973: 11). There
are different types of holy water are used by priests and healers for
purification purposes. Holy water is commonly referred to as toya and when
it comes from a high priest, is made holy through an extremely sacred ritual
31
or mantra, or is derived from a potent sacred source it is classified as tritha
(Eiseman, 1989: 52) any water can be made holy by qualified Balinese who
place it in a clean container and then in a sacred space, such as a temple or
shrine, and imbues it with pure and reverent thoughts (Eiseman, 1989: 54).
When more potent holy water is desired individuals will travel to sacred sites
in nature, sacred structures, of revered priests and healers to get the water
(Eiseman, 1989: 58-60).Holy water is sprinkled on a site or being to cleanse or
impart a sense of sacredness to the being or area (Hobart, 2003: 76). Holy
water is a critical component of Balinese daily life. All the uses for holy
water are extensive in number as it Holy is involved in all ceremonies, and
most rituals,; one of the most severe punishments within Bali is to be denied
access to holy water (Eiseman, 1989: 51-62). Sacred objects used in healing
(pakas) are instruments used to purify and center the patient, space, and
healer involved in the specific context. As objects become sacred in space
through the passing of time, ritual, and meaning they not only serve as
agents of power and balance they also bring a sense of cosmic power and
unity to the human sphere.
The Balinese System of Healing in the Global Context and what can be
Concluded?
The goal of this research was not to deconstruct Balinese values or
question Balinese concepts of healing, health, and identity, rather it was to
understand the historical context through which the Balinese derived their
notions of self in relation to issues of health and harmony. This research
does not conclude that traditional or modern methods of healing are
conflicting, as both are utilized by the Balinese and viewed as effective and
valuable (McCauley, 1979). Despite modernization, globalization, scientific
methods, and technologies, traditional healers and methods of healing
remain important bridges between the three worlds of Bali, and are integral
in maintaining balance, harmony, and health amongst the Balinese.
Although modern medicine may prove through science to have better results
in the treatment and diagnosis of illness, the approaches of traditional
healers and methods of healing within Bali are necessary in order to
maintain the Balinese cosmology and traditional concepts of self and being,
and are therefore valuable regardless of scientific evidence.
Modern scientific medicine can learn from Balinese traditional healing
practices and the holistic approaches they take in viewing the patient beyond
the physical realm. In taking a more holistic approach to medicine and
looking at a patients beliefs, social relationships, spiritual health, and
embedded environment along with their physical being, surely healers will
derive more thorough diagnosis and optimal methods of treatment. Within
the Balinese cosmology the human cannot be separated from their embedded
socio-cultural environment. In the context of the Balinese the state of being
includes the family and village, nature, the physical and spiritual cosmic
32
forces of the universe, and the supreme God. The Balinese system of healing
thus refers to the concepts, structure, and methods of health and wellness
that correspond to the complexities of maintaining balance and harmony
within the Balinese cosmology.
Master’s List
Adimihardja, K., M. Clemens, et al. (1999). Proceedings indigenous knowledge
systems and development: proceedings [sic] of a workshop held at the
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