Outline of Chapter 6. Conceptions of self and identity Qi Wang & Nandita Chaudlary a. a saying of Confucious: “I exist in correspondence to others; I behave according to others; I feel happy because of others” (tentative) b1. The cognitive prerequisites and biological infrastructure that make ‘selfhood’ possible: Discuss the universal development of the remembered self (autobiographical memory) and the conceptual self (self-concept). 1. The emergence of a cognitive sense of self: A cognitive self or self-concept emerges, as indicated by mirror self-recognition, around 18 to 24 months in children across different cultures (Kagan, 1989; Priel & de Schonen, 1986) and develops in the same manner with further cognitive progress (e.g., Harter, 1998). 2. The emergence of autobiographical memory: self-concept, language, parental scaffolding, and brain maturation as the prerequisites b2. Culture and language of the self: This section will deal with the social dimension of self-construction by approaching the significance of cultural activity in the development of the self. It will address both universal aspects of the self development in social settings and foreshadow the two different pathways to be elaborated on in later sections. 1. The social history of selfhood and its study. It would be interesting to present some of the ways in which the social world has historically defined the self and its study, some discussion about cultural differences could be introduced here as well. 2. Culture and selfhood. The section can then move to cultural differences with research studies from different parts of the world that deal more with the structuring of personal and social worlds of people. We can outline the two pathways here. 3. Language for (of) self and others. This section can discuss the ways in which talk, or self-narrative in general (including autobiographical writings), is organized with specific mentions of person references in different languages as this reflects and also perpetuates cultural differences in self-other relationships. Specific instances from Sanskrit, Hindi and English could help to illustrate the phenomenon. 4. Collective and personal constructions of the self. It is important to distinguish between the experience of individual selfhood and axiomatic selfhood in any given cultural setting. This discussion will then preempt the issue of diversity and complexity both within and among cultures. 5. Inter and intracultural variation: duality or multiple pathways? We can lead on to the idea that these two pathways (independent and interdependent) that have been outlined are theoretically distant, but practically, these may coexist in important ways. This could be linked to the earlier point about diversity within cultures. 6. The multifaceted nature of the self. We will conceive of the self as a multi-layered, multi-dimensional, and complex, dynamic system (as opposed to a totality). The different facets can sometimes be contradictory to each other in their orientations toward autonomy vs. relatedness. This complex self-construct may further contribute to the inter and intracultural variations (We can present relevant examples in the discussion of each pathway). c. The individualistic pathway 1. A discussion of the cultural origins of the autonomous self (Mead, 2002; Roland, 1988). 2. Institutional: normative goals in, e.g., schools (Tobin et al., 1988; Stigler & Perry, 1990). 3. Psychological: parental ethnotheories (Ruth Chao) 4. socialization practices pertinent to facilitating the development of an autonomous self: within-culture variations (e.g., Wiley et al., 1998) and between-culture variations (e.g., Dunn, & Brown,1991 "British-US"). 5. behavioral development: autobiographical memory and self in children, young adults, and older adults (Wang et al.) 6. "the autonomous self" in societies that generally deemphasize individuality (de Bary, 1970; Li): This section examines the different dimensions of the self that show either an autonomous or a relational orientation within a single individual and within a single culture. For example, the "achievement" dimension of the Chinese self is oriented towards autonomy, even though Chinese culture promotes interdependence in general. This will echo our discussion on the multifaceted nature of the self. d. The interdependent pathway 1. A discussion of the cultural origins of the relational self 2. Institutional: normative goals in, e.g., schools (Tobin et al., 1988; Stigler & Perry, 1990). 3. Psychological: parental ethnotheories (Ruth Chao) 4. socialization practices pertinent to facilitating the development of a relational self: within-culture variations (e.g., Wang et al., 1998) and between-culture variations (e.g., Han et al.,1998 "Korea-China"). 5. behavioral development: autobiographical memory and self in children, young adults, and older adults (Wang et al.) 6. "the relation self" in societies that generally deemphasize relatedness (e.g., gender) I WONDER IF FEMALE EMPHASIS ON RELATIONSHIPS SHOULD BE CONSIDERED PART OF THE RELATIONAL SELF IN SOCIETIES THAT GENERALLY DEEMPHASIZE RELATED NESS OR SHOULD BE CONSIDERED A CULTURALLY STRUCTURED PART OF THE INDIVIDUATED SELF - EX: JOAN MILLER POINTING OUT THAT THE GILLIGAN RELATIONAL ORIENTATION IS BY CHOICE RATHER THAN SOCIAL OBLIGATION, MAKING IT PART OF AN INDEPENDENT/INDIVIDUALISTIC MORALITY, RATHER THAN PART OF A MORALITY OF SOCIAL OBLIGATION/RESPONSIBILITY. PMG e. Effects of social change and interactions between the pathways on socialization and development Three examples: 1. Chinese only children (Wang et al., 1998) 2. Asian-Americans parents emphasize both autonomy and relatedness 3. The multiple and sometimes contradictory expectations of urban Indian parents, where, for instance, a young person may be expected to be competitive at the work-place and cooperative at home. 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