01-07-13 27 Diario de Cuba, Venezuela, capital La Habana.

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Noticias Centro, Andollo Valdéz, El General Cubano que debe Aplastar
Rebeliones,… en Venezuela. “Operación Bastión”: Para ello Cuenta con
4.500 Soldados Cubanos que Llegaron en Enero del 2012
American Thinker, The day that began the destruction of Cuba
Sun Sentinel, Guillermo Martinez, New year brings new faces to lead on
U.S.-Cuba policy
Havana Times, Golf course development projects dry up in Cuba
BBC Mundo, Fernando Ravsberg, Con el palo entre la ruedas
Cubanet, Un nuevo libro de Carmelo Mesa-Lago
The Cuban Economy, Juan Antonio Blanco, Cuba en el siglo xxi :
Escenarios actuales, cambios inevitables, futuros posibles
Miami Herald, In My Opinion: Fabiola Santiago: 54 years later, no end in
sight to indignities in Cuba
Miami Herald, Report: John Kerry held secret talks with Cuba to free Alan
Gross
El Nuevo Herald, El banco suizo ZKB deja de hacer negocios con Cuba
Globegazette/ AP, Cuba to free doctors from onerous travel rules
Seattle Times/ AP, Venezuela gov't: ailing Hugo Chavez 'stable'
Venezuela's government says President Hugo Chavez is in a "stable
situation" receiving treatment due to a severe respiratory infection.
Miami Herald, Carlos Alberto Montaner, VENEZUELA: Cuba vies for
control in post-Chávez Venezuela
Diario de Cuba, Venezuela, capital La Habana. ¿Está el presidente Chávez
'secuestrado' en Cuba? ¿Se tomarán las decisiones claves para el futuro de
Venezuela en La Habana, en violación de la constitución chavista?
Miami Herald, An empty Cuban raft turned up near Cutler Bay, sparking
fears that the passengers died. An altar to a Santeria god and an ID card were
found aboard the flimsy craft; the people it carried are presumed to be dead.
El Nuevo Herald, Tras limitadas reformas, ¿qué tan capitalistas se han
convertido los cubanos?
The Cuban Economy/ IPS, Ivet Gonzalez, Cubans See Internet as Crucial
to Future Development
ICCAS, Focus on Cuba No. 81, La fatal arrogancia del gobierno de Cuba
The Cuban Economy, Dimas Castellanos, An Assessment of the Cuban
Government’s Management Over the Last Six Years
Cuba Libre Digital, La burocracia "socialista" consume a las nuevas
cooperativas no agropecuarias
The Atlantic, What Happens to Venezuela After Hugo Chavez?
Marketwire (Canada), Cuba Vacations Reach Record-High
Misceláneas de Cuba, ¿Actualización de las leyes migratorias?
Cuba Libre Digital, Alerta en La Habana por brote de cólera
Cubaencuentro, Cooperativismo, Cambios: Interrogantes ante ampliación
del sector cooperativista. “Hay que ver qué pasa con el experimento; si
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luego consideran que no funcionó, ¿qué pasará con el dinero invertido?”,
se preguntó un ciudadano en un foro de IPS
Miami Herald, Brave new world of Cuba travel begins Monday
Tampa Bay Times, Tampa International Airport loses two of its five
weekly flights to Cuba
Cubaencuentro, Emigración, Reforma migratoria: EEUU reitera que no
modificará su política de visas para los cubanos. Washington saluda la
flexibilización migratoria que entrará en vigor el lunes, pero “urge a las
familias cubanas a que utilicen la reunificación familiar legal y otros
mecanismos de inmigración ya aplicables”, dijo este viernes la portavoz
del Departamento de Estado en una declaración oficial
Cubaencuentro, Reforma migratoria: Claves de la nueva política
migratoria cubana. Cuba pondrá en marcha el lunes una nueva Ley
Migratoria que flexibiliza los viajes de los cubanos al exterior
Boise Weekly, Cuba Opens the Gates, Hoping for a Trickle, Not a Flood
Under a new policy that takes effect Monday, any Cuban with a valid
passport will be able to leave the country.
Cubaencuentro, Oscar Espinosa Chepe, Reforma migratoria: La
flexibilización migratoria, un paso “positivo” pero “tardío” y “limitado”
según disidentes. Para el economista independiente Óscar Espinosa Chepe,
los efectos colaterales de la nueva reforma migratoria serán “nocivos”: “Se
va a agudizar la situación del envejecimiento, se irán más los jóvenes (…)
se va a profundizar el proceso de capitalización humana que hace rato está
vigente en Cuba”
Local 10.com, 46 Cuban migrants repatriated by U.S. Coast Guard
Migrants returned to Cuba on Sunday after trying to escape to U.S.
Café Fuerte, Se divorcia hija mayor de Raúl Castro
Cubaencuentro, Telefonía: ETECSA anuncia nueva rebaja en tarifa de
telefonía móvil. El recorte del costo establece que la tarifa de voz en la
telefonía móvil costará 0.35 centavos del peso convertible (CUC,
equivalente a un dólar ) por minuto, en lugar de la vigente, de 0.45
Miami Herald, New Cuba travel rules spur lines at foreign embassies for
visas
El Nuevo Herald, EEUU interceptó en 2012 a 1,155 cubanos intentando
entrar por mar ilegalmente
Misceláneas de Cuba, Elías Amor Bravo, Algunas reflexiones sobre el
impacto de la reforma migratoria
Cuba Libre Digital, La Venezuela a Profunda se Debate entre Dos
Palabras: ¿Escasez o Acaparamientos?
Diario de Cuba, Salud Pública: El cólera inconfesable
Los habaneros no hablan de otra cosa, la enfermedad es una alarma
creciente.
Diario de Cuba, Caso Carromero: España ordena 'cancelar' los actos con la
disidencia cubana
The Cuban Economy/ USA Today, Cuba’s New Migratory Law Starts
Today
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ANDOLLO VALDEZ, EL GENERAL CUBANO QUE DEBE APLASTAR
REBELIONES,… EN VENEZUELA
► 27/12/12 | “OPERACIÓN BASTIÓN”: PARA ELLO CUENTA CON 4.500 SOLDADOS
CUBANOS QUE LLEGARON EN ENERO DEL 2012
Leonardo Andollo Valdes – Cubavision
ANTONIO SÁNCHEZ GARCIA: Hugo Chávez en La Habana y este ejército de ocupación en
Venezuela:
JORGE ROJAS RIERA (@Jrr473) ESTRUCTURA ORGANIZATIVA Y DE COMANDO DEL
EJERCITO DE OCUPACION (ECO) CUBANO EN VENEZUELA:
Contingente :
Oficiales:
2 Generales de Brigada, (1 en Fuerte Tiuna, otro en Barquisimeto), 4
coroneles, 8 tenientes coroneles y 6 capitanes de fragata y 25 oficiales
subalternos.
Con Sala Situacional independiente instalada en Fuerte Tiuna (Servicio de
Remonta) y conectada WF encriptado por cable con el Centro de Operaciones
de Comando de Valle Picadura en la Habana.
Bajo el comando, desde La Habana, del general de División Leonardo
Andollo Valdez. (Actualmente en Venezuela desde hace 11 días).
Viaja a Venezuela cada 15 días a realizar reuniones de Estado Mayor para
afinamiento de operaciones.
Estas tropas entran a Venezuela y salen hacia Cuba para sus reemplazos
constantemente, por una pista de aterrizaje ubicada en Apure, y por la
Rampa (Base aérea) 2 del aeropuerto de Maracaibo.
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Andollo Valdez – Presentación en Fuerte Tiuna – archivo
NÚMERO DE LOS CONTINGENTES:
4.500 hombres de infantería
- Organizados en 8 batallones de 500 efectivos, más un batallón estacionado
en Fuerte Tiuna.
LLEGADOS A VENEZUELA A PARTIR DE ENERO DE 2012. Estos nuevos
contingentes remplazaron los anteriores que comenzaron a llegar en enero y
agosto 2011.
Generales :
En la Jefatura del Estado Mayor:
1.- Jefe: General de División Leonardo Andollo Valdez, 60 años, de teniente
estuvo en Angola, segundo jefe del Estado Mayor de las FARC en Cuba,
coordinador del “Movimiento Bolivariano”. Vice director del Partido Comunista
de Cuba.
Dirige en Venezuela la “Operación Bastión” que es el nombre de las Plan que
realizaran los batallones cubanos estacionados en Venezuela en caso de una
“emergencia” ante cambios políticos el 7 Octubre.
JEFE DE OPERACIONES DEL ESTADO MAYOR:
2.-General de Brigada Herminio Hernández Rodríguez, Comisario Político
asesor de la Sala Situacional de Miraflores.
Experto en operaciones urbanas; en manejo de situaciones de crisis. Asesor
del CEO y con sede en la JEM de la II División en Fuerte Tiuna.
Maneja la Orden de Operaciones para enfrentar (incluyendo empleo de las
Milicias) situaciones de desorden civil en 11 ciudades del país sofocar el 7-O
y posterior al 07 Octubre, o en cualquier situación que se desencadene.
JEFE DEL G2 DEL EMO:
General de Brigada Alejandro Ronda Marrero.
Este general (Reporta directamente lo que le interesa al Mayor General Hugo
Carvajal, actualmente máxima autoridad de la inteligencia nacional con el
cargo de Súper Vice Ministro para la investigación Penal).
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ALEJANDRO RONDA MARRERO “EL GENERAL DE LOS PINCHOS DUROS”
- lanuevacuba.c
Ronda es subalterno del Comandante Ramiro Valdez Menéndez en Cuba
que es -a su vez- el 2do Jefe de la Inteligencia Cubana de las FARC.
Ronda Marrero bajo la jefatura del Mayor General Hugo Carvajal Barrios,
quien reporta directamente al Presidente de la Republica, coordina, asesora y
dirige desde la DIM-Boleíta en la Div. Telemática, en coordinación con el
SEBIN-DIE todas las operaciones de inteligencia y contra inteligencia militar
y civil (Comando campaña de Capriles y partidos políticos, y, de militares en
servicio activo con comando de tropas, de oficiales superiores).
Maneja Personal de oficiales cubano, iraní y chino. Opera desde la JEM de la
II división del Ejercito Fte. Tiuna. Tienen injerencia en las Sala Situacional de
Miraflores y del Ejército.
Ramiro Valdez y Hugo Chávez – Soberanía.org
OFICIALES ESTACIONADOS EN VENEZUELA EJERCIENDO EL
COMANDO DE TROPA CUBANAS, que dependen directamente del General
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de División Julio Cesar Gandarilla actual Jefe de la CIM-Militar en Cuba
(Contra inteligencia cubana).
1.-Ramiro Méndez Olayeta, 59 años (Moscú) Infantería, I.E
2.-Eusebio Serrat Lennis (Moscú) Misilistico. I en E.
Coroneles:
1.- Rodrigo Hernández Maite
2.-Rufino Zabaleta Corvino
3.-Jaime Freitas Sambrano
4.-Simon Guillermo Sénior
Tecnels:
1-Luis José Fernández Fernández
2.-Armando García Rotondaro
3.-Hermagoras Ruiz
4. Braulio Menéndez
6. Luis Carlos Castro Guiño
7. Federico Trompis
Cap. Nav/ Fragata
1.-Federico Corsi C/A, Infantería de Marina
2.-Norberto Aarango C/F
3.-Luis Gerardo Vera Gonzales
4.-Jose Dionisio Bilbao Menéndez
25 Oficiales Subalternos de infantería e inteligencia
Son Oficiales expertos en inteligencia, contrainteligencia, sabotaje, contra
sabotaje que están dirigidos por el almirante Julio Cesar Gandarilla, que
reportan a el directamente vía Cable mediante sistema encriptado.
Gandarilla es máximo Jefe de la Contra Inteligencia Militar Cubana en Valle
Picadura.
Hacen inteligencia y contrainteligencia dentro de las Regiones Militares
(Brigadas y Divisiones, Batallones y el Ejercito Venezolano en general).
Portan carnet especial de la DCIM (Suscritos por el General director de la
DCIM, F. Figueroa Chacín) venezolana y armamento autorizado con porte de
arma especial emitido por el Darfa.
Portan pistolas Carella 9 mm y mini USIS, así como se mueven en motos de
fabricación Italiana color negro adscritas a la DCIM.
Estos agentes móviles especiales cubanos tienen 12 puntos de
concentración en Caracas, siempre ubicados en estaciones de salida
y entrada del Metro.
Dos importantes en el Este: En Metro Los Dos Caminos y Unicentro El
Marqués.
Dos en el Oeste: Parque del Oeste y Capitolio.
Tres en el Sureste: La Bandera-Roosevelt, UCV y el Valle. Y contactan y
Coordinan vía Telf. Celulares con los 70 puestos de comando ubicados en las
Urbanizaciones de las zonas residenciales altas de Caracas (Plan Guaraira
Repano).
Y Con los grupos de operaciones situados en los cuatro Comandos de fuerzas
anárquicas enmarcadas dentro del Plan Guaraira Repano.
Armas que portan y detentan las tropas cubanas:
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· AK-A-103 y AK-109 equivalente el FAP de fabricación Belga
· Lanza cohetes Tropv R1Vde 50 mm.
· Obuses Kalisnef-120 contra carros.
· Morteros lanza granadas-tipo Katiuska M30- Kamarakov.
SISTEMA DE MOVILIZACIÓN:
Autobuses de fabricación China, marca Gel con capacidad de 60 personas.
Sistema comunicaciones independientes entre comandos. Encriptadosvía WF
INTENDENCIA:
Uniformes tipo “patriota” venezolano, con insignias y grados militares
venezolanos.
UBICACIÓN:
Geoestratégicamente ubicados, (Móviles), de manera tal que puedan
movilizarse y cortar avance de unidades terrestres del Ejército de
Venezuela hacia Caracas:
· Agua Viva
· Barinas
· Morón- Coro
· Barquisimeto
· Elorza
· Puerto Cabello
· El Tigre-Pariaguan
· La Encrucijada- Maracay
UNICA:
La base iraní que está localizada en Zuata, Municipio Monagas del Estado
Anzoátegui operada por personal Iraní.
Ingenieros aeronáuticos, tiene en sus silos, ya en condiciones operativos
misiles con alcance de 1.480 Kmts del tipo Sheralabs 3. Y tres con un alcance
de 2.500 Kmts tipo Alghadv-110.
En estos momentos se instalan igualmente en Paraguaná del mismo alcance
6 nuevos misiles tipo Alghadv-110 con un alcance de 2.800 Kmts. |
ORIGINAL
Escrito por: Rodolfo Schmidt en 27/12/2012.
Última vez revisada por: Rodolfo Schmidt en28/12/2012.
The day that began the destruction of Cuba
Silvio Canto, Jr.
American Thinker, January 3, 2013
On January 1, 1959, I was a 6-year old boy waking up and rushing to the
dining room for breakfast. (My brother was a year younger and ran with me
that morning)
We got to the dining room and noticed that my dad was on the phone and
my mom was seriously listening to his conversation. My mom also had her
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eye on the TV news. My dad had our little sister on his lap as he went on and
on and on the phone.
Mom pointed us to the dining table and we started eating our eggs, toast and
drinking our milk.
Mom came over in a few minutes and whispered: "Batista se fue!" (Batista
left!)
No one understood that morning what it all meant. We certainly had no idea
that a communist dictatorship was coming.
Within months, Cuba began to change, i.e. the mass executions, the mock
trials, the political prisons, the attacks on the press and the radicalization of
the regime. Elections never came and Castro quickly started to blame the US
to distract Cubans from all the unkept promises.
We eventually moved to the US and this is now my adopted country. I am a
very proud citizen of the US. My 3 sons were born here and one is proudly
serving in the US Army.
However, it still hurts to see how much damage the communist dictatorship
has done to Cuba and the people who stayed behind.
It hurts even more to see how the international left makes excuses for
Castro or how little Americans know about pre-Castro Cuba.
Cuba became an independent country in 1902. It was a Spanish colony until
1898 or the Spanish American War.
It is interesting to divide Cuba's history two 50-something periods, before
and after Castro.
Cuban-American author & historian Carlos Eire presents the story and it an
amazing contrast:
"Pre-Castro

Between 1900 and 1930, the first three decades of Cuban independence,
about one million immigrants flooded into the island, mostly European,
and mostly northern Spaniards. This population tsunami also included
Asians, Levantines, and Jews. These immigrants doubled the population
of the island and changed its complexion, literally. Tens of thousands of
immigrants continued to flow into Cuba every year after that, up to 1958.
Immigration from the U.S. was comparatively slight, but in 1958 there
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
were more Americans living in Cuba than Cubans in the U.S.A.
Emigration from Cuba was minimal during this half century.
Rates of immigration as high as this and of emigration as low require a
robust and growing economy, and a considerable degree of political
stability.
Post-Castro:







Since 1959, Cuba has had no immigration.
Since 1959, nearly two million Cubans have left the island (a figure
larger than the entire population of Cuba at the time of independence).
Since 1959, the population of the island has nearly doubled, despite a
constant flow of emigration and despite the highest rate of abortion in
the Western hemisphere, estimated to be equal to the number of live
births.
Since 1959, despite a growing population, Havana has seen virtually no
new construction, and no expansion beyond its pre-Castro boundaries.
The latest satellite photographs of Havana reveal few structures that
were not already in place by 1958, and many empty spaces created by
collapsed buildings.
Since 1959, the existing infrastructure has deteriorated, and the city is
now in ruins.
During the era of Soviet dominance, very little new construction took
place, and its quality was notoriously poor. Practically all new
construction in Cuba since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has
been intended for tourists, not for Cubans. These new facilities-often
isolated from the general populace - continue to be inaccessible to
Cubans.
Cuba is now one of the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere,
and its people live largely cut off from the rest of the world, stuffed into
inadequate housing.
Most of the buildings in Havana all tourists marvel at were built between
1902 and 1956, or, at the very latest, 1959. After that, the clock stopped.
Havana is some sort of weird tropical Hiroshima, where a bomb was
dropped and the hands on the clock were frozen at that exact moment The
bomb was the Castro dynasty. And tourists love to gawk at the ruins, and
the ragged desperate Cubans who inhabit them. Some them even say that
they hope Havana never changes from its present state, simply because they
care more about their warped neocolonial sensibilities than they do about
Cubans.
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Yeah. Fifty-Four years of devolution. "Vamos requetebien."
Yes, two 50 something periods, one of growth and prosperity & the other
one of repression and destruction.
No one saw this coming that morning of 1959. My parents were actually
optimistic in those early days. Like so many others, they changed and left
the country.
We were the fortunate ones. We got to grow up in the US. Some were not
so unfortunate. They had to stay in Cuba or saw their fathers executed or
spend time in a political prison.
A sad anniversary for Cubans, and for truth and freedom. It turned out to be
a terrible morning for the people of Cuba.
New year brings new faces to lead on U.S.-Cuba policy
By Guillermo I. Martínez - Guimar123@gmail.com
http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/opinion/fl-gmcol-0103-20130103,0,5310524.column
January 3, 2013
To those who follow U.S.–Cuban relations closely, 2013 may be a box full of surprises. Who
knows what is inside?
Cuban officials are probably delighted with the nomination of Sen. John Kerry, D.–Mass., to be
Secretary of State.
Not since Jimmy Carter was president has Cuba had a friendlier politician in a position to help
modify the long-standing, isolationist U.S. policy toward the Castro brothers' regime.
The opposite holds true as Sen. Bob Menéndez, D.-N.J., a staunch opponent of rapprochement
toward the Communist regime, is likely to be elected chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, a post vacated by Kerry as he accepts his Cabinet post.
Call Kerry and Menéndez the Ying and Yang of U.S. Cuba policy. Kerry will argue for lifting the
U.S. embargo of the island, allowing all Americans to travel to the island and eliminating support
for the pro-democracy movement in the island. Menéndez, born in New York to Cuban-American
parents, will counter Kerry's every move as he is an advocate of a strong American policy on
Cuba and Iran.
Who will win? President Barack Obama will decide. It will be his policy, not that of his secretary of
state or of the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Each will plead his case.
The president will dictate which road to take.
In his first four years in office, President Obama has eased U.S. policy toward Cuba, but only by a
few degrees. He eliminated many restrictions imposed by former President George W. Bush on
visits to the island by Cuban-Americans who want to see relatives. And he has made it easier for
Cuban-Americans to send them remittances , easing the frequency and amount of money they
can send.
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At the same time, President Obama has made it easier for cultural exchanges between
Americans and Cubans. It is easier now than under the Bush Administration to get a license to
visit Cuba.
Still, President Obama has held the line on further improvements, conditioning them on Cuba's
release of U.S. contractor Alan Gross, jailed for taking satellite communications equipment to
Cuba's small Jewish community. Furthermore, he has said repeatedly that the United States will
not normalize its relations with Cuba until the island's government releases all its political
prisoners, holds free elections and allows freedom of speech.
Undoubtedly, Cuban foreign relations officials will work to strengthen ties to Sen. Kerry. They
know full-well that he supported a 2009 bill that would have allowed unrestricted travel for all
Americans to the island. They remember that only two years ago, he put a hold on $20 million
destined to help pro-democracy programs in the island. And some still remember that when
former President Carter went to Cuba, the only U.S. senator invited along was Sen. Kerry.
On one side, the question is whether Kerry will try and push his ideas on the Obama
Administration. The other is whether Menéndez will allow these changes to occur or whether he
will be the immovable object in the Senate.
The important part of this discussion is that it has little to do with partisan politics. All three of the
key participants in this debate are Democrats. They will discuss and enact a new Cuba policy or
they will keep the current policy in place.
Sen. Kerry's hand is weakened by Cuba's insistence on a prisoner-exchange program. It wants
the United States to free and send back to Cuba five convicted spies – four still serving lengthy
sentences, the fifth out on parole – in exchange for Gross.
As long as Cuba insists on Gross for the five spies' exchange, it will be difficult for Kerry to
convince President Obama to change course. If Cuba, on the other hand, decides to moderate its
foreign policy as it has been doing with its internal economic rules, all options may be on the
table.
The new year has many surprises in store, and a new U.S.-Cuba policy may be one of them. One
hopes that for the sake of all the dissidents and freedom-loving Cubans in the island, U.S. policy
continues to defend their rights.
Golf course development projects dry up in Cuba
HavanaJournal.com: Cuba Business
Posted January 03, 2013 by publisher in Cuba Business.
Rob Sequin | Havana Journal
Seems as though ALL golf course development projects in Cuba have come to a
complete stand still.
There is not even any hype of development let alone announcements of any development
deals.
Of course this means Cuba is FAR FAR away from breaking ground on any new golf
courses in Cuba.
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The world is still waiting for the liberalization of real estate laws that would give
foreigners ownership of their golf villas and condos so maybe that is one reason that
Cuba golf course developers have nothing to say recently. I don’t think there was any
news from any golf course developer in all of 2012. So, just like everything else in
Cuba… we wait.
Golf course projects in Cuba
Leisure Canada - Announced in 1999 that it was working on a new golf course project
in Jibacoa. Result: Nothing but maybe some signed letters of intent. Company apparently
has moved to a wait and see approach. LeisureCanada.com forwards to the new brand of
360 VOX. As a side note, 360 VOX did purchase the domain name VisitCuba.com for
$110,000 and has developed a very nice Cuba travel website.
Carbonera Club - From a 2008 Esencia press release “Construction of the Carbonera
Golf & Country Club will commence in 2009.” Set to open in 2011. This was the FIRST
golf course development project announced in Cuba. Developers have been silent for
several years now. However, they do sponsor the Montecristo Cup tournament in
Varadero and offer Cuba golf vacations.
La Altura - A $1billion golf course and marina and homes and hotels development near
Bahia Honda. All quiet. I have never read much about this project.
Bello Monte - A Coral Capital golf course and marina project in Guanabo. CEO and
other executive arrested and whereabouts unknown.
Guanahacabibes - Huge development project featuring apartments, villas, townhouses,
three boutique hotels, a golf academy, marina, sport fishing club, and a horseback riding
center. All quiet.
Loma Linda Golf Estates - Probably the project with the best chance of actually
breaking ground in Cuba by Standing Feather. Appears to be dead in the water too.
These domains were registered on October 19, 2010. They have all expired and will be
available for registration again on January 5.
GolfLomaLinda.com
GolfLomaLindaCuba.com
GolfLomaLindaHolguin.com
HolguinGolfAndCountryClub.com
HolguinResidentialGolf.com
LomaLindaCuba.com
LomaLindaEstates.com
LomaLindaGolfEstates.com
LomaLindaGolfHolguin.com
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LomaLindaHolguinCuba.com
LomaLindaResort.com
Even though it is early in 2013, it’s probably safe to say “wait till next year”.
Con el palo entre la ruedas
Fernando Ravsberg | 2013-01-03, 11:47
El año 2012 termina con una frase de Raúl Castro que sintetiza la disyuntiva
de vida o muerte de la Revolución Cubana, hay que eliminar las trabas que
frenan las fuerzas productivas. El problema es que esas ataduras son
impuestas por las relaciones de producción derivadas del modelo.
Y el modelo cubano, fielmente copiado del soviético, contiene las mismas
debilidades burocráticas que llevaron al socialismo europeo a la debacle,
provocando estancamiento económico, atraso tecnológico y reduciendo la
agricultura a niveles mínimos de productividad.
Desde el 2008 Cuba intenta abandonar ese camino pero no faltan quienes
insisten en poner palos en las ruedas del carro de las reformas. Uno de los
más evidentes fue prohibir a los guajiros construir sus casas en las tierras
que el Estado les entregó.
En Cuba nadie es tan inocente como para pensar que los campesinos podrían
vivir en las ciudades y viajar -¿con que transporte?- cada mañana a las
fincas para trabajar. Además saben de sobra que los ladrones arrasarían
cualquier granja deshabitada por las noches.
El gobierno tardó cuatro años en destrabar esa rueda pero en la agricultura
siguen existiendo otros frenos, como la distribución y comercialización de los
productos del campo, centralizados en manos de una burocracia que ha
demostrado ser la más ineficiente del país.
El nuevo sistema impositivo es otro ejemplo. Podría haber dejado atrás
estructuras de contratación laboral muy cuestionadas nacional e
internacionalmente, por las que los empleadores pagan en moneda dura y los
empleados reciben pesos cubanos.
Muchos esperaban que desaparecieran las empresas contratistas, que se
quedan con la mayor parte del sueldo del trabajador, pero no fue así. Ahora
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el Estado tendrá una doble recaudación que grava los salarios y también los
ingresos paralelos.
A veces lo palos en las ruedas consisten en generar largos debates sobre
cuestiones intrascendentes, impidiendo que la nación entre en los temas de
fondo, los que realmente influirán en la economía nacional y en las reformas
que podrían hacerla más eficiente.
Pasaron meses discutiendo la ley de compraventa de automóviles para
finalmente llenar de prohibiciones la apertura. Cumplen así la orientación de
aflojar la soga pero lo hacen milímetro a milímetro, mientras la sociedad
reclama grandes bocanadas de aire.
Una de las medidas claves es el crecimiento del trabajo por cuenta propia,
llamado a absorber la mano de obra que debe ser despedida para poder
cerrar las empresas improductivas, ese agujero negro que devora las
utilidades de los que verdaderamente producen.
Nada menos que el 72% de las empresas auditadas este fin de año en la
provincia de Ciego de Ávila incumplen sus planes de ventas y de producción,
además de mantener el desorden administrativo y la falta de control,
concluyó la Contraloría General.
Es justo que un gobierno dé alternativas a los cesantes pero resulta extraño
que se tardaran años en aprobar las cooperativas urbanas, única modalidad
posible para quienes deben unir sus escasos recursos en el intento de
independizarse laboralmente.
El otro factor decisivo para la sobrevivencia económica es la lucha contra la
corrupción, encabezada por la Contraloría General. Sus éxitos han sido
importantes, no han eliminado el fenómeno pero lo han suavizado
sustancialmente, reduciendo los costos para la nación.
Sin embargo, los efectos de esta batalla no juegan un papel preventivo
porque son silenciados por una prensa que continúa secuestrada. Y cuando
alguien se atreve a reclamar información, como fue el caso de Esteban
Morales, intentan excomulgarlo.
Hace pocos días un amigo babalao me decía que "eso que sucede fuera de
Cuba es horrible, un puñado de ricos robando y el resto de la gente
muriéndose de hambre, aquí por lo menos robamos todos". La
democratización del robo le parecía normal y justa.
Esa visión es resultado de una prensa que se dedica a "denunciar" a un par
de adolescentes que rompen teléfonos públicos para llevarse unas pocas
monedas y no investiga a quienes estafaron los millones de dólares del cable
telefónico submarino.
El 2013 comienza, igual que el 2012, con leyes que eliminan prohibiciones
absurdas, gracias a lo cual será más fácil la vida de la gente pero también
continúan sin definir el modelo socioeconómico futuro y por ende el rumbo
que lleva el país.
Ya la Contralora General, Gladys Bejerano, comprende que en su trabajo no
bastará con controles gubernamentales, "a la comunidad y a los trabajadores
les toca chequear para eliminar la corrupción en todos los niveles, porque se
pone en juego la continuidad de la Revolución".
También las reformas necesitan del apoyo de la gente y este sería mucho
más efectivo si se revelara hacia donde se dirigen. Es la única forma en que
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los ciudadanos podrían identificar y enfrentar a aquellos que, por ineficiencia
o por malicia, sabotean los cambios.
Un nuevo libro de Carmelo Mesa-Lago
Cubanet, Viernes, Enero 4, 2013 | Por Orlando Freire Santana
LA HABANA, Cuba, enero, http://www.cubanet.org/ -Lo más común es que comentemos un libro
después de haberlo leído. Pero en el caso de los cubanos que residimos en la isla, debido a lo
difícil que resulta acceder a las novedades de la literatura internacional— sobre todo si el
contenido de los libros no le resulta muy agradable al castrismo—, cualquier noticia acerca de la
publicación de un texto que nos interese, ya es motivo suficiente para que nos asalte la tentación
de comentar al respecto.
Lo anterior puede aplicarse en el contexto de la reciente aparición del libro Cuba en la era de
Raúl Castro: reformas económico-sociales y sus efectos, de la autoría del académico
cubanoamericano Carmelo Mesa-Lago. El no. 3 del 2012 de la revista Espacio Laical contiene
una entrevista con el destacado economista, quien da a conocer la salida del referido texto; un
libro que, tal y como indica su título, trata acerca de los cambios implementados por Raúl Castro,
así como los contratiempos de todo tipo que afronta la actualización del modelo económico.
Quienes hemos tenido la oportunidad de leer algunos de los 30 libros sobre Cuba escritos por
Mesa-Lago, nos sentimos en deuda con el autor por su acertada explicación de los ciclos
económicos por los que ha atravesado Cuba a partir de 1959; ciclos que han oscilado entre el
idealismo de la planificación centralizada, y el pragmatismo de las reformas con elementos del
mercado. De igual forma, admiramos la comparación establecida entre una economía de
mercado, como la chilena; otra mixta, como la costarricense; y por último el caso cubano con la
planificación centralizada. A propósito, el profesor Mesa-Lago sostiene que el fracaso de los
ciclos idealistas ha generado una serie de crecientes problemas que les abrieron las puertas a
las actuales reformas estructurales del general-presidente.
El académico Mesa-Lago se lamenta de que su prolífica labor haya tenido que hacerse desde la
distancia, como consecuencia de las pocas visitas a la isla que las autoridades cubanas le han
permitido en los más de 50 años que lleva residiendo en Estados Unidos. Pero, sobre todo, al
escaso tiempo programado para dichas visitas, las que se han limitado a la participación en
eventos, seminarios y conversatorios, sin la posibilidad de prolongar su estancia en Cuba, y así
poder investigar en archivos, bibliotecas y otros centros especializados.
En el año 2010, tras 20 años sin visitar la isla— período en el que alguna que otra vez le fue
negada la entrada al país—, fue invitado por el cardenal Jaime Ortega a la X Semana Social
Católica. Una visita que se materializó finalmente, no sin antes dejar de experimentarse cierta
zozobra ante los amagos de las autoridades para impedirla. No obstante, la prensa oficialista
silenció por completo la estancia entre nosotros de tan distinguida personalidad, y solo nos
enteramos de su presencia a través de los medios de prensa de la Iglesia Católica.
Hay que decir que el profesor Mesa-Lago no pertenece a la rama más radical del exilio cubano, y
tampoco se adscribe a lo que los gobernantes de la isla califican como “ideas neoliberales en la
economía”. El catedrático no sugiere la salida total del Estado de los asuntos económicos, sino
que insiste en que debe de conservar bajo su tutela las áreas estratégicas. No menciona el libre
comercio, sino que aboga por el diseño de una estrategia que promueva las exportaciones y
sustituya las importaciones. Además, estima que las reformas de Raúl están bien orientadas, y
son las más importantes implementadas bajo la revolución.
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Entonces, ¿cuál es el motivo del ostracismo a que es sometido por las autoridades cubanas?
Muy sencillo: el profesor Mesa-Lago opina que las penurias económicas por las que hemos
atravesado se deben, en lo fundamental, a deficiencias internas y errores de los gobernantes de
la isla. Por el contrario, si le achacara las culpas al embargo de Estados Unidos, no dudamos de
que tuviera las puertas de Cuba abiertas de par en par. Así son las cosas en este país.
Cuba en el siglo xxi : Escenarios actuales, cambios inevitables, futuros
posibles
Posted on January 4, 2013 by Arch Ritter
Juan Antonio Blanco has contributed a thought-provokinh analysis to the recent
Nueva Sociedad (No 242, noviembre-diciembre de 2012) special issue on Cuba
entitled Cuba se Mueve.
The complete essay is here: Blanco, Juan Antonio, Cuba en el Siglo XXI
“El régimen de gobernanza que ha dirigido Cuba por medio siglo ha quedado
inmerso en un desequilibrio sistémico al perder su anterior hábitat internacional, que
lo sustentó durante la Guerra Fría.
Los cambios introducidos hasta ahora no han sido suficientes para lograr un nuevo
equilibrio. Si se comprende esa realidad y se rectifica el rumbo, hay una Cuba mejor
esperando a sus ciudadanos en el futuro. Pero si se insiste en «actualizar» un sistema
agotado y carente de mecenazgos de la magnitud de los que obtuvo del bloque
soviético, también es posible que aguarde en el horizonte una Cuba peor.”
Juan Antonio Blanco: doctor en
Ciencias Históricas. Actualmente es analista político y director ejecutivo del Centro
para Iniciativas hacia América Latina y el Caribe del Miami Dade College.
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In My Opinion: Fabiola Santiago: 54 years later, no end in sight to
indignities in Cuba
The Miami Herald, By Fabiola Santiago
fsantiago@MiamiHerald.com
Miami Herald, Posted on Friday, 01.04.13
You don’t see the usual markers this anniversary — not the front-page stories, the analysis,
and certainly not the hopeful mantra the exiles have traditionally embraced with certainty:
Next Year in Cuba.
We’ve become so dulled by the shenanigans of the Cuban dictatorship, so disheartened by
the lack of meaningful change, the regime’s macabre ability to survive, and the complicity of
a world immune to outrageous human-rights abuses, what’s another year of the Castro
brothers’ dynasty, right?
So much time has passed that Cubans like me who fled as children are now grandparents,
and the generation of our parents, who left it all behind and fought for a democratic Cuba
from exile, are sadly dying without seeing their most cherished dream come true.
Fifty-four years after Fidel Castro rose to power on the promise of social justice, the oneparty system — absolute control in the hands of a few — remains intact. So do the
repressive and violent crackdowns against peaceful dissidents whose only crime has been to
voice their discontent.
The number of detentions — 6,602 — and the number of political prisoners sentenced to
long jail terms rose, despite negotiated releases of some to bitter exile in Spain.
A lifetime later, only questions linger: Why doesn’t this dictatorship, no matter how ancient
and abusive it gets, arouse the world’s indignation?
Why does it seem to breathe new life?
Longevity, explains Jorge Duany, director of the Cuban Research Institute at Florida
International University, comes with the government’s reforms in response to economic and
political pressures.
“There has been evolution over time in fits and starts,” he says, naming last year’s measures
to allow people ownership of property and to lift some travel restrictions.
“Modest and not as far-reaching,” the anthropology professor adds.
Yet they’re mistaken for authentic reforms that make people think Cuba has an acceptable
style of governance.
But look back at last year.
It began with the optimism of a papal visit hailed as “a spring time of faith” by Miami
Archbishop Thomas Wenski and Cuban Cardinal Jaime Ortega, and quickly deteriorated into
the usual portions of surreal and sinister with the death in July — in a car “accident” under
questionable circumstances — of the prominent Christian dissident leader Oswaldo Payá
and activist Harold Cepero.
The Spaniard who was driving the car, Angel Carromero, a youth leader for the Partido
Popular of Spain, was charged with manslaughter, tried and found guilty in a judicial
proceeding the Payá family was not allowed to attend.
If all the evidence pointed to reckless driving instead of the early reports of another car
forcing them off the road, why not hold an open trial?
Carromero was sentenced to four years in prison, and in an agreement with the Spanish
government was flown to Spain last week to serve out his sentence there.
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In other words, a democratic country is blackmailed into enforcing a dictatorship’s closeddoor “justice.”
Another year, another roster of indignities, and no end in sight.
Report: John Kerry held secret talks with Cuba to free Alan Gross
By Juan O. Tamayo
jtamayo@ElNuevoHerald.com
J. Scott Applewhite / AP
Miami Herald, Posted on Sun, Jan. 06, 2013
John Kerry Sen. John Kerry, nominated as the next secretary of state, held a secret meeting
with Cuba’s foreign minister in 2010 in a failed bid to win the release of jailed USAID
subcontractor Alan Gross, according to a published report.
A senior state department official also met in secret with Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez
to discuss the Gross case, but the foreign minister lectured the U.S. official for an hour,
added the report in the respected magazine Foreign Affairs.
José Cardenas, a former top official at the U.S. Agency for International Development,
wrote that the article amounted to a “lesson on the folly of attempting to appease dictators.”
A knowledgeable Senate aide also challenged the article’s description of the role that Fulton
Armstrong, a senior staffer in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and former CIA
analyst, played in the campaign to free Gross.
Gross was arrested in Havana in late 2009 and sentenced to 15 years for giving Cuban Jews
sophisticated communications equipment paid for by USAID’s “pro-democracy” programs,
outlawed by Cuba as designed to bring about “regime change.” His continued detention has
been a key block in efforts to improve U.S.-Cuba relations.
The report authored by R.M Schneiderman, an editor at Newsweek, includes previously
unknown details of a U.S. effort to win Gross’ freedom by cutting back funding for the prodemocracy programs and making them less provocative to Cuba.
In September of 2010, Spanish government officials helped arrange a secret meeting
between then-Assistant Secretary of State Arturo Valenzuela and Rodríguez to discuss a
possible release of Gross, according to Schneiderman.
“The Cubans were far less flexible than the Americans expected. The U.S. … wanted Cuba
to release Gross, and only then would it press ahead on any other policy changes,” he wrote.
“Rodríguez allegedly lectured Valenzuela for roughly an hour on Cuba’s history of
grievances.”
A month later, at the request of Cuban diplomats in Washington and with State Department
approval, Kerry met with Rodríguez at the home of Cuba’s ambassador to the United
Nations in New York, according to the report.
“There was no quid pro quo, but the meeting seemed to reassure the Cubans that the
democracy programs would change, and the Cubans expressed confidence” that Gross
would be freed after his trial, which was held in March of 2011, the report noted.
President Barack Obama has nominated Kerry, a Massachusetts Democrat and backer of
improving relations with Cuba, to succeed Hillary Clinton. The Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, which Kerry chairs, is expected to easily approve the nomination.
Schneiderman wrote that in early 2010, the State Department and USAID asked Armstrong,
who had long criticized the programs as inefficient and wasteful, to help them make the
programs less offensive to Havana — hoping Cuba might then free Gross.
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And that summer, “at State’s behest,” Armstrong began meeting with officials at the Cuban
diplomatic mission in Washington to tell them about the changes that were being made to
the programs, Schneiderman wrote.
“We said, ‘Look, message received,’ ” he quoted Armstrong as saying. “‘These [programs] are
stupid. We’re cleaning them up. Just give us time, because politically we can’t kill them.’”
The Cubans seemed appreciative. “We asked them, ‘Will this help you release Alan Gross?’ ”
Armstrong went on. “And the answer was yes.’”
But Sen. Bob Menendez, a powerful Cuban American Democrat from New Jersey, stepped
in to defend the programs in the spring of 2011 and persuaded the White House to roll back
most of the changes, Schneiderman wrote.
Havana grew chary at the same time, he added, as Raúl Castro faced domestic opposition to
his economic reforms and a U.S. jury acquitted Luis Posada Carriles, a Cuban exile blamed
for several Havana bombings, of lying to U.S. immigration officials.
“Mired in mistrust and miscalculation, each side seemed to be waiting for the other to
blink,” he wrote. “Eventually, however, the United States appeared to step back from an
opportunity to free Gross from jail and strike a blow against the antiquated politics of the
Cold War … The Cuban-American lobby had won.”
Schneiderman’s article drew harsh criticisms from those who favor the USAID programs
like Cardenas, who was the agency’s deputy assistant administrator during the George W.
Bush administration.
The article showed “the heroic efforts of some Obama administration officials to give the
Castro regime everything it wanted” for Gross, he wrote in a column published in several
Web sites. “Offering to gut a democracy program because a dictatorship opposes it sends a
terrible message to authoritarian regimes around the globe.”
Cardenas also described Armstrong as “an unabashed promoter of U.S.-Cuba
normalization” and added, “Let’s hope this Fulton Armstrong-led fiasco puts an end to any
more appeasement attempts.”
Armstrong was the CIA’s top Latin America analyst 2000-2004, was assigned to the Clinton
White House and later to NATO in Europe. A colleague at the Pentagon, Cuba analyst Ana
Belén Montes, was arrested in 2001 for spying for Havana and is now serving a 25-year
sentence.
After retiring from the CIA in 2008 he became a senior staffer at the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee and left in 2011 to become a senior fellow at American University’s
Center for Latin American and Latino Studies in Washington. He did not return an El
Nuevo Herald email requesting an interview for this story.
A senior Senate Republican aide with first-hand knowledge of USAID’s Cuba programs
meanwhile said that Schneiderman exaggerated the role Armstrong played in the effort to
win Gross’s release in 2010 and 2011.
“My talks with DOS [Department of State] yielded the contrary, that DOS was annoyed at
Fulton, wanted him to butt out,” the aide, who asked for anonymity because he was not
authorized to comment, wrote in an email to El Nuevo Herald.
“His efforts actually made it harder ... for the DOS to get Gross out, because Fulton set
unrealistic expectations that the Cubans believed and that were politically impossible in the
US,” the aide added.
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Cuban officials have now made it all but clear that it will release Gross early only if the U.S.
government frees five Cuban spies convicted in a Miami trial in 1998 as part of the “Wasp
network.”
The Obama administration has said repeatedly no swap is possible because Gross is not a
spy. Schneiderman wrote that Cuba’s offer is “a position that many think is negotiable.”
El banco suizo ZKB deja de hacer negocios con Cuba
Juan O. Tamayo
El Nuevo Herald, Publicado el domingo 06 de enero del 2013
El cuarto mayor banco de Suiza ha dejado de hacer negocios con Cuba para evitar las
grandes multas que otros bancos han pagado a Washington por violar las sanciones
estadounidenses contra la isla, de acuerdo con un boletín informativo financiero en
Zurich.
El boletín Inside Paradeplatz informó en diciembre que el Zürcher Kantonalbank (ZKB),
propiedad del gobierno, provocó protestas de algunos de sus clientes relacionados con
Cuba cuando anunció el final de sus negocios con la isla.
ZKB “no puede evitar el prestar atención a los embargos y las listas negras”, dijo un
portavoz del banco al boletín, según una traducción de Cuba Standard, Inc., un boletín
informativo con sede en Tampa que reporta estrechamente los negocios con La
Habana.
“Después que prominentes competidores se despidieron hace mucho tiempo de los
negocios con Cuba, debido al embargo de EEUU, Zürcher Kantonalbank sale ahora de
Cuba por la misma razón”, agregó el portavoz. No se pudo contactar el sábado a
directivos del banco para un comentario.
Entre las entidades que se quejaron están la Cámara de Comercio Suizo-Cubana y
Camaquito, una entidad con sede en Zurich cuyo sitio web la describe como un grupo
de caridad que ayuda a los niños cubanos en los campos de la educación, el deporte, la
cultura y la salud. El nombre parece ser una versión de la palabra española “chamaco”.
Cuba Standard destacó que ZKB, que es el cuarto mayor banco en Suiza, recibió
algunos negocios en Cuba después que otros dos bancos suizos, UBS y Credit Suisse,
dejaron sus negocios en La Habana en el 2005 y el 2007, respectivamente.
El embargo estadounidense prohibe el uso por Cuba de dólares de EEUU y negocios de
cubanos con entidades financieras en Cuba, pero las multas estadounidenses a bancos
extranjeros que violan las sanciones han aumentado en años recientes.
El banco HSBC, con sede en Londres, estuvo de acuerdo en diciembre en pagar $1,900
millones al gobierno estadounidense para arreglar las acusaciones de que lavó dinero
de las drogas por medio de sus sucursales mexicanas y otras, y violó sus sanciones
económicas contra Cuba.
El gobierno estadounidense anunció al día siguiente que el banco japonés TokyoMitsubischi UFJ pagaría $8,600 millones para arreglar otras violaciones con respecto a
la isla.
El banco holandés ING estuvo de acuerdo el año pasado en un arreglo por $619
millones, y Credit Suisse estuvo de acuerdo en pagar $539 millones en el 2009.
UBS pagó una multa de $140 millones en el 2004 por cambiar billetes viejos de dólares
estadounidenses por nuevos para clientes relacionados con Cuba.
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Cuba to free doctors from onerous travel rules

Ramon Espinosa
FILE - In this July 18, 2012 file photo, just graduated doctors have their picture taken holding their diplomas
after a graduation ceremony at the Karl Marx theater in Havana, Cuba. A Cuban doctor says the Caribbean
nation is eliminating longstanding restrictions on health care professionals' overseas travel as part of a
broader migration reform. The doctor says hospital directors met Saturday, Jan. 5, 2013 with Health Minister
Roberto Morales and were told of the new policy, effective Jan. 14. For many years Cuban physicians have
been limited in their ability to travel or had to undergo cumbersome bureaucratic procedures. But now they
are supposed to be treated "like any other citizen" when it comes to traveling abroad. (AP Photo/Ramon
Espinosa, File)
4 hours ago • Associated Press
Cuba is eliminating longstanding restrictions on health care professionals'
overseas travel as part of a broader migration reform that takes effect next week,
an island doctor told The Associated Press on Monday.
Hospital directors learned of the new policy, which takes effect Jan. 14, in a
Saturday meeting with Health Minister Roberto Morales and word of the change
was relayed in hospital staff meetings, according to the doctor, who attended one
of the subsequent gatherings.
The minister's directive: "A doctor will be treated like any other citizen starting
now and can exit freely, as long as the destination country allows it" by issuing an
entry visa, said the physician, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he
was not authorized to talk to foreign journalists.
"Apparently it has been completely repealed," he said. "No restrictions of any
kind."
Another doctor confirmed that she had been told of the new policy.
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For many years Cuban doctors have been limited in their ability to travel or had
to undergo cumbersome bureaucratic procedures. They are routinely denied
permission to travel or receive it only if they plan to leave for good and after a
five-year process of being released from their duties.
The restrictions were justified as necessary to prevent brain drain from a sector
that is the pride of Cuba's Communist leaders, and which lost thousands of
skilled professionals in the 1960s as the country increasingly embraced socialism
following the Cuban Revolution. Many more left during the economic crisis of the
1990s.
Other individuals in strategic occupations such as scientists, military officers and
athletes have also had a hard time getting permission to travel.
In October, authorities announced the end of the widely detested exit visa known
as the "white card," which for decades was required of any Cuban seeking to
travel overseas. The reform also extended to two years the amount of time
Cubans can stay abroad without losing their full rights as citizens.
The United States offers special refugee status to Cuban doctors who defect
from international missions in Venezuela and other countries _ something the
island government calls "theft" of talent.
The new policy on health care workers applies to both those seeking to emigrate
and those simply wanting to travel as tourists or to visit family overseas.
The rules may not result in an immediate, massive exodus of medical workers to
Miami. Most would not be able to travel there without a U.S. visa, although some
who enjoy dual Spanish citizenship could get around that requirement.
"They told us they did a study and found that a high percentage of doctors who
go abroad (on missions or for conferences) return to the country, so they don't
have a reason to restrict medical personnel," the doctor said.
According to government statistics, the island had 265,000 health care workers
last year, including 78,000 doctors.
___
Andrea Rodriguez on Twitter: www.twitter.com/ARodriguezAP
Venezuela gov't: ailing Hugo Chavez 'stable'
Venezuela's government says President Hugo Chavez is in a "stable situation" receiving
treatment due to a severe respiratory infection.
By FABIOLA SANCHEZ
Associated Press
Seattle Times, Originally published Monday, January 7, 2013 at 11:01 AM
CARACAS, Venezuela —
Venezuela's government says President Hugo Chavez is in a "stable situation" receiving
treatment due to a severe respiratory infection.
The government provided its latest update on Monday night.
Information Minister Ernesto Villegas said the government is in "permanent contact"
with Chavez's medical team and relatives who are with him.
He didn't give details but said that Chavez's treatment is being applied "constantly and
rigorously."
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Leaders of the Roman Catholic Church in Venezuela are warning that the country's
stability is at risk due to growing tensions surrounding President Hugo Chavez's long
absence after cancer surgery in Cuba.
Catholic leaders in the Venezuelan Bishops Conference said on Monday that conflicting
stances by the government and opposition ahead of Chavez's scheduled swearing-in for a
new term on Thursday make for a potentially dangerous and violent situation.
"The nation's political and social stability is at serious risk," said Bishop Diego Padron,
the conference's president, reading a statement from the organization.
Catholic leaders also criticized the government for failing to provide more details about
Chavez's condition nearly a month after his operation. "The government hasn't told the
nation all of the truth," Padron said.
Government officials have called Chavez's condition delicate and say he's been fighting a
severe respiratory infection. Chavez hasn't spoken publicly since before the Dec. 11
surgery. Since then, government officials have provided regular updates but no details of
his complications.
Chavez describes himself as Christian but has clashed repeatedly with Catholic leaders,
who have accused the president in recent years of becoming increasingly authoritarian.
The Venezuelan Constitution says the presidential oath should be taken before lawmakers
in the National Assembly on Jan. 10, this Thursday. It says the president may also take
the oath before the Supreme Court if he's unable to be sworn in before the assembly.
Some opposition leaders have argued that Chavez's allies would violate the constitution if
they try to put off the inauguration.
Vice President Nicolas Maduro has called the swearing-in a "formality" and said the
opposition is erroneously interpreting the constitution.
Catholic leaders agreed with the opposition's arguments on Monday, saying the
constitution is clear that one presidential term ends and another begins on Jan. 10.
"Altering the constitution to achieve a political goal is morally unacceptable," the
Catholic leaders said, adding that they would oppose any attempts to manipulate the
constitution to the "detriment of democracy."
The opposition announced over the weekend that it intends to raise its objections in
international forums if Chavez's allies violate the constitution. But it remains unclear
what the opposition intends to do if Chavez doesn't show up on inauguration day.
National Assembly President Diosdado Cabello warned the opposition not to try to stir up
trouble. Speaking to reporters alongside Maduro on Monday, he called for the
government's supporters to demonstrate in the streets of Caracas on Thursday.
Cabello also said at a news conference that some foreign leaders would soon visit
Venezuela to express solidarity with Chavez. He didn't give details or identify the
presidents.
But Cabello also avoided saying whether the inauguration was definitely being put off.
Asked if the government now rules out Chavez being able to make it back on time for the
inauguration, Cabello said: "We don't rule out absolutely anything at all."
Maduro reiterated the government's view that Chavez may be sworn in before the
Supreme Court at a later date. Referring to the Catholic Church's leaders, Maduro said he
hopes they "maintain a conduct of respect."
Constitutional expert Roman Duque Corredor, a former Supreme Court magistrate, said
the constitution is clear that Chavez's inauguration cannot legally be postponed.
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Duque told The Associated Press he believes the Supreme Court should now form a
board of doctors to determine the president's condition.
Marco Aurelio Garcia, the top international affairs adviser to Brazilian President Dilma
Rousseff, visited Havana last week to obtain information about Chavez's health but said
he was told that Chavez wasn't receiving visitors. Garcia told reporters on Monday in
Brasilia he was told that Chavez is in a "grave state," according to Brazil's state news
agency.
Garcia said he doesn't see political instability as likely in Venezuela, and that if Chavez is
unable to return to Venezuela a temporary absence would be permitted for a total of up to
180 days under the constitution before it would be considered an absolute absence and
require the calling of a new election.
Some opposition politicians have also said it's time for a medical team to travel to
Havana to determine whether Chavez is fit to remain in office or not.
"The step that's going to be taken on Jan. 10 is a very serious political step, because I
think that from that date on Vice President Maduro becomes a spurious vice president, a
vice president with little legitimacy," historian Margarita Lopez Maya said Monday
during a forum organized by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in
Washington. She added that "if some type of message or address by President Chavez
doesn't appear legitimizing this process, I think this will have a political cost" for
Chavez's allies.
"As long as (Chavez) doesn't appear, it feels more and more like a government that's
moving according to the particular interests of a clique that's surrounds the president's
bed," Lopez Maya said.
She said it's difficult to grasp why Chavez's allies would want to delay new elections
instead of taking advantage of public sympathy surrounding Chavez's condition now. But
she said it might be that Chavez's confidants think it fitting for him to die as president and
not have to leave office.
Cynthia Arnson, director of the Latin America program at the Wilson Center, said there
also could be more practical political calculus at play.
"Chavez's absence is going to create a very strong emotional sensation for people, and
perhaps they're postponing the elections to take advantage of that moment that's going to
accompany Chavez's death," Arnson said.
Opposition lawmaker Julio Borges said that Chavez's political lieutenants have turned to
a convoluted interpretation of the constitution for their political aims while they hold
sway in the president's absence.
"We don't know who's governing Venezuela now," Borges told the Venezuelan radio
station Union Radio.
--Associated Press writer Luis Alonso Lugo in Washington contributed to this report.
VENEZUELA: Cuba vies for control in post-Chávez Venezuela
BY CARLOS ALBERTO MONTANER
www.elblogdemontaner.com
Miami Herald, Posted on Monday, 01.07.13
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Hugo Chávez and the Castro brothers knew in the summer of 2011 that the Venezuelan’s
chances of survival were almost nil and began to prepare for a post-Chávez era.
They would try to cure the loquatious lieutenant colonel, of course, but ever since the
doctors realized the type of cancer he had (an aggressive and rare rhabdomyosarcoma), the
gravity and extent of the metastasis and the delay in taking him to the operating room,
nobody had any illusions.
But for a miracle, Chávez was sentenced to an early death. That is why the Castros concealed
the medical information and handled the crisis in total secrecy. It was not a whim. It was a
desperate and uncomfortable way to maintain political control. It was vital to keep up the
pretense that Chávez would recover, so that no ambitions would flourish inside the restless
tribe of presumptive heirs.
To the Cuban brothers, it was essential to sedate all the Venezuelans, especially the
Chavistas, for the purpose of controlling and manipulating the transfer of authority in
Caracas, so that Cuba might not lose the enormous Venezuelan subsidy, estimated at $10
billion a year by the University of Miami’s Institute for Cuban Studies.
The argument to be used would not be that, of course, but “the need to save the Bolivarian
revolution.”
In August 2012, the Castros and the doctors assigned to treat such a delicate patient agreed
that the outcome could come soon and that there was no guarantee that Chávez would
arrive in a reasonable physical and mental condition at the December election (which is
exactly what happened), so they moved the election up to Oct. 7. Those two months were
crucial.
At that time, the Castros clearly thought that Chávez’s best replacement, from the
perspective of Cuban interests, was Nicolás Maduro. Here was a reasonably intelligent man,
at least voluble and endowed with a good memory, who was able to spout flamboyant
historical sophistry of the type Fidel and Hugo like so much.
He was docile, obedient and accepted Castroism’s moral and ideological supremacy the way
Chávez did. He seemed to be an attentive and disciplined disciple.
Besides, as often happens in the world of politics, one of his comparative advantages — in
terms of the Castros — was his helplessness. Nicolás Maduro was not part of the 1992 coup
attempt. He had no roots in the army. He did not control the United Socialist Party of
Venezuela and wasn’t even a member of the National Assembly. In fact, his only tie to
power was the backing of a dying Chávez and the support of the Cubans.
The Castros — who have an instinct for maneuvering and an astounding ability to fleece
their allies — thought that, just as Hugo Chávez found in Cuba an essential source of
strategic advice, international initiatives and information about friends and foes, Nicolás
Maduro, given his weakness inside Venezuela’s power groups, would follow the same
pattern of emotional and political dependency.
Of course, inside Venezuelan society, even inside the Chávez movement, there are many
people (some of them in positions of command) who don’t approve of Cuba’s arrogant
interference in the affairs of their country.
To them, it is inconceivable that a poor and backward island in the Caribbean, six times
smaller than their country, with less than half the population of Venezuela, abysmally
managed by a family/military dynasty for 54 years, struggling to change its economic model
because it knows it’s disastrous, and in need of copious subsidy lest it collapse, should
govern the Venezuelans and choose Hugo Chávez’s heir. Never before had they seen such
an absurdity.
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Soon the Castros will find out how difficult it is to control the destiny of another nation,
unless they occupy it by military force, something that’s absolutely unthinkable. Then they
will understand the profound meaning of the disconsolate phrase spoken by Bolívar: “I have
plowed the sea.” What’s likely is that, after Chávez’s burial and despite all efforts to control
the successor, the same will happen to the Venezuelan subsidy. It will soon become a
memory.
Venezuela, capital La Habana
¿Está el presidente Chávez 'secuestrado' en Cuba? ¿Se tomarán las decisiones claves para
el futuro de Venezuela en La Habana, en violación de la constitución chavista?
Bertrand de la Grange, Madrid
Diario de Cuba, 07-01-2013 - 8:49 am.
¿Está el presidente Hugo Chávez "secuestrado" por los hermanos Castro? Lo que al inicio
era una simple sospecha se ha convertido en estos últimos días en una certeza para la
oposición venezolana, cada día más molesta ante el secretismo que rodea la enfermedad
del líder bolivariano, hospitalizado en La Habana desde el 9 de diciembre. Allí fue
sometido a una intervención quirúrgica, la cuarta desde que se le detectó, en junio de
2011, un misterioso cáncer en la zona pélvica.
La frustración de la oposición va subiendo a medida que se acerca el 10 de enero, fecha
en la cual Chávez tendría que tomar posesión de su cuarto mandato presidencial,
después de ganar las elecciones del pasado octubre. Los últimos partes médicos
procedentes de La Habana señalan "complicaciones como consecuencia de una severa
infección pulmonar", lo que hace muy improbable su regreso a tiempo a Caracas para
prestar juramento ante los diputados de la Asamblea Nacional.
¿Qué pasaría si Chávez no se presenta en la fecha señalada por la Constitución? Para los
dirigentes del oficialista Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV), no es un
problema. Lo ha dicho con total crudeza uno de sus máximos dirigentes, Diosdado
Cabello, presidente de la Asamblea Nacional: "El pueblo venezolano decidió el 7 de
octubre que su presidente es Hugo Chávez y lo vamos a esperar. Vaya, Presidente,
atiéndase y regrese fortalecido, que el pueblo lo espera". El Tribunal Supremo de
Justicia, a través de una declaración informal, ha avalado esa interpretación un tanto
peculiar con el argumento de que el juramento no era necesario porque Chávez ya era
presidente de la República.
La oposición no lo ve así y quiere saber si el mandatario está en condiciones para seguir
gobernando el país. El alcalde de Caracas, el opositor Antonio Ledezma, ha pedido el
envío a Cuba de una comisión de parlamentarios y médicos independientes, para evaluar
el estado de salud del caudillo bolivariano. "El presidente de nuestro país está en manos
del gobierno cubano desde hace más de 18 meses. Está prácticamente secuestrado por un
gobierno extranjero. Creo que tenemos derecho a ir hasta allá y ver qué es lo que pasa.
Debemos ir y punto. Ya basta de misterios, Venezuela no es una colonia de Cuba".
De hecho, sí lo es. Tenemos aquí el caso bastante excepcional de un Estado poderoso
dominado por una isla insignificante en términos geoestratégicos. Por afinidades
ideológicas y personales —el encandilamiento de Chávez por el Gran Hermano Fidel—, el
mayor exportador de petróleo de América Latina ha puesto su riqueza a disposición del
régimen cubano. A cambio de 100.000 barriles de petróleo enviados diariamente por
Caracas y de una ayuda financiera sustancial, La Habana ha desplegado unos 50.000
cooperantes —médicos, entrenadores deportivos, expertos en inteligencia— a lo largo y
ancho del territorio venezolano. Todo esto, que ha sido vital para Cuba en los últimos 12
años, está ahora en riesgo de perderse si Chávez fallece antes de tomar posesión de su
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nuevo mandato. Y los hermanos Castro no se lo pueden permitir, sobre todo cuando la
Isla está pasando por momentos económicos difíciles.
¿Qué hacían esta semana los máximos dirigentes del PSUV en La Habana? Se juntaron
allí para hablar de política, además de la salud de Chávez. Y, al parecer, ratificaron la
decisión tomada antes de su hospitalización por el mandatario venezolano, de delegar su
legitimidad presidencial a su número dos, el canciller Nicolás Maduro. Esa reunión
sirvió, también, para desmentir los supuestos desacuerdos entre el ala procubana del
PSUV, representada por Maduro, y el sector más pragmático de Diosdado Cabello, que
cuenta con mucho apoyo dentro de la Fuerza Armada. Los dos líderes han dejado claro
que la permanencia en el poder era la prioridad absoluta y que no darían a la oposición el
gusto de beneficiarse políticamente de la enfermedad de Chávez.
El proceso venezolano, tan diferente en sus orígenes del modelo cubano, se le parece
ahora en sus aspectos más caricaturescos. De la misma manera que Raúl Castro asumió
la sucesión de su hermano Fidel al margen de la voluntad popular, Maduro podría
prepararse a tomar las riendas del poder en Caracas sin someterse al sufragio universal.
Con el agravante de que las decisiones claves para el futuro de Venezuela fueron tomadas
en La Habana y en violación de la Constitución elaborada en 1999 por los propios
chavistas.
An empty Cuban raft turned up near Cutler Bay, sparking fears that the
passengers died
An altar to a Santeria god and an ID card were found aboard the flimsy craft; the people it
carried are presumed to be dead.
By Juan O. Tamayo el Nuevo Herald, jtamayo@ElNuevoHerald.com
Miami Herald, Posted on Monday, 01.07.13
A Styrofoam boat rests at the edge of the water, its contents indicating the passengers didn’t
survive. Nancy Perez / Courtesy
If you had landed in Miami from Cuba aboard a 12-foot Styrofoam raft, would you then
leave on the raft your lucky altar to Eleguá, the god of Santeria that opens and closes all
paths to mankind?
Would you also leave behind a Cuban national ID card that would have allowed you to stay
in the United States without any question whatsoever under the U.S.’ wet-foot, dry-foot
policy?
Those are the grim questions surrounding the discovery Saturday of the raft, with four
rowing positions but no clear indication of how many passengers it once carried, that
washed ashore near the Black Point Marina near Cutler Bay in South Miami-Dade.
A Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission agent at the scene said the passengers
“apparently are dead,” said Nancy Perez, who was on a nature walk with her husband and
dog when they spotted the raft and snapped several photos of it.
“No one abandons an Eleguá. If you believe in that and you put it in the raft, you don’t,”
said Perez, referring to the clay plate, figure of a child, nails, screws and old colonial-type
iron key that made up the altar.
Eleguá is the god in Afro-Cuban religions who is said to open and close paths for mankind.
He is said to be the divider between heaven and earth and to walk along the seashores.
Perez said the Fish and Wildlife agent also told her that the Cuban ID card belongs to a
young male. Cuban migrants intercepted at sea are usually returned to the island, but those
who set foot on U.S. soil are allowed to stay.
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A Fish and Wildlife spokesman on Monday denied one of its agents had commented on the
possible deaths. U.S. Coast Guard spokesmen said Sunday that no search was underway for
the raft’s passengers.
The raft, made with blocks of Styrofoam held together with wood planks, had a sail made
from an olive green tarp and four posts for oars, although only two home-made oars were
found, Perez said.
On its floor were a five-gallon jug of water, several small bottles with sugared water and
honey for energy, empty juice cans, some plastic bags with crumbled food, a blue lighter and
what appeared to be a container of coffee.
Also on the floor, Perez said, were a pair of men’s socks, a green polo shirt and gray pants,
as well as what appeared to be a tuft of long hair.
More than 350 Cuban rafters made it to U.S. shores and 1,275 were intercepted at sea during
the 12 months that ended Sept. 30. The number of those who died trying to cross the
perilous Florida Straits has never been known.
Information from Miami Herald news partner WFOR-CBS 4 is included in this report.
Mystery of empty Cuban raft found on Black Point appears to be solved
Juan O. Tamayo el Nuevo Herald
Miami Herald, Posted on Monday, 01.07.13
jtamayo@elnuevoherald.com
The mystery of the Cuban raft found over the weekend near Black Point in south MiamiDade appears to be solved.
The cruise ship Carnival Valor rescued four Cubans on Dec. 30 aboard a Styrofoam raft that
appears to be the same one that washed up empty, sparking fears that its passengers had
drowned.
U.S. Coast Guard spokesperson Marilyn Fajardo confirmed Monday that the Valor picked
up four Cubans and transferred them to a cutter, but added that officials were still checking
whether the two rafts were the same.
A passenger on the Valor on Monday emailed El Nuevo Herald cell phone photos of the
Cubans and the raft, which looked to be the same one that was found Saturday near the
Black Point Marina in Cutler Bay.
The brief email noted the four rafters were picked up by the Valor at about midnight on
Dec. 30. The U.S. Coast Guard was “a few miles away and was witness to the rescue,” it
added, and the four “were returned to the American Coast Guard on Saturday 5 January.”
The passenger did not reply to emailed requests for an interview or further details, and could
not be independently located.
The discovery of the empty raft Saturday sparked fears that its occupants might have died.
Nancy Perez, who spotted the beached raft during a nature walk and took photos of it, told
El Nuevo Herald Sunday that a Florida Fish and Wildlife agent at the scene told her the
occupants probably died. An agency spokesman Monday denied its agents made any such
comment.
Perez also noted the raft contained an altar to Eleguá, a god of Afro-Cuban religions, and a
Cuban national ID card. “No one abandons an Eleguá. If you believe in that and you put it
in the raft, you don’t,” she added.
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Cuban citizens who set foot on U.S. territory can stay under the “wet-foot, dry-foot” policy.
Those who are intercepted at sea are returned to Cuba by the Coast Guard unless they
indicate a “credible fear” of persecution if repatriated.
The raft found near the Black Point Marina was made of Styrofoam blocks and wood
planks, had an olive green tarp for sail and four oar posts.
It contained a large water container, several small bottles with sugared water and honey,
empty juice cans, plastic bags with food crumbs, a blue lighter and what seemed to be a
container of coffee.
U.S. authorities intercepted more than 1,270 Cuban migrants at sea during the 12 months
that ended Sept. 30. Another 350 rafters made it to U.S. shores during the same period.
Tras limitidas reformas, ¿qué tan capitalistas se han convertido los
cubanos?
El Nuevo Herald, Publicado el lunes, 01.07.13
Un hombre trabaja reparando zapatos desde la puerta de su hogar en La Habana, en esta
foto de noviembre del 2012. Muchos cubanos han abierto pequeños negocios privados en
los últimos años. Greg Kahn / 1 de 3Un hombre vende vegetales en las calles del Vedado en
La Habana, en esta foto de noviembre del 2012. A pesar de tener todos los permisos en
regla, estos hombres dicen ser acosados por oficiales del gobierno cubano. Greg Kahn /
Getty ImagesPantalla Completa. Imagen 2 de 3 Puestos de venta de frutas y vegetales se han
multiplicado en la calles de La Habana. Greg Kahn / Getty ImagesPantalla Completa
Imagen 3 de 3Photos DAMIEN CAVE
/New York Times
DAMIEN CAVE New York Times
La Habana -- Era sólo una pequeña señal, roja, redonda y lumínica, que anunciaba pizza
hecha en casa —la clase de cosas que nadie notaría en Nueva York o Roma. ¿Pero en La
Habana? Era algo sorprendente.
Después de todo, Cuba ha estado dominada todo el tiempo durante décadas por una
ideología anticapitalista, en la que se promueven sólo tres cosas en las vallas publicitarias, la
radio o la televisión: el socialismo, el nacionalismo, y Fidel y Raúl Castro. El anuncio de
pizza colgando de un edificio comercial en descomposición representaba aquí todo lo
contrario —el mercadeo, la búsqueda pública del beneficio privado.
Y no sólo se colocó allí. Contrario a los anuncios en cartones que pude ver en el mismo
pobre vecindario en una visita a Cuba en el 2011, la señal costó dinero. Era una inversión.
Era una señal clara de que algunos nuevos empresarios de Cuba —legalizados hace dos años
por el gobierno en un desesperado intento por salvar la economía de la isla— se adaptaban a
la lógica de la competencia y el capitalismo.
¿Pero cuán capitalistas son los cubanos en estos días? ¿Están abrazando lo que Friedrich
Hayek describió como el “sistema auto organizado de cooperación voluntaria”, o
simplemente resisten?
“Es una combinación”, dijo Arturo López Levy, un ex analista del gobierno cubano quien
ahora es profesor en la Universidad de Denver. “Cuando más personas se hacen más
proactivas y más asertivas, entonces las otras —quieran o no— tienen que hacer lo mismo.
Tienen que competir. Creo que eso es la dinámica”.
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Ciertamente, como Irak, Rusia, México u otros países que experimentaron décadas de
gobiernos dictatoriales que terminaron eventualmente, Cuba es hoy una sociedad marcada
por años de abuso, dividida e incierta sobre su futuro. Los cambios en los últimos años —
que permitieron el empleo por cuenta propia, viajes más libres, y la compra venta de casas y
autos— ha sido tan destacados, como extremadamente limitados. Las razones por las que
pequeñas cosas como las señales importan tanto aquí es porque todos están preocupados
con el impulso y nadie parece saber si Cuba está realmente en el camino al capitalismo, como
aseguró The Economist en marzo del año pasado, o si la isla está destinada a simplemente a
hacerlo de forma atropellada con un capitalismo restringido para algunos y una subsistencia
socialista para el resto.
El debate es más complicado porque los mismos líderes que rechazaron durante tanto
tiempo el capitalismo, son ahora los que tratan de estimular a las personas a que lo intenten.
Raúl Castro fue notoriamente el comunista más leal de la revolución; ahora, como presidente
del país, es el principal impulsor de las reformas de libre mercado. Por una parte, una
reunión del Partido Comunista de Cuba de hace dos años incluyó una sesión sobre vencer
los prejuicios contra los empresarios; por la otra, Raúl Castro ha dicho que “nunca permitiría
el regreso del sistema capitalista”.
“Ellos son un poco esquizofrénicos”, dijo Ted Henken, un experto en Cuba en el Baruch
College. “Ellos dicen que están cambiando, pero tratan estas cosas como regalos, no como
derechos”.
Capitalismo controlado
Y sin embargo, ya no hay más dudas de que están surgiendo en Cuba bolsas de capitalismo
controlado. En La Habana, en particular, las pequeñas empresas están en todas partes.
Industrias urbanas completas, como los taxis y restaurantes, se transforman por medio de los
nuevos competidores, quienes compiten cada vez más por los clientes, la mano de obra y los
materiales. Incluso las tareas más elementales que acostumbraban a ser administradas por el
estado —como la compra de alimentos— está cada vez más en manos de un sistema privado
que establece sus propios precios basados en el suministro y la demanda.
Aunque el estallido inicial de actividades se ha hecho más lento, algunos expertos dicen que
la explosión en el comercio mostró cómo eran todo el tiempo los capitalistas cubanos. De
las 350,000 personas con licencia para ser empleados por cuenta propia bajo las nuevas leyes
a finales del 2011, el 67 por ciento no tenía una afiliación laboral anterior —lo que más
probablemente signifique que administraban negocios clandestinos que se convirtieron
entonces en legítimos.
Algunos de los empresarios más exitosos están optimistas de que Cuba se abra más a las
ideas de libre mercado. Héctor Higuera Martínez, de 39 años y dueño de Le Chansonnier,
uno de los mejores restaurantes de La Habana (el pato es prácticamente parisino), dice que
los funcionarios “comienzan a darse cuenta que hay una razón para apoyar los negocios
privados”. Por ejemplo él le ha dado trabajo a la gente, y gana moneda dura de los
extranjeros, incluyendo estadounidenses.
“Antes no teníamos nada”, comentó Higuera. “Ahora tenemos una oportunidad”.
El hace todo lo que puede para sacarle el máximo provecho. Cuando nos conocimos una
noche en el restaurante, él ya había escrito varias páginas de notas y gráficos explicando lo
que hacía falta que creciera en su industria —de los mercados al por mayor, a un mejor
transporte para los campesinos, a poner fin al embargo comercial estadounidense, a cambios
en el código impositivo cubano. En una cocina curiosamente adoquinada, en que sólo
funcionaba uno de los tres hornos, él casi parecía salivar con la idea de empacar al vacío para
que sus alimentos se pudieran enviar de una forma más eficiente.
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El era casi tan capitalista como era posible. ¿Pero se adoptarían alguna vez sus ideas? Como
todos, él enfrenta grandes límites. Por ejemplo, no puede contratar a más de 20 empleados.
No tiene acceso a préstamos de la banca privada y el gobierno ha mostrado poca inclinación
para permitir que personas como Higuera tengan éxito a gran escala.
Al contrario, cuando llega el éxito, el gobierno parece ponerse nervioso. Este pasado verano,
funcionarios cerraron un próspero restaurante y cabaret que presentaba ópera y danza en lo
que era un solar yermo vacante, al acusar al dueño de “enriquecimiento personal” debido a
que cobrara una entrada de $2 en la puerta. Un artículo noticioso de Reuters lo había
descrito como el mayor negocio privado de Cuba. Unos pocos días después, había
desaparecido, junto con 130 puestos de trabajo.
El gobierno de Castro también ha tratado de mantener bajo control la innovación en otras
formas. No ha permitido que profesionales como abogados y arquitectos trabajen por cuenta
propia. Y sus esfuerzos de represión política se han centrado durante los últimos años en
jóvenes innovadores que buscan espacio para un discurso civil en público y en internet —la
bloguera Yoani Sánchez, o Antonio Rodiles, director de un proyecto independiente llamado
Estado de Sats, que fue arrestado a principios de noviembre y dejado en libertad la semana
pasada después de 18 días de prisión.
Capitalismo esposado
Así que por ahora, con lo que ha finalizado Cuba es con un capitalismo esposado: mercados
competitivos altamente regulados para empresas familiares, pequeñas y poco calificadas. La
libertad económica existente se ha acumulado principalmente en los que su principal
ambición es hacer y vender pizzas.
Lo que de nuevo provoca la pregunta, ¿se encamina realmente o no Cuba hacia el
capitalismo? Los escépticos son fáciles de encontrar.
“Todos los lugares en el mundo que han tenido un verdadero cambio, lo han hecho porque
el régimen mismo ha permitido algunas aperturas significativas y la puerta se ha abierto por
completo”, dijo el senador Robert Menéndez, demócrata por New Jersey. “Eso no es lo que
está pasando aquí”.
Muchos cubanos dicen que están ansiosos de que se vaya un sistema confiable descrito por
un chiste muy común: “Nos hacemos los que trabajamos, ellos se hacen los que nos pagan”.
Taxistas dijeron a López Levy que trabajaban más por menos dinero debido al aumento de la
competencia. Un campesino que me encontré en un mercado al por mayor en las afueras de
La Habana dijo que el capitalismo era igual a mayores precios, y agregó que el gobierno tenía
que intervenir.
Pero principalmente, ésta es una población envejecida y López Levy —quien aún tiene
amigos y parientes en el gobierno— dice que incluso entre los burócratas cubanos, la
mentalidad es el cambio. Si es así, parece inevitable más capitalismo. Porque con cada nuevo
empresario que le concede una licencia Cuba se hace menos socialista, más excepcional,
menos del rebelde barbudo levantando su puño contra los horrores del capitalismo yanqui.
A los ojos de algunos cubanos, el baile ya terminó.
“El gobierno ha perdido la batalla ideológica”, dijo Oscar Espinosa Chepe, un economista
educado por el estado que fue enviado en el 2003 a prisión por criticar al gobierno. “La
batalla por las ideas era la más importante, y ellos la han perdido”.
Cubans See Internet as Crucial to Future Development
Posted on January 8, 2013 by Arch Ritter in The Cuban Economy
Bt Ivet González
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Original Article here: Cubans See Internet as Crucial to Future Development
HAVANA, Jan 5 2013 (IPS) – The Cuban government’s economic reforms must
consider the myriad opportunities offered by the Internet, a key platform of the dominant
economic model on the planet, according to interviews with both experts and average
people.
“It is not an option for our future development, it’s an imperative of our time,” economist
Ricardo Torres told IPS. “Without the mass application of the New Information and
Communications Technologies (NICT), to production processes and social life, there are
no contemporary possibilities of development.”
Meanwhile, people who participated in the interactive section of Cafe 108, the website of
the IPS office in Cuba, felt that mass access to the worldwide web would mean first of
all, “Finally landing in the 21st century”, and more job opportunities together with the
expansion of state enterprises and small private businesses.
However, the NICT and especially the Internet issue, is a complicated one in Cuba due to
financial and political concerns, particularly because of the more than 50-year old
conflict between Havana and Washington.
The global expansion of the Internet in the 1990s happened as Cuba entered the economic
crisis that continues today, which followed the fall of the Soviet Union and the European
socialist bloc, Havana’s main trading partners.
According to Torres, Cuba’s “unique socioeconomic and geopolitical situation” meant
that “not enough resources have been earmarked for the development and use of these
technologies”. The United States’ covert delivery of mobile phones, computers and
Internet connections has been regarded by Cuba as meddling in its internal affairs.
In 2011, a fiberoptic submarine cable arrived at the Cuban coastline, thanks to a project
between Havana and Caracas to grant greater independence in communication between
the Caribbean and Central America. In May 2012, the Venezuelan Minister of Science,
Technology and Innovation, Jorge Arreaza, told reporters that the cable was operational.
Cuban authorities remain absolutely silent about the cable, though there has been a
noticeable improvement in local connectivity.
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Cuba now has a minimum bandwidth of 323 megabits per second, the allowable capacity
via satellite. According to official sources, the fiber optic cable will increase current
transmission speeds by 3,000 times, and decrease operating costs by 25 percent, but
satellite services will not cease.
The Ministry of Information and Communications has said it will boost the so-called
social use of NICTs, but not its commercial application. Appearing before Parliament this
month, the head of the ministry, Maimir Bureau, said the government prioritises access to
Internet sites in places linked to social and community development, such as schools.
He also reported that projects are underway to reduce the costs of mobile phones. Today,
few people have Internet connections or email at home; most use “dial up” (technology
that allows access through an analog phone line) or wireless. Some shell out the high
prices charged at Cyber Cafes, and especially at hotels.
Meanwhile, private sector job opportunities, opened up by an updated Cuban economic
model, could further expand with an affordable Internet service for entrepreneurs and
cooperatives.
Unable to take advantage of all the possibilities offered by the current Web, some
independent initiatives are timidly exploring the promotion of services via email, in
websites, social networks like Facebook or Twitter or messages to mobile phones.
Among them is the Alamesa project for the “diffusion of Cuban gastronomy”.
The group, which also manages associated food services through the World Wide Web,
has as its main tools a web directory on national restaurants and an electronic newsletter.
The Chaplin’s Café restaurant in Havana and handcrafted lamps company LampArte
have profiles on Facebook.
La Casa restaurant is on Facebook, Twitter, WordPress, Flickr and YouTube, and
regularly interacts with users of the international travel site TripAdvisor. MallHabana, the
exclusive shop of online remittances to Cuba is also online. These initiatives especially
seek to attract international visitors.
Faced with national difficulties, many family businesses seek alternatives to offer their
goods and services online. The exclusive leather handbag company Zulu, owned by
Cuban Hilda M. Zulueta, has its own site, managed by one of the daughters of the artisan
who lives in Spain, the owner told IPS.
In 2011, only 1.3 million of the 11.2 million inhabitants of the island had cell phone
connections, according to the National Office of Statistics and Information. It also
recorded 2.6 million online users, a figure that includes Internet accounts and Cuban
intranet, which provides access to some international and local websites.
Before thinking about divulging his musical production, the well-known soundman
Maykel Bárzaga dreams of having his own connection to easily update and activate the
essential software for his home studio recordings. Five years ago, he took this option for
associated creators of the non-governmental Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba.
“When you buy equipment or a programme for music editing, you must activate it and
update it by placing a key on the provider’s page,” he told IPS.
He also pointed out that the “Internet is a stunning source of work, since it allows
musicians to perform international projects without each of them leaving their country.”
The Boston Consulting Group (BCG) estimated in 2012 that the Internet economy will
grow in the coming years to more than 16 percent annually in the developing markets of
the world.
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Expanding channels for retail is one of the many economic opportunities that would
come with unrestricted access to the Internet, which was identified by participants of
Café 108.
In their view, among other things, many people could make a living with new
professions, Cuba could export services through the web, the tourism industry would
have more independence to fully own sites and be better positioned, and companies and
cooperatives with professionals from the whole country and the world could emerge.
Servicio Informativo del Proyecto Sobre la Transición en Cuba (CTP)
Instituto de Estudios Cubanos y Cubano Americanos
Universidad de Miami
José Azel*
Focus on Cuba
Numéro 181
8 de enero del 2013
La fatal arrogancia del gobierno de Cuba
**
A fines del 2010, el gobierno cubano expuso por primera vez en detalle su plan para revitalizar la moribunda
economía del país. Dos componentes clave de este plan eran llevar a cabo el despido masivo de más de un
millón de empleados estatales, y permitir cierta cantidad de trabajadores por cuenta propia para absorber a los
recién desempleados.
La nomenclatura decretó que los despidos tuvieran lugar de inmediato, y que las actividades autorizadas se
limitaran a una insólita combinación de 178 ocupaciones que comprendían desde cuidar niños, lavar ropa y
lustrar zapatos hasta reparar paraguas.
No es de sorprenderse que, dos años más tarde, el proceso esté atascado en una red de debates internos, así
como de normas y reglamentos emergentes. El fracaso en la implementación radica en el pensamiento
patológico de la élite gobernante. Es este pensamiento patológico el que el filósofo, político y economista
Friedrich A. Hayek describió en su influyente obra La fatal arrogancia: los errores del socialismo. Como Hayek
explicó, la planificación central fracasa con consecuencias fortuitas e imprevistas, debido a que no se conocen
todas las variables, o a que estas ni siquiera pueden ser conocidas por los planificadores centrales.
En esencia, el despido de los empleados estatales se ha suspendido, y ahora se supone que tendrá lugar en el
transcurso de cinco años. Comisiones kafkianas de eficiencia determinarán el número “idóneo” de empleados
para cada función, y luego otras comisiones decidirán quiénes deban ser despedidos.
El proceso correspondiente a las actividades “fuera del sector gubernamental” (el gobierno cubano no es capaz
de referirse a este como “sector privado”) resulta igualmente revelador. Recientemente, Granma anunció que el
número de actividades autorizadas “fuera del sector gubernamental” se incrementaría de 178 a 181. Las tres
nuevas actividades permisibles son: graniteros (instaladores de losas), planificadores de bodas y fiestas, y
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agentes de seguros.
El viceministro de Finanzas y Precios de Cuba (sí, existe un ministerio a cargo de los precios) también anunció
que la actividad de granitero tendría que ser aprobada por las directrices de trabajo y por la oficina del
Historiador de la Ciudad. Además, los burócratas decretaron que las tres nuevas actividades autorizadas serán
gravadas a diferentes tasas fijas mensuales, de la siguiente manera: graniteros, 150 pesos cubanos;
planificadores de fiestas, 300 pesos cubanos, y agentes de seguros, 20 pesos cubanos. La lógica aplicada (no
explicada) por los planificadores de estos decretos fiscales se deja a interpretación del lector.
Al permitir ciertas actividades empresariales, el gobierno cubano pretendía crear nuevos puestos para los
empleados despedidos. Pero, para los mandarines, las cosas no están saliendo según lo planeado. Por
ejemplo, el 73 % de las 69,000 mujeres que ahora trabajan por cuenta propia no figuraban anteriormente en la
nómina del gobierno. Además, muchos de los cuentapropistas realizan trabajos de subsistencia, lo que no
genera una cantidad considerable de puestos adicionales.
Otra desafortunada consecuencia de la arrogancia de la planificación central es la exacerbación de las
tensiones raciales. Reflejando la composición racial de la diáspora cubana, la gran mayoría de los cubanos que
reciben remesas del extranjero, y que tienen posibilidades para convertirse en trabajadores por cuenta propia,
son blancos. Para poder trabajar por cuenta propia, es esencial tener acceso a dólares. Paradójicamente, los
nuevos empresarios tienen que vender sus bienes y servicios en moneda nacional, pero están obligados a
comprar los suministros en establecimientos del gobierno y en moneda convertible. Muchos cubanos negros
que no tienen acceso a remesas de familiares quedan rezagados a medida que aumenta la desigualdad de los
ingresos.
Es sumamente arrogante creer, como creen los planificadores centrales, que una persona, un ministerio o un
comité central pueden recopilar y comprender toda la información disponible para diseñar un sistema
económico eficiente.
La tragedia del comunismo estriba tanto en su visión errónea de la forma en que funciona una economía como
en su visión glorificada de sus propias capacidades racionales. La insolencia del gobierno cubano, de seguir
cabalgando en el caballo intelectualmente muerto de la planificación central, es muestra evidente de su fatal
arrogancia.
_________________________________________________
*José Azel es investigador asociado del Instituto de Estudios Cubanos y Cubano-Americanos de la
Universidad de Miami. Es autor del reciente publicado libro, Mañana in Cuba.
_________________________________________________
**Este artículo fue anteriormente publicado en El Nuevo Herald.
An Assessment of the Cuban Government’s Management Over the Last
Six Years
Posted on January 10, 2013 by Arch Ritter
By Dimas Castellano, from “Translating Cuba, Archive for the “Dimas Castellanos”
Complete essay here: An Assessment of the Cuban Government’s Management
Over the Last Six Years / Dimas Castellano
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Four decades after taking power through revolution in 1959, the factors which made
totalitarianism in Cuba possible have reached their limit. The populist measures
imposed during the first years after the revolution were accompanied by the
dismantling of civil society and a process of government takeover which began with
foreign-owned companies and did not end until the last 56,000 small service-related
and manufacturing businesses, which had managed to survive until 1968, were
eliminated.
The efforts to subordinate individual and group interests to those of the state has led
to disaster. The confluence of the breakdown of the current economic and political
model, national stagnation, citizen discontent, external isolation and the absence of
alternative forces capable of having an impact on these issues have created conditions
for change. On the one hand this has led to despair, apathy, endemic corruption and
mass exodus, while on the other hand there has been an emergence of new social and
political figures.
It was in this context that the provisional transfer of power from the Leader of the
Revolution took place. The fact that this transfer was carried out by the same forces
that led the country into crisis meant that the order, depth and pace of change were
determined by the power structure itself, which explains the effort to change the
appearance of the system while preserving its character – an unresolvable
contradiction – doomed governmental efforts from the start. This process, now inprogress, has passed through three phases led by Army General Raúl Castro.
Phase One …………
Phase Two…………..
Phase Three
At the Sixth Party Congress and the First National Conference of the PCC, which
took place in April 2011 and January 2012 respectively, were defining events for
change.
In a report to the Sixth Party Congress, Raúl argued that self-employment should
become a facilitating factor for the building socialism in Cuba by allowing the state to
concentrate on raising the level of efficiency of the primary means of production, thus
permitting the state to extricate itself from the administration of activities which were
not of strategic importance to the country. At the session he explained that updating
the current economic model would take place gradually over the course of five years.
He acknowledged that, in spite of Law/Decree 259, there were still thousands and
thousands of hectares of idle land. He called on the Communist party to change its
way of thinking about certain dogmas and outdated views, which had constrained it
for many years, and declared that his primary mission and purpose in life was to
defend, preserve and continue perfecting socialism.
The outlines of a basic reform plan, approved by acclamation at the party conclave,
were codified in the Political and Social Guidelines, but constrained by the socialist
system of planning which viewed state-run enterprise as the primary driving force of
the economy.
Several days after the Sixth Party Congress had agreed to separate political from
administrative functions, Machado Ventura began reiterating the following ideas at
the fifteen provincial conferences of the PCC: “The party does not administer. That is
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fine, but it cannot lose control over its activists, no matter what positions they may
occupy… We have to know beforehand what each producer will sow and what he will
harvest… We must demand this of those who work the land.” These were arguments
intended to keep the economy under the control of the party and to hamper the
interests of producers.
It was in this context that, in the thirty days between Thursday, May 10 and Saturday,
June 9 of 2012, Fidel Castro published four essays. Between June 11 and June 18 he
then published eight short pieces – each forty-three words on average – on Erich
Honecker, Teófilo Stevenson, Alberto Juantorena, Deng Xiaoping, poems about Che
Guevara by Nicolás Guillén, the moringa plant, yoga and the expansion of the
universe. Nebulous messages with no relationship to each other and divorced from
our everyday reality. Since then there have been no more such writings, and their
disappearance seems to have marked the end of the period of power sharing. Only
now and not before are we able to talk aboutRaúl’s administration.
At a meeting of the Ninth Regular Period of Sessions of the ANPP in July, 2012, after
Fidel’s essays had already been published, Raúl Castro returned to proposals he
discussed in his report to the Sixth Party Congress, such as the increase in the amount
of idle land. On July 26 in Guantanamo he once again took up the theme of relations
with the United States. And on July 30 he led the Martyr’s Day march in Santiago de
Cuba, which seemed to confirm that he had entered the third phase of his
administration.
Results of the Three Phases
In spite of efforts to achieve a strong and efficient agricultural sector capable of
providing Cubans with enough to eat, agricultural production fell 4.2% in 2010. GDP
in 2011 grew less than expected. Food imports rose from 1.5 billion in 2010 to 1.7
billion in 2011. Retail sales fell 19.4% in 2010 while prices rose 19.8%. On the other
hand the median monthly salary rose only 2.2%, a factor which made things worse for
the average Cuban just at the moment that changes began to be introduced. The 20112012 sugar harvest, officially slated to produce 1.45 million tons, had the same
disappointing results as in the past in spite of being able to count on sufficient raw
material, as well as 98% of the resources allocated to this effort. It neither met its
target nor was completed on time.
The proposal to make people realize they need to work in order to survive, an issue
closely associated with illegalities and other forms of corruption, has gone nowhere.
On the contrary, criminal activity has increased to such a degree, as evidenced by the
number of legal proceedings that have either been held or are ongoing, that
corruption, along with economic inefficiency, now threaten national security. The
government’s response, which has been limited to repression, vigilance and control,
has not been successful. Even the official state media has reflected in recent years on
the continual instances of price fixing, diversion of resources, theft and robbery
carried out daily by thousands and thousands of Cubans, including high-ranking
officials who are now being tried in court. Nevertheless, the problem persists.
In regards to shrinking the state’s labor force, the limitations imposed on selfemployment have prevented this sector from absorbing the projected number of state
workers. Of the 374,000 self-employed workers, more than 300,000 are people who
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were either already unemployed or retired. Besides being unconstitutional–the
constitution stipulates that ownership of the means of production by individuals or
families cannot be used to generate income through the exploitation of outside
workers–self-employment has absorbed less than 20% of state workers. The
assumption that this measure would absorb layoffs from the bloated state labor force
by allowing the state to focus on raising the level of efficiency of the fundamental
means of production and permitting the state to extricate itself from the administration
of activities not of strategic importance to the country have not yielded the expected
results.
The implementation of the new measures which have been announced–among them,
an income tax exemption through 2012 for businesses with as many as five
employees, an increase in tax exemption of up to 10,000 pesos of income, a 5% bonus
for early filing of income tax returns, the creation of new cooperatives and a new law
which will relieve the tax burden on the private sector of the economy–will not
resolve the crisis either.
The Real Causes
To deal with a profound structural crisis like Cuba’s, changes must be structural in
nature. With the passage of time it has been shown that small changes in some aspects
of the economy must be extended to include coexistence of various forms of property,
including private property, the formation of small and medium-sized businesses, and
the establishment of rights and freedoms for citizens. Proposals which try to preserve
the failed socialist system of planning as the principal route for the direction of the
economy, and the refusal to accept that diverse forms of ownership should play their
proper roles mean that the economy–the starting point for any initiative–will remain
subject to party and ideological interests, while citizen participation will be notable by
its absence.
The failure of the totalitarian model has forced the Cuban government to belatedly opt
for reforms that have already been introduced by Cubans operating on the fringes of
the law. Updating the model has been more an acknowledgement of the existing
reality than an introduction of measures arising out of a real desire for change.
The First Cuban Communist Party Conference definitively demonstrated the
infeasibility of the current model and the inability of its leaders to sever the
ideological attachments preventing it from moving forward. Their refusal to consider
citizen’s rights shut off any possibility of change. The delays in relaxing restrictions
on emigration, democratizing the internet and reincorporating into Cuban law the
rights and freedoms outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
Convention on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights are the principal causes for this failure.
Additionally, it must be added that time is running out. Now, with little time left,
there is talk of going slowly and steadily, which clearly suggests a decision to not
change anything that might threaten the grip on power.
Independently of the obstacles that have hampered General Raul Castro in the three
phases of his administration, the decisive factor has been the infeasibility of the
current model. Even if his management of the government had been carried out under
the best possible conditions for implementing reform, it still would have failed due to
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a lack of freedom – something which is a prerequisite for modernity – and the lack of
a high degree of political will to forge a new national consensus. Without these it is
impossible to wrest Cuba out of the profound crisis in which it is immersed. The
abilities and intelligence of one man or of his governing team, no matter how high
they might be, are not enough to overcome the current situation. That is both the
reality and the challenge.
Dimas Castellano
La burocracia "socialista" consume a las nuevas cooperativas no agropecuarias
Cuba Libre Digital
Jueves, 10 de Enero de 2013 09:25
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El diario Juventud Rebelde, por ejemplo, publicó a finales de año una amplia información al
respecto bajo el sugestivo título de "Se buscan socios".
Según los auspiciadores de la iniciativa, se trata de "un paso importante que ya despierta las
esperanzas de que pueda contribuir a desatar las fuerzas productivas que aún permanecen
adormecidas". En una primera etapa, y de manera experimental, se espera la creación de
alrededor de 230 cooperativas, las que funcionarán en sectores como el transporte, la
producción de materiales de construcción, y los servicios personales, domésticos y
profesionales. En cuanto a estos últimos, solo se permitirán los de traducción, informática y
contabilidad.
También se anuncia que serán entidades con personalidad jurídica propia, autónomas, que
cubrirán sus gastos a partir de sus ingresos, y que finalmente distribuirán las utilidades entre los
socios. Es decir que, aparentemente, estamos en presencia de una experiencia que debe de
resultar estimulante para aquellas personas que deseen desplegar sus iniciativas creadoras al
margen de la enrevesada madeja de entidades estatales.
Sin embargo, un simple vistazo al itinerario que deberán seguir las solicitudes de los aspirantes a
integrar estas cooperativas, nos convence de que el proceso no va a estar exento del mismo mal
que ha padecido nuestra economía en las últimas cinco décadas: la burocracia. Inicialmente, las
solicitudes deben presentarse ante las dependencias territoriales de los órganos municipales del
Poder Popular. Después, estos órganos las trasladan a la Administración Provincial del Poder
Popular que corresponda, para, en un tercer momento, ser pasadas a los organismos que rigen
la actividad que se proponen desarrollar los cooperativistas. O sea, que si pensamos en una
cooperativa de informática, las solicitudes deben ir al Ministerio de la Informática y las
Comunicaciones; y si fuera de contabilidad, entonces habría que acudir al Ministerio de Finanzas
y Precios.
Lógicamente, estos organismos de la administración central del Estado no solo van a recibir las
solicitudes, sino que las estudiarán con vistas a emitir las orientaciones metodológicas
correspondientes. Mas todo no termina ahí. Los ya impacientes aspirantes a cooperativistas
deben aguardar a que sus solicitudes sean enviadas a la Comisión Permanente para la
Implementación y Desarrollo de los Lineamientos, una instancia que también evaluará las
solicitudes y emitirá consideraciones sobre ellas. Una vez finalizado este trámite, la referida
Comisión eleva las propuestas al Consejo de Ministros, el que, tras este largo y tortuoso camino,
al decir del ex beatle Paul M´Cartney, decidirá acerca de la constitución o no de las cooperativas.
Y siguiendo ese recorrido, pero en sentido inverso, el fallo del Consejo de Ministros arribará a los
órganos municipales del Poder Popular, los que comunicarán la decisión a los abrumados
solicitantes. Es probable que, al cabo, si la decisión fuese favorable, ya los aspirantes hayan
desistido de su intención.
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De acuerdo con los estándares internacionales, la brevedad del tiempo que transcurra entre la
presentación de la solicitud para iniciar un negocio privado, y la fecha de arrancada de dicho
negocio, es un indicador muy importante para medir la libertad económica existente en la
sociedad, así como un presagio de la eficiencia que tendrán los procesos productivos,
comerciales y de servicios. Y aunque no conocemos a ciencia cierta el tiempo que demorará el
peregrinaje de las solicitudes de los aspirantes a cooperativistas no agropecuarios, no debe de
ser breve si consideramos el número de instancias involucradas. Razón por la cual es inevitable
que nuestros índices de libertad económica y eficiencia pronosticada continúen siendo
observados con sumo recelo.
A fin de cuentas, el titular de la mencionada edición de Juventud Rebelde debía de ser un poco
más preciso: "Se buscan socios que posean una buena dosis de paciencia".
Tomado de MARTINOTICIAS
Publicado en Diario Digital el 8 de enero del 2013
What Happens to Venezuela After Hugo Chavez?
By Emily Chertoff, The Atlantic | National Journal – Thu, Jan 10, 2013
For years, Cubans have speculated -- evidently incorrectly -- that Fidel Castro's death has
been covered up by his brother Raul. With state media so tightly controlled, there is no
way of knowing -- but though the rumors may quiet, they never really stop.
Two spectral leftists may soon haunt the island. When Venezuelan president Hugo
Chavez flew to Cuba on December 10 for cancer treatments he claimed he no longer
needed, the media lost insight into his condition. Media reports say he chose treatment in
Cuba over a state-of-the-art Brazilian hospital so he could better control the flow of
information about his condition.
Still, some details have slipped out. On January 3, outlets reported that senior Venezuelan
officials had flown to Cuba to be at the ailing leader's bedside. On Tuesday night, the AP
formally reported that Chavez would not attend his inauguration in Venezuela. The
government is arguing that this development has no bearing on his status as president.
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Death, one imagines, would. But will Chavez's lieutenants report the news of his passing
when it happens? Might they keep Chavez on his ventilator -- in the barest state of life -for as long as suits them to say, technically truthfully, that he still lives?
With both countries' leaderships close-lipped, Venezuelans themselves have no more
information than the rest of us. And there may be an incentive to obscure his status, say
some opposition leaders and analysts. Two of Chavez's lieutenants, they claim, are
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fighting for power. One of them is Chavez's publicly anointed heir, new vice-president
Nicolas Maduro; the other is National Assembly leader Diosdado Cabello.
The two men have made a public show of unity in recent days, but opposition leaders
allege the appearance is deceiving. A January 6 report from the AP quotes opposition
member Julio Borges: "'While the president is sick in Havana, they have a power
conflict,' Borges said. 'That's why they are engendering this violation of the constitution.'"
Maduro, in turn, accused the opposition of plotting a coup.
Even some Chavez allies -- like Heinz Dietrich, a theorist of Chavismo now living in
Mexico City -- see the two men in conflict.
Maduro and Cabello come from different wings of the Chavista movement, and have
different allegiances. While Maduro is more likely to succeed Chavez, if Cabello wanted
a fight he would have strong support in the military.
Yet while news outlets have been indulging in succession speculation, there's little
concrete evidence of a real power struggle. With official silence provoking worried
reactions, these breathless reports will almost certainly turn out to be overblown. If there
is a power struggle, however, odds are the arguments will hinge in part on a few words in
the Venezuelan constitution.
The Heir Apparent
On December 9, before he left for treatment in Cuba, Chavez sat down before television
cameras with his two top lieutenants, Maduro and Cabello, on either side of him. In an
emotional speech, he suggested for the first time that he might not return to lead the
South America country.
If it becomes necessary to call an election, Chavez said, looking directly into the
camera, "pick Nicolas Maduro as president."
The press has spent several weeks acquainting Americans with Maduro: former bus
driver and transportation union leader, and Chavez confidant. His leadership style is
broadly considered a little rough. A reporter for the Wall Street Journal remarked that "he
has been caught in recent TV interviews glancing down at note cards."
If he does become Venezuela's next president, he will follow on the heels of a boss who
could speak extemporaneously for five or six hours at a time on his weekly talk show Aló
Presidente.
Other reporters have noted Maduro's extensive ties to the Cuban government. Practically
the only idiosyncratic piece of information that has escaped from behind the leadership's
curtain of silence is a fact about Maduro's religious beliefs. Several outlets have reported
that he is an adherent of the late Indian mystic Sri Sathya Sai.
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Yet the portrait of Maduro that has emerged in the news media is still very sparse,
reflecting the Chavista practice of emphasizing Chavez's persona while occulting most
information about his lieutenants.
Patrick Duddy, the last U.S. ambassador to Venezuela, was in touch with Maduro from
time to time and recalls him as a "formal" presence. Publicly, his comments suggested he
"largely shared President Chavez's deep antipathy to the United States."
Observers are looking for some sign that Maduro would soften Venezuela's stance
towards the U.S. As the Chavez situation changes, the press have reported contact
between Maduro and State Department officials. Both Maduro and a State Department
spokesperson were quick to play down the significance of that contact in press
conferences.
While some analysts have taken this as a sign of a potential new "softening" in U.S.Venezuela relations if Maduro comes to power, Duddy suggested that any thaw in
bilateral relations was not a unique development, citing other moments where there had
been minor thaws.
The former U.S. ambassador to Venezuela, whom Chavez expelled in September 2008
after the Bolivian government made similar moves, was able to return to the country nine
months later to finish his tour of duty following a brief meeting between Obama and
Chavez at the Summit of the Americas in Tobago in 2009. In that meeting, Chavez
seemed open to restoring more formal diplomatic relations between the two countries out
of national self-interest.
An increased openness on Maduro's part to do business with the Americans might have
less to do with his personality than with directives left by Chavez.
Michael Shifter, the president of the Inter-American Dialogue, characterized Maduro's
"personal style" as "fairly open, if one looks at him compared to other Chavistas," though
he qualified this statement, noting that Maduro is "committed to the left."
Why So Silent?
Still, as enigmatic as Maduro can be, we know far more about him than Diosdado
Cabello. The information void around Cabello, who like Chavez comes from a military
background, gives us some sense of why the Venezuelan government as a whole is so
secretive: It's part of the Chavez government's martial culture.
Very little has been written about Cabello, who on Saturday was reelected the chairman
of the National Assembly. He was educated in Venezuela's officer system, and has
known Chavez since their days in the military. He played a key supporting role in
Chavez's attempted 1992 coup d' etat.
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Shifter characterized Cabello as "less accessible" than Maduro. "My sense is he hasn't
traveled quite as much," Shifter said, and doesn't "have as much of a sense of the broader
context."
But Shifter did note Cabello's strong base of support in the military, which he
characterized as a "black box" about which "not much is known." He sees a "crucial role"
for the military in the country's future.
Like Chavismo, the military is made up of several factions. Cabello appears to be the
"head figure" of a nationalistic segment of the military, as opposed to other,
"institutionalist" factions that have a "sense of professionalism."
"What they say about a lot of these people that Cabello is close to is that they really
resent the role of the Cubans" in Venezuela, Shifter said.
Chavez, who admires the Castros ideologically, has cultivated what appears to be a
relationship of equals with the island nation, despite supporting it heavily with oil.
(AP Photo/Ariana Cubillos)
Shifter characterized parts of the military as "corrupt," and believes the "militaristic
nature" of Chavismo has been "underplayed," noting the dominating presence of military
officials in executive branch positions and governorships.
Cabello has already been president of Venezuela once -- for a period of several hours in
April 2002, when Chavez was held hostage during a coup attempt. The attempt failed,
and Chavez returned to office within 48 hours of leaving.
The month after, Chavez reorganized his cabinet, making Cabello, who had been vicepresident, his interior minister.
Cabello later served a term as governor of Miranda state, losing the position to opposition
leader Henrique Capriles in 2008. Capriles, Chavez's opponent in the last election, is
likely to run again in the next one, which may have provided Chavez some incentive to
name Maduro the heir.
The opposition alleges that Cabello abused his position as governor of Miranda state -- a
position next occupied by Capriles -- making double payments to certain entities and
offering lucrative government contracts to relatives. As of September 2012, the
opposition had not been made aware of any investigation relating to the 2008 charges,
Capriles's ally and interim governor told the newspaper El Universal.
If the allegations were true, they may not be Cabello's only involvement in corruption.
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"From what I read," said Shifter, "he may be in a position to protect some of the officials
in the military that may have benefited a great deal from the last couple of years in
Venezuela from corruption, drug trafficking, and other things."
Both Shifter and Duddy played down the possibility of Cabello's ascendance.
One could argue that far less alarming than the dynamic between Maduro and Cabello in
this instance is the fact that the Venezuelan state, as it is currently structured, can produce
a leader with strong military support about whom almost nothing is known publicly.
A Chavez Choose-Your-Own-Adventure
Everyone seems to agree that Maduro and Cabello are the two key players in post-Chavez
Venezuela, but reports on the legal order of succession become murky.
Whether Maduro or Cabello is next in line, legally, to succeed Chavez actually depends
on the legal status of the leader's swearing-in -- an issue that may not be settled for weeks
in law, even if events seem to overtake the law.
The latest Venezuelan constitution, which Chavez's own government implemented in
2009, is fairly clear on the two possible paths of succession. If Chavez died or were
otherwise ruled "absent" by the National Assembly after his swearing-in (which is
supposed to be on January 10), Maduro would assume power.
The National Assembly has two options for declaring an absence in this case. It can
declare a permanent absence and require the vice president to oversee an election within
30 days. Or it can declare a temporary absence. In that case, Maduro would step into the
office of president for a period of 90 days. His protectorship could be extended for
another 90 before an election would have to be called.
On the other hand, if Chavez were declared permanently absent before his swearing-in,
Cabello would assume control of the government for the 30 days needed to hold an
election. Because Chavez has not yet been sworn in, at this moment, Cabello is
technically in line to succeed Chavez.
At far greater issue than the technical order of succession is the swearing-in that activates
one order of succession or the other. Yesterday the government acknowledged that
Chavez will not return to Venezuela for his swearing in. (Multiple reports have him on a
ventilator.) But Article 231 of the Venezuelan constitution says Chavez must be sworn in
on January 10th in front of the National Assembly in order to take power for another
term.
The government is using the second half of article 231 as a way around this requirement:
If for any unforseen reason the President of the Republic cannot be sworn in in front of
the National assembly, he/she will be so before the Supreme Court.
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Si por cualquier motivo sobrevenido el Presidente o Presidenta de la República no
pudiese tomar posesión ante la Asamblea Nacional, lo hará ante el Tribunal Supremo de
Justicia.
The public fight over succession in Venezuela right now hinges on this sentence: Since
it's preceded immediately by the sentence saying Chavez must be sworn in on the 10th in
front of the Assembly, does that mean he must be sworn in on the 10th in front of the
Supreme Court?
And what is the court, anyway -- the court seated in its building in Caracas? Or the
members of the court, no matter where they are in the world?
Venezuela could have flown the justices to Havana, but it's unclear that that would have
satisfied constitutional requirements. By saying Chavez will not be sworn in on the 10th,
his lieutenants appear to have foreclosed that option. The National Assembly voted on
Tuesday to let Chavez be sworn in in front of the court at a later date -- a move the
supreme court has now affirmed as constitutional.
The situation is further complicated by Article 233, which states the conditions of an
"absolute lack" of the president or president-elect of Venezuela -- a situation that would
immediately compel an election. Death, obviously, is one possible condition; but no
report indicates that condition has been met.
Otherwise, there are two theoretically viable options. Chavez can be declared "mentally
or physically incapacitated" by a medical commission designated by the the Venezuelan
Supreme Court. Or he can be declared by the National Assembly to have "abandoned his
post."
Neither condition seems likely to be met, given support for Chavez on the court and in
the National Assembly.
Opposition Confusion?
Over the past week, some outlets reported, members of the opposition have argued that
Chavez must be considered absent and that, as head of the National Assembly, Cabello
should take power on the 10th.
The opposition has not, however, appeared to be unified. Adding another contortion to
the mix, on Monday the 7th, opposition leader Henrique Capriles appeared to dissent
from this tactic in an interview with the television network Globovision: "We never
stated that on January 10th the president-elect of the Republic will stop being president."
Both Duddy and Shifter noted that, with emotions running high among the Venezuelan
people, the opposition might not want to be seen appearing to pick on an ailing leader.
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But this has not been a consistent approach. Divergent reports partly reflect a lack of
unity within the diverse currents of the Venezuelan opposition.
Yet finally, in the past 24 hours, a consensus may have begun to emerge on the way to
proceed.
Ideally, says the BBC, the opposition wants Chavez declared temporarily absent "so a
caretaker president can be installed" for a period of 90 days or more:
Chavez's permanent absence ... would trigger fresh elections within 30 days.
"They're trying to get Mr Chavez removed as quickly as possible but they also know that
they don't have the resources right now to deal with a snap election," political analyst
Carlos Romero told the BBC.
The opposition has called protests for the 10th, while Cabello has convoked a pro-Chavez
rally for the same day. Clashes between the two groups are possible.
Any succession fight would play out publicly as a conflict over the legal interpretation of
Article 231, and possibly involve Article 233. The opposition and the Chavez
government will likely continue to tussle publicly.
But Are Cabello and Maduro Fighting for Power?
A former U.S. official warns against interpreting the situation in Venezuela to assume
that there is a power struggle between Maduro and Cabello, citing other potential
explanations for the apparently unresolved situation. Most commentators are inferring,
the official said, "largely from the fact that those who are in caretaker positions while
President Chavez is in Cuba have not seemingly simply declared" a new election.
In order to do so, the National Assembly would have to declare Chavez permanently
absent. It could be difficult to marshal support for such a move.
Additionally, their decision not to do so may be part of a broader strategy to bolster
Maduro's status when he does run for president. If Chavez is kept in a bare state of life, or
if his death is covered up, and the swearing-in is cleanly evaded, Maduro could
potentially govern in his stead for up to half a year. That could give the vice-president a
leg up in running for the presidency. Given that Chavez publicly declared his support for
a Maduro succession, this may be the dying leader's own plan for his successor.
Maduro could govern de facto for even longer if the National Assembly never declares
Chavez incapacitated, temporarily or otherwise. However, the Venezuelan people might
not put up with such a move.
Duddy considers any wait to establish Maduro's legitimacy a risky move, noting that
whichever Chavez lieutenant runs for office after Chavez will likely face Capriles in an
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election. The former governor made a strong challenge to Chavez in the 2012 election,
but lost, says Duddy, partly due to Chavez's good "ground game." In his analysis, it
makes more sense for a Chavez successor to run for office sooner than later, while the
United Socialist Party of Venezuela's vote-getting operation is still in good shape.
Whether Chavez can give Maduro a toehold may have little to do with the long-term
prospects for the Bolivarian revolution if Chavez dies. The Venezuelan leader's
emotional leadership style helped sustain his rule. By contrast, both Maduro and Cabello
are widely considered less charismatic than their boss.
Like Castro's retreat from the spotlight, the Chavez death watch has prompted
increasingly surreal statements on the part of his lieutenants. Cabello, who spoke to the
National Assembly on Saturday after he was reelected, seemed to deny any role in the
succession process for the contingency of death:
"Hugo Chavez Frias was elected president of the Republic, and he will continue being
president of the Republic after January 10th - let nobody doubt -- to be clear -- let nobody
doubt that," Cabello declared to the deputies."
"Hugo Chávez Frías fue electo para ser presidente de la República y seguirá siendo
presidente de la República más allá del día 10 de enero, no le quede duda a nadie, bien
claro, a nadie le quede duda de eso", gritó Cabello ante los diputados.
Cuba Vacations Reach Record-High
Marketwire, January 10, 2013 17:12 ET
TORONTO, ONTARIO--(Marketwire - Jan. 10, 2013) - Canada's
favourite travel company, itravel2000, has reported a huge increase in
Canadian bookings for vacation packages to Cuba. As a popular long-time
favourite among Canadians, this is no surprise, but the volume and growth
from not only years past, but against other hot travel sun destinations like
Mexico, these numbers are unprecedented.
Based on bookings for 2012, itravel2000 helped thousands of Canadians
escape to Cuba, ranked as the new number one travel destination, dropping
Mexico into second place. Canadians are going beyond the popular Cuba
destinations like Varadero and Havana, and exploring new emerging cities
like Holguin, Cayo Coco, Santa Maria, Santiago, and Camaguey. Not only has
Cuba developed more resorts, but itravel2000 has expanded their offerings
as well, providing more flights and resorts available to Canadians.
"We know Canadians love Cuba, and we offer all-inclusive vacation packages
to many of their great cities, and various different resorts too," Jonathan
Carroll, president of itravel2000, explained. "We even see repeat visits to
Cuba which affirms how strongly Canadians love to travel and explore new
places in Cuba, or the same places and resorts because of the amazing
experiences they have shared there".
From the exotic Havana to some of the most breathtaking beaches of
Varadero, Canadian travellers can choose from so many great vacation deals
at www.itravel2000.com/cuba.aspx
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¿Actualización de las leyes migratorias?
[11-01-2013]
Yosbel Ramos Suárez
Periodista independiente
Foto Agencia AP.
(www.miscelaneasdecuba.net).- Se acerca para los cubanos el tan anhelado 14 de
enero, día en que entrará en vigor la actualización migratoria en la cual muchos
verán sus sueños hechos realidad.
Siempre he opinado que todo lo que beneficie, que alivie el peso de esas colosales
coyundas enervantes que tiene encima la población cubana, que simplifique la vida y
le ahorre sufrimientos, es positivo, pero si, en cambio, de lo que se trata es de
analizar hasta qué punto esto significa un paso importante en el fortalecimiento de la
condición ciudadana, entonces no hay nada que celebrar.
El Gobierno de La Habana ha implementado algunos cambios que mejoran su
estética política, gana apoyos entre algunos sectores de emigrados y de la población
insular, pero más allá de estos "alivios", diríamos que no hay cambios
fundamentales.
Era deseable que la actualización hubiera movido la situación pre-existente en el
buen sentido, que siquiera hubiese dado algunos pasos. Pero no fue así, y lo que la
actualización migratoria nos ofrece es un cierto relajamiento de los permisos que el
estado otorga a sus súbditos, no una devolución de derechos a sus ciudadanos.
Ahora los cubanos no requerirán cartas de invitación ni tarjetas blancas, lo que les
ahorra unos 300 dólares y algo de tiempo. Pero la potestad del estado para conceder
el permiso y revocarlo queda en pie mediante el trámite del pasaporte. La migración,
por tanto, sigue siendo un mecanismo de represión y control sociopolítico de la
población.
Si una cosa significativa tiene la nueva ley de emigración es que nada ha cambiado
el gobierno cubano o el Ministerio del Interior. Hoy como ayer, son los que deciden
quienes entran y quien salen de Cuba. Y tengamos en cuenta que ante todo, la
cuestión migratoria no es una materia de permisos, sino de derechos, y existe una
extensa legislación internacional que consagra los derechos a transitar libremente, a
emigrar y regresar al país de origen, la declaración universal de derechos humanos
en su artículo 13 inciso 2 lo señala así.
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Para fundar y consolidar entre nosotros la democracia, para llegar al reinado apacible
de las leyes constitucionales, es preciso terminar la guerra de la libertad contra la
tiranía y atravesar con éxito las tormentas de la “Revolución”, la cual es una potente
maquinaria de expropiación de derechos en beneficio del poder inapelable de la élite
política. Solo podrán viajar desde o hacia la Isla aquellos cubanos que sean
premiados por su buena conducta, que en este caso supone aprender a callar y
convivir con aquello que se desaprueba. En resumen, hemos obtenido algo mejor de
lo mismo, pero absolutamente insuficiente. No estamos ante cambios de mentalidad
y conceptos en materia migratoria.
Alerta en La Habana por brote de cólera
Cuba Libre Digital
Viernes, 11 de Enero de 2013 10:32
Autoridades gubernamentales decretaron el pasado lunes la fase de alerta sanitaria en tres de
los 19 municipios de la capital cubana a causa de un brote de cólera, confirmaron fuentes de la
Dirección Provincial de Salud (DPS) según la información publicada por el sitio Cafe Fuerte.
Según el reporte, escrito desde la Isla, las mayores incidencias se han reportado en los
municipios Cerro, 10 de Octubre y Regla, “a pesar de que en otros seis territorios se detectaron
casos aislados”.
El doctor Hernán Madera, especialista de primer grado en Epidemiología, quien está al frente
de un grupo multidisciplinario creado en el municipio Cerro, informó que los infectados son
trasladados de inmediato al Instituto de Medicina Tropical Pedro Kourí (IPK) para su posterior
atención, señala la nota.
Los ingresados por cólera en esa institución se acercan ya, según el reporte, al medio
centenar.
La información publicada en Café Fuerte asegura que al menos dos personas han fallecido a
causa del virus, “aunque ninguno de los directivos o implicados en la atención de este brote por
parte de la DPS accedió a confirmarlo”.
En las calles del Cerro, una de las zonas de mayor grado de afectación por el brote, se puede
notar un intenso ajetreo de las brigadas de higienización, aunque todavía se pueden ver
basureros y focos de insalubridad en sus esquinas, destaca la nota.
El Gobierno, añade el reporte, ha divulgado la Circular No.1 de la DPS, que decreta el cierre
temporal de todos los establecimientos gastronómicos en las zonas afectadas, ya sean
privados o del Gobierno y por las calles de los tres municipios con mayor afectación recorren
móviles de divulgación que explican a los pobladores las medidas higiénicas a tomar para
evitar la propagación del cólera.
El brote inicial de esta enfermedad fue reportado por la prensa independiente a inicios del año
pasado, en la ciudad de Manzanillo, en la provincia de Granma. Posteriormente las provincias
de Santiago de Cuba y Camagüey han presentado varios casos incluso después que las
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autoridades dieran por concluida oficialmente la epidemia de cólera, el pasado 28 de agosto.
Tomado de CUBAENCUENTRO
Cooperativismo, Cambios: Interrogantes ante ampliación del sector
cooperativista
“Hay que ver qué pasa con el experimento; si luego consideran que no funcionó, ¿qué
pasará con el dinero invertido?”, se preguntó un ciudadano en un foro de IPS
Redacción CE, Madrid | 11/01/2013 7:44 am
Ciudadanos cubanos interesados en formar parte del sector cooperativista no
agropecuario en la Isla tienen más interrogantes y dudas que certezas, advirtió este
jueves Inter Press Service (IPS).
El Gobierno cubano autorizó a mediados de diciembre la creación de 230 de
cooperativas de primer grado (tres personas naturales) en 47 actividades no
agropecuarias, y la ampliación del “experimento” sería gradual y estaría sujeta a
decretos, en tanto no existe en la Constitución de la Isla una ley de cooperativas
referida a sectores ajenos al de la producción agropecuaria, informa IPS.
Transcurrido un año, se podrían crear asociaciones de segundo grado, que aglutinarían
dos o más cooperativas de primer grado, añade IPS.
Sin embargo, hasta ahora las actividades permitidas, que abarcan el transporte, la
producción de materiales y servicios de la construcción, servicios personales y
domésticos, solo incluyen dentro del sector profesional los oficios de traductor,
informático y contable.
De manera que muchos de los profesionales que queden desempleados durante el
reajuste del sector estatal que se está implementando no podrán optar por ejercer el
cuentapropismo ni crear cooperativas.
En la sección interactiva Café 108 de su sitio web, IPS ha reunido algunas opiniones al
respecto, que subrayan, de manera general, el deseo de que se autorice la formación
de cooperativas “a la gran fuerza de profesionales necesitados de elevar sus ingresos
salariales por el incremento del costo de la vida”.
El arquitecto cubano Mario Coyula considera que el Estado debería quedarse a cargo
de “las grandes obras de infraestructura, como puertos, ferrocarriles, industrias,
carreteras, puentes y almacenes”, mientras que el resto de las fuerzas constructivas
estatales “deberían convertirse en cooperativas, con el personal y los medios que
actualmente tienen”.
Sin embargo, advierte que si las “cooperativas no funcionan bien, se desacreditan”.
Otro de los participantes en el foro expresó: “La pequeña industria y los servicios
pueden dar grandes frutos en el cooperativismo, un sector en el que también rendirían
más los talleres de reparación de automóviles, ordenadores, muebles o equipos
electrodomésticos”.
Ciudadanos escogidos al azar por la agencia IPS, sin embargo, han expresado más
interrogantes y dudas que confianza en las nuevas asociaciones: “Hay que ver qué
pasa con el experimento; si luego consideran que no funcionó, ¿qué pasará con el
dinero invertido?”; “Creo que hay muchas cosas aún por aclarar”; “¡Qué va, prefiero
trabajar solo”; “El Estado se las arreglará para controlar, ya ve, se permiten solo en
determinadas actividades”.
Las autoridades cubanas han declarado que sobre las cooperativas se ejercerá un
control y seguimiento especiales, para evaluar su funcionamiento y decidir sobre su
evolución posterior.
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Incluso algunas de las autorizadas recientemente fueron concebidas según los
intereses del Estado cubano y no respondiendo a iniciativas personales, de acuerdo con
declaraciones de Rubén Toledo, jefe del gubernamental Grupo del Modelo de Gestión
de la Comisión de Implementación y Desarrollo de los Lineamientos, añade la nota de
IPS.
© cubaencuentro.com
Brave new world of Cuba travel begins Monday
By MIMI WHITEFIELD
mwhitefield@MiamiHerald.com
Miami Herald, Posted on Fri, Jan. 11, 2013
Franklin Reyes / AP
A woman reads a passport application form as she waits in line outside an immigration
office in Havana, Cuba, Monday, Jan. 7, 2013. A Cuban doctor says the Caribbean
nation is eliminating longstanding restrictions on health care professionals' overseas
travel as part of a broader migration reform. The doctor says hospital directors met
Saturday with Health Minister Roberto Morales and were told of the new policy, effective
Monday. For many years Cuban physicians have been limited in their ability to travel or
had to undergo cumbersome bureaucratic procedures. But now they are supposed to be
treated "like any other citizen" when it comes to traveling abroad. A look into the future:
Summer vacations by Cuban families in Miami, Cuban doctors and athletes who left their
posts or teams while on official trips abroad returning to Cuba for visits and everyday
Cubans permitted to leave the island for up to two years at a time.
They are all possible, starting Monday, when Cuba’s broad new migration and travel
policy takes effect.
Cuba, which has long been criticized for keeping families apart and punishing those who
try to leave the island illegally, has removed nearly all restrictions on travel by its
citizens, a move that could cause ripples well beyond this island of 11 million people.
Gone is the reviled tarjeta blanca, the white card or exit visa that Cuba used to control
who could leave the island. Gone is the notarized letter of invitation from a foreign host.
Now Cubans simply need a valid passport to travel — as long as they can get a visa
from the country they intend to visit and a ticket for travel. Cuban authorities say they
have set up 195 locations around the country where citizens may apply for their
passports. Those who already hold passports will be required to recertify them under the
reform.
But getting an entry visa allowing travel to another country and paying for a ticket are
two big ifs.
“I was in Havana when the new policy was announced in October and people were very
happy,’’ said Domingo Amuchastegui, a former Cuban intelligence analyst who lives in
Miami. “But people thought it was going to be easy to get a visa and travel. Just getting
the money for a ticket will be a monumental problem for many people.’’
Presumably many Cubans will seek visas to travel to the United States — and now even
minor children will be allowed to travel as long as they have the authorization of parents
or legal guardians.
“The United States welcomes any reforms that allow Cubans to depart from and return
to their country freely,’’ said Will Ostick, spokesman for the U.S. State Department
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs.
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But it’s unlikely the U.S. Interests Section in Havana will be handing out significantly
more non-migrant visas than it does now. That could spur Cubans, intent on reaching
the United States, to seek indirect routes through nearby countries or those that don’t
require entry visas for Cubans.
“We cannot predict if the change in exit visa requirements will lead to a change in
migration patterns from Cuba,’’ said spokeswoman Victoria Nuland at Friday’s State
Department briefing. “We continue to encourage people not to risk their lives by
undertaking dangerous sea journeys, and we note that most countries still require that
Cuban citizens have entry visas.’’
Although the United States is committed to processing at least 20,000 non-migrant visas
annually for Cubans, so many have been applying that last year some applicants said
they were given appointments for visa interviews three years down the road.
“We have dramatically reduced wait times for visitor visa appointments…. as the U.S.
government intensifies our commitment to provide appropriate legal avenues for Cubans
to travel to the United States,’’ said Ostick this week.
But he said wait times for appointments could return to “multi-year levels if demand
increases after the changes to Cuban exit permit requirements go into effect, because of
constraints on our staffing levels and facilities in Havana.’’
Currently, the number of consular personnel authorized at both the U.S. and Cuban
Interests Sections is 50 people and there is strict reciprocity between the two countries,
which maintain Interest Sections instead of embassies because they don’t have
diplomatic relations.
“I think there will be a large number of Cubans who will want to leave,” said Robert
Pastor, a professor of international relations at American University and national security
advisor for Latin America during the Carter administration. The majority, he said, will
probably opt for a third country that doesn’t require Cubans to obtain an entry visa or
that is within striking distance of U.S. borders.
Under the Cuban Adjustment Act, Cubans who reach U.S. soil can be paroled into the
United States and become permanent residents a year later. Making the whole scenario
even more convoluted: under Cuba’s migration reform, Cubans will be allowed to stay
outside the island for up to two years — rather than the current 11 months — without
losing their rights as residents, meaning their could get green cards and work in the
United States and still freely return to Cuba at the end of 24 months if they choose.
In this hemisphere, Haiti, Ecuador, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados and a handful of
small islands such as St Lucia and Grenada don’t require entry visas for Cubans.
Maximum stays range from a low of 28 days in Barbados to as long as 90 days in
Ecuador and Haiti.
“Cuban citizens like many other foreigners can enter Ecuador without a visa for tourism,’’
said Nathalie Cely Suárez, Ecuador’s ambassador to the United States
Some Cubans, she said, have tried to use “irregular mechanisms,’’ such as fake
marriages, to remain in Ecuador, which has prompted stricter controls by Ecuadorian
authorities.
Because of the difficulty in reaching the United States, the ambassador said she didn’t
think concerns about Cubans using Ecuador as a launching pad to reach the U.S. are
“substantive.’’ But already there are reports of smugglers taking Cubans who enter
Ecuador across Colombia to the rugged Darien Gap between Colombia and Panama
and then on up to the Mexican border.
Mexico requires entry visas for Cubans but it has been a favorite jumping off point for
Cubans who can present themselves at the border and request to be paroled into the
United States under the adjustment act, a 1966 law that was designed to normalize the
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status of thousands of Cubans who fled to the United States after the 1959 Cuban
Revolution.
Some Cubans may make the assumption that once they reach a non-visa country, they
can then apply for a U.S. entry visa but it might not help their chances. “Although visa
applicants may apply at any U.S. consular office abroad, it may be more difficult to
qualify for the visa outside the country of permanent residence,’’ said Ostick of the State
Department.
Analysts say it’s hard to know whether the influx of Cubans through third countries will
be a trickle or a torrent or whether it will prompt smugglers to create new networks to
bring more Cubans to U.S. shores but there appear to be plenty of legal loopholes.
The U.S. Coast Guard says it will continue to maintain a “robust maritime presence in
the Caribbean” but declined to say whether it planned to beef up efforts.
However, sooner or later, analysts say, Cuba’s new travel policy will have an impact on
U.S. policy.
“I think there’s an understanding in Cuba that finally the ball is going to be in the other
court,’’ Amuchastegui said.
Cuba’s new policy, for example, may indirectly prompt calls from other migrant groups
for the same access to the United States now enjoyed by Cubans, said Pastor. “I think
this will be a real test for the Cuban lobby to retain the Cuban Adjustment Act.’’
But Larry Rifkin, a Miami immigration lawyer, said, “The Cuban Adjustment Act won’t be
removed until democracy returns to Cuba.’’
In the meantime, Cubans who reach U.S. borders can seek refugee status and will be
admitted.
Rifkin was counsel in a 2007 case known as the “Matter of Vasquez” that involved a
Venezuelan native born in Caracas to Cuban parents. The case, he said, established a
legal precedent as to who qualifies as a Cuban national and is eligible under the
adjustment act.
Now the U.S. accepts, he said, that a child born outside Cuba to at least one parent who
is a Cuban citizen at the time of the child’s birth and registers the birth at a Cuba
consulate in the country where the child is born is considered to have acquired Cuban
citizenship.
So-called step-across the border migration to the United States might also be aided by
Spain’s Law of Historical Memory, which gives citizenship to the descendants of
Spaniards who were persecuted and fled during the Spanish Civil War and the Franco
dictatorship.
Spain has closed the period for accepting passport applications under the law, which
went into effect in 2008. But passport applications from 500,000 Cubans are still
pending, said Gregorio Laso, a spokesman for the Spanish Embassy in Washington.
Several thousand Cubans have already received Spanish passports under the law,
setting them up for travel to Spain and countries and territories that don’t require entry
visas for Spanish citizens. In the Caribbean that includes the Cayman Islands and Turks
and Caicos.
The Spanish themselves aren’t expecting a large influx of Cubans under the new policy.
“It is not so easy to move your family and begin a new life in another country without a
job,’’ Laso said. Spain’s unemployment rate is currently 26.6 percent.
But he said the embassy was aware of some Cubans who have tried to enter the United
States on Spanish passports. Some have been rejected, he said, but more recently,
cases have been referred to immigration judges. Spaniards can visit the U.S. without a
visa.
For its part, Cuba has said it wants its travel laws to be similar to those of other
countries.
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“For many Cubans, this is a very positive thing,’’ said Nik Steinberg, an Americas
researcher at Human Rights Watch, “but the critical question, as with any reform, is how
it is implemented. The real test will be whether those who are critical of the government’’
will be allowed to get their passports and travel.
The Cuban government is apparently betting that most Cubans who travel abroad will
return. A program broadcast on Cuban television in October gave this statistic: Of
941,953 Cubans who traveled to foreign countries from 2000 to last August, 12.8
percent — or 120,705 people — didn’t come back to Cuba.
Miami Herald reporter Jacqueline Charles contributed to this report.
Tampa International Airport loses two of its five weekly flights to Cuba
By Jamal Thalji, Times Staff Writer
Jamal ThaljiTampa Bay Times In Print: Friday, January 11, 2013
TAMPA — More than 40,000 people have traveled back and forth from Cuba using
Tampa International Airport since nonstop commercial flights resumed in September
2011. The route was so successful that last summer it went from four to five times a
week.
That success made Thursday's news all the more disappointing to TIA, which has been
trying to bolster its international flights: The airport announced that it will lose two of
those five weekly flights to Cuba starting next month.
Xael Charters told the airport it will cease flights out of Tampa on Feb. 14 so that it can
relocate to Fort Lauderdale. There, company officials told the airport, they'll have less
competition and grab a bigger market share of the Cuba flights.
ABC Charters, which flies twice a week to Cuba, will end its weekly service to the Cuban
city of Holguin on Feb. 28 because of lack of interest, the company told the airport.
But ABC Charters will still fly to Havana on Saturdays. Island Travel & Tours of Tampa
will also keep flying to Cuba on Wednesdays and Sundays.
Tampa International spokeswoman Janet Zink said other airports are starting their own
routes to Cuba. So it makes sense that market forces may be forcing changes to Tampa's
service to Cuba.
"It's been more than 50 years since there's been any service between Tampa and Cuba,"
Zink said. "Gateways are opening all over the country.
"It's natural to expect that there would be some adjustment as the market evolves."
Neither company could be reached for comment on Thursday.
The Tampa Bay area has the third-largest U.S. population of Cuban-Americans — more
than 80,000 people. South Florida is No. 1 and New York is No. 2
The most recent number of people using the Cuba route through Tampa International also
looked impressive: In October-November, 5,804 people traveled to Cuba from Tampa. In
October-November of 2011, it was 3,764.
That was a rise of 54 percent.
Jamal Thalji can be reached at thalji@tampabay.com or (813) 226-3404.
Emigración, Reforma migratoria: EEUU reitera que no modificará su
política de visas para los cubanos
Washington saluda la flexibilización migratoria que entrará en vigor el lunes, pero “urge
a las familias cubanas a que utilicen la reunificación familiar legal y otros mecanismos de
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inmigración ya aplicables”, dijo este viernes la portavoz del Departamento de Estado en
una declaración oficial
Agencias, Madrid | 12/01/2013 8:23 am
Estados Unidos no modificará su política de visas para los cubanos ante la inminente
entrada en vigor de nuevas normas para salir de la Isla, declaró este viernes la portavoz
del Departamento de Estado, Victoria Nuland, según un reporte de AFP.
A partir del lunes, los cubanos que tengan pasaporte ya no tendrán que pedir y pagar un
permiso de salida ni contar con una carta de invitación para partir del país, recuerda la
Agencia.
Además de las visas que les reclaman los países destinatarios, esos dos requisitos
fueron para los cubanos, durante décadas, los principales obstáculos para viajar al
exterior.
La medida había sido anunciada por el régimen de la Isla en octubre y saludada por
Washington como una nueva señal de apertura.
Pero “la política migratoria de Estados Unidos, regulada por la Ley de Inmigración y
Naturalización (INA) no se modificará”, señaló Nuland en una declaración oficial.
Los ciudadanos cubanos seguirán necesitando una visa o permiso de entrada válidos
para ingresar a Estados Unidos, excepto aquellos que consiguen llegar de forma
clandestina.
Estados Unidos “está trabajando para garantizar los mecanismos para controlar
cualquier incremento en las demandas de visas o de inmigración indocumentada”,
añadió el texto.
Washington “urge a las familias cubanas a que utilicen la reunificación familiar legal y
otros mecanismos de inmigración ya aplicables”, concluyó el texto.
Cerca de un millón de cubanos viajó al extranjero por motivos personales entre 2000 y
agosto de 2012, según cifras oficiales.
De los casi dos millones de cubanos que emigraron desde la llegada de Fidel Castro al
poder en 1959, el 85% de ellos vive en Estados Unidos.
© cubaencuentro.com
Reforma migratoria: Claves de la nueva política migratoria cubana
Cuba pondrá en marcha el lunes una nueva Ley Migratoria que flexibiliza los viajes de
los cubanos al exterior
Agencias, La Habana | 12/01/2013 8:21 am
Cuba pondrá en marcha el lunes una nueva Ley Migratoria que flexibiliza los viajes de los
cubanos al exterior. La agencia Reuters ha elaborado un listado con algunas de las principales
reformas.
—Elimina los costosos permisos de salida y las cartas de invitación, dos de los mayores
obstáculos hasta ahora para emigrar.
—Para viajar al exterior, solo exige la presentación del pasaporte actualizado y la visa del país
de destino.
—Extiende de 11 a 24 meses el tiempo máximo de permanencia en el exterior para los
residentes en Cuba que viajen por asuntos particulares.
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—Los cubanos que permanezcan fuera de la Isla durante 24 meses no deberán pagar, como
hasta ahora, costosas prórrogas cada mes a las que estaban obligados para mantener su
estatus legal en el país.
—Los menores de 18 años no estarán limitados para salir de la Isla temporalmente previa
autorización de los padres ante notario público. Incluso pueden residir 24 meses en el exterior.
—Aún requieren “autorización” para viajar los dirigentes, algunos profesionales que son
considerados “vitales”, así como deportistas de alto rendimiento, entrenadores, técnicos
deportivos y militares.
—Los cubanos que emigraron deben regresar a la Isla con un pasaporte nacional y podrán
permanecer en el país hasta 90 días de visita. Los que cuentan con un permiso de residencia en
el exterior pueden estar en Cuba de visita hasta por 180 días.
—El Gobierno normalizó la entrada al país de aquellos cubanos que emigraron ilegalmente
después de los Acuerdos Migratorios con Estados Unidos en 1994. Podrán retornar siempre que
hayan transcurrido ocho años como mínimo desde que ocurrió el hecho.
—No tendrán que esperar ocho años para regresar al país como turistas aquellos ciudadanos
que emigraron de manera ilegal cuando eran menores de 16 años.
—No podrán regresar a Cuba aquellos ciudadanos que salieron del país a través de la Base
Naval de Estados Unidos en Guantánamo por razones de defensa y seguridad nacional.
—Están impedidos de viajar aquellos varones cubanos que estén sujetos a la Ley del Servicio
Militar, que deberán cumplir con la Ley de Defensa Nacional.
—En el proceso de repatriación se incluyen los cubanos que residen como emigrados en el
exterior menores de 16 años y otras personas por razones humanitarias.
© cubaencuentro.com
Cuba Opens the Gates, Hoping for a Trickle, Not a Flood
Under a new policy that takes effect Monday, any Cuban with a valid passport will be
able to leave the country.
by Nick Miroff, GlobalPost
When new travel rules go into effect Monday allowing Cubans to leave the island
without an “exit permit," many here will be watching airline offices and foreign
embassies for signs of a surge in emigration.
The Castro government has controlled the comings and goings of its citizenry
for the past half-century with a maddening array of costly permits, fees and
other bureaucratic obstacles. Most Cubans wanting to travel or emigrate had to
spend hundreds of dollars and hours in lines to petition (and pay) their own
government for the chance to get on a plane.
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Not anymore. In October, Raul Castro’s government announced that travelers
will need only a valid passport to depart. It has slashed fees and decreed
additional measures to make it easier for Cubans who live or work abroad to
maintain their residency status on the island.
Castro’s move has been widely praised on the streets, even though in practice
the exit permit was rarely denied under the old system. Immigration authorities
say more than 99 percent of Cubans who completed the onerous process of
applying for travel authorization received it.
But even if the country wasn’t quite the “tropical prison” its detractors alleged,
Cubans have chafed at the symbolic humiliation of having to get permission
from their own government to leave.
“It marks a very significant conceptual change,” said Aurelio Alonso, deputy
editor of the state-owned Casa de las Americas journal in Havana. “It was a
policy that created a lot of tension.”
Alonso predicted the measures would have far-reaching implications, especially
for Cuba’s growing private sector.
“There will be a lot more Cubans traveling, not just for tourism, but also for
business,” he said, predicting a new class of travelers would travel to and from
the island to supply their small businesses.
Immigration authorities will open 195 processing centers across the island next
week in preparation for a surge in the number of residents applying for new
passports.
The policy change is also expected to increase the number of people who go
abroad for work but maintain homes on the island to take advantage of Cuba’s
relatively low cost of living. That may enable many more Cubans to live like
other Latin American migrants, and some may even work part of the year in the
United States.
Since the Obama administration lifted its own travel restrictions on anyone with
family on the island two years ago, floods of Cuban-Americans have returned to
visit.
The US law essentially treats all Cubans who arrive on US soil as political
refugees, allowing them to stay and receive benefits.
Not all are making emotional trips back to see long-lost relatives or a childhood
home. Some come for religious ceremonies, cheaper dental work, and even
plastic surgery.
A top Cuban immigration official said on a state TV broadcast this week that
even Cubans who obtain US residency through the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act
can retain their residency status on the island.
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The act essentially treats all Cubans who arrive on US soil as political refugees,
allowing them to stay and receive benefits.
State Department officials released a statement Friday saying the United States
would be ready for a jump in visa applications, but that visa regulations for
Cubans remain unchanged. "The United States welcomes any reforms that allow
Cubans to depart from and return to their country freely," the statement said.
The new Cuban policy will stop short of recognizing travel as a right for all
Cubans, however. Military officers and others working in sensitive occupations
will need special authorization, as will star athletes such as boxers and baseball
players who could earn huge salaries in the American big leagues.
The rules also contain provisions to preserve the government’s ability to deny
passports to anyone deemed a threat to national security or for other “public
interest reasons,” a category so broad it could be applied to almost any traveler,
particularly those whose anti-Castro activism has displeased the state.
Government opponents such as blogger Yoani Sanchez and members of the
Ladies in White dissident group could be denied passports simply if Cuban
authorities don’t want them traveling abroad and spreading criticism of the
island’s one-party, military-led government.
Novelist and dissident activist Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo has declared himself on
a “travel strike” until full travel rights are extended to every citizen. “The
immigration politics of the Cuban government haven’t changed a bit,” he said.
“Maybe what they’re trying to create is a low-profile way of releasing pressure,”
he added. “It’s always been said that the migration question is a secret
plebiscite taking place in Cuba. People go out. They vote by leaving.”
By opening up travel to the vast majority of Cubans — even doctors — Raul
Castro seems to be making a risky wager that even if more people do go
abroad, most will want to return.
Cuba analyst Phil Peters says the authorities hope Cubans allowed to leave “will
indeed return in large numbers and bring important benefits to Cuba’s
economy, not to mention to citizens who have long chafed at restrictions on the
basic right of movement.”
Travel agents at airline offices in Havana say they haven’t seen a significant
increase in the number of Cubans trying to make reservations after Jan. 14.
But the lines outside the US Consulate in Havana have been longer than usual in
recent weeks, according to the Cubans who run businesses helping visa
applicants fill out their paperwork.
“Things are getting more flexible on this side,” said one man waiting in line who
asked not be named, gesturing toward the fortress-like American compound
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along Havana’s Malecon seafront boulevard. “But they still have to give you the
visa.”
Reforma migratoria: La flexibilización migratoria, un paso “positivo”
pero “tardío” y “limitado” según disidentes
Para el economista independiente Óscar Espinosa Chepe, los efectos colaterales de la
nueva reforma migratoria serán “nocivos”: “Se va a agudizar la situación del
envejecimiento, se irán más los jóvenes (…) se va a profundizar el proceso de
capitalización humana que hace rato está vigente en Cuba”
, La Habana | 13/01/2013 9:58 am
Agencias
La flexibilización migratoria que entrará en vigor este lunes en Cuba es un paso
“positivo” pero “tardío” y “limitado”, que puede abrir un “éxodo legal” en la Isla, opinaron
el sábado disidentes consultados en La Habana según un reporte de Efe.
“En cierta medida va a ser como preparar un éxodo legal (…) Yo creo que va a haber
una cantidad tremenda de gente que se querrá ir”, dijo el sábado el economista
independiente Óscar Espinosa Chepe, ex prisionero del “Grupo de los 75” al valorar la
medida impulsada por el mandatario Raúl Castro que elimina trámites y exigencias
como el llamado “permiso de salida” y la “carta de invitación” que durante décadas
restringieron los viajes de los cubanos.
Para Espinosa, la nueva reforma migratoria ha sido “un movimiento fundamental del
Gobierno ante la presión” y “frustración” que hay en la Isla. Su opinión es que facilitará
la salida de personas con capacidad de trabajar y enviar remesas a Cuba, y además
permitirá enfrentar el “fracaso” del proceso de reducción de plantillas estatales
impulsado por Castro, pues el número de esos empleados que se ha insertado en el
sector privado, como planeaba el Gobierno, no ha sido el esperado.
Pero Espinosa consideró que los efectos colaterales serán “nocivos”: “Se va a agudizar
la situación del envejecimiento, se irán más los jóvenes (…) se va a profundizar el
proceso de capitalización humana que hace rato está vigente en Cuba”.
Para Manuel Cuesta Morúa, del grupo Arco Progresista, el Gobierno “está organizando
una huida ordenada y legal de muchos ciudadanos que han estado deseando salir del
país” pero “es una liberalización que no se encadena bien con las reformas que
necesita el país”.
“Eso desafortunadamente descapitalizará más a Cuba. La mayoría serán jóvenes y
obviamente con alguna preparación. Se da la paradoja de que el reconocimiento de un
derecho, tardíamente, no ayudará a lo que necesitamos más los cubanos, que es un
proyecto de país que desde el interior integre todas las fuerzas e ideas”, afirmó.
También subrayó que la reforma migratoria es “limitada” porque le seguirá dando al
Gobierno un “poder discrecional” para otorgar el pasaporte a determinados grupos
“vitales” —como funcionarios, científicos o deportistas— y a ello se suma la “lista
oscura” de seguridad nacional que incluirá a los disidentes.
En ese sentido, Cuesta Morúa adelantó que este año ha sido invitado al evento de la
Asociación de Estudios Latinoamericanos (LASA) en EEUU y podrá comprobar si el
Gobierno cubano le permite salir del país y el consecuente alcance de la reforma.
Con similar expectativa se mantiene la crítica bloguera cubana Yoani Sánchez, que en
los últimos cinco años dice haber recibido 20 negativas del Gobierno a otorgarle el
permiso para viajar.
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“A partir del lunes, estaré en la lista de los que pueden viajar? O en la de quienes no
pueden viajar? Oscilo entre esperanza y escepticismo”, escribió Sánchez en su cuenta
de la red social Twitter en Internet.
El portavoz de la Comisión Cubana de Derechos Humanos y Reconciliación Nacional,
Elizardo Sánchez, precisó el sábado que, más allá de la reforma, el Gobierno “sigue
violando la libertad de movimiento”, al referirse a cubanos del interior del país
“deportados” desde La Habana a sus provincias.
Sánchez aseveró que Cuba “tiene uno de los potenciales migratorios más altos del
mundo” y estimó que “millones de cubanos sueñan con marcharse”.
De acuerdo con datos oficiales, entre los años 2000 y 2012 viajaron fuera de Cuba por
motivos particulares 941,953 personas, de las que 120,275 no regresaron a la Isla.
Del total de viajeros, 156,068 eran graduados universitarios y de ellos el 10 por ciento
no volvió a Cuba, cifras que para las autoridades confirman que la gran mayoría de los
cubanos que viajan al exterior regresan al país.
© cubaencuentro.com
46 Cuban migrants repatriated by U.S. Coast Guard
Migrants returned to Cuba on Sunday after trying to escape to U.S.
Published On: Jan 13 2013 12:32:22 PM
MIAMI The U.S. Coast Guard repatriated 46 Cuban migrants to Bahia de Cabañas, Cuba on Sunday.
According to the Seventh Coast Guard District, the migrants were prosecuted in four different
cases by the crews of the Coast Guard Cutters Knight Island and Sawfish. They were transferred
to the cutter Kodiak Island for repatriation.
In a news release sent out Sunday morning, the Coast Guard said that one of its main jobs is to
stop undocumented migrants from illegally entering the U.S. by way of sea.
"Migrants who travel aboard ill-equipped vessels or smuggled aboard go-fast boats are putting
their lives at risk," said Rear Adm. William Baumgartner, commander of the Seventh Coast Guard
District. He added that the migrant interdiction patrols help save lives by removing illegal
migrants from unsafe environments.
In 2012, the Coast Guard found 1,875 Cuban migrants trying to get into the U.S. in the waters off
the coast.
Each of the migrants received food, water, shelter and basic medical attention when they were
taken aboard the cutters.
All three cutters are homeported in Key West, Fla.
Se divorcia hija mayor de Raúl
Castro
Publicado el Domingo, 13 Enero 2013
14:28
Por Café Fuerte
RAÚL CASTRO JUNTO A DEBORAH CASTRO ESPÍN (AL
CENTRO) Y SU HIJA, VILMA RODRÍGUEZ CASTRO.
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Por Carlos Cabrera Pérez
Una grieta se ha abierto en la familia del gobernante Raúl Castro con la inminente ruptura del matrimonio
de su hija mayor, Deborah Castro Espín, y el coronel Luis Alberto Rodríguez López-Calleja, una figura
posicionada en las altas esferas del poder en la isla.
Según testimonios obtenidos por CaféFuerte, Deborah Castro presentó la solicitud de divorcio ante el
Tribunal Municipal Popular de Plaza a fines del pasado año, alegando desavenencias e infidelidad de su
esposo.
Al parecer, lo que detonó la ruptura fueron las relaciones amorosas de Rodríguez López-Calleja con una
mujer del entorno empresarial de las Fuerzas Armadas, lo que acrecentó los altercados hogareños de la
pareja.
Rodríguez López-Calleja es presidente Ejecutivo del Grupo de Administración Empresarial de las Fuerzas
Armadas Revolucionarias (GAESA) y miembro del Comité Central del Partido Comunista. A la vez, está
encargado de la supervisión del proyecto constructivo del Puerto del Mariel, que cuenta con una inversión
brasileña de $800 millones de dólares.
Nada nuevo bajo el sol
"La situación de deterioro de ese matrimonio no es nueva, porque todo el mundo sabe que él [Rodríguez
López-Calleja] le pegaba, y ya parece que a ella se le colmó la copa", dijo una fuente desde La Habana.
Según el testimoniante, que pidió anonimato, quien peor lo está pasando es Deborah tras intentar, hasta el
último minuto, salvar su matrimonio por amor al padre de sus hijos.
"Toda su vida, desde adolescente, vivió enamorada de Luis Alberto, que el el preuniversitario era como un
galán de telenovelas", añadió.
Otra fuente consultada por CaféFuerte señaló que la decisión del divorcio sobrevino luego de una riña
familiar que enfrentó a Rodríguez López-Calleja con su cuñado, el coronel Alejandro Castro Espín, quien
habría salido en defensa de su hermana.
"Hubo una bronca fuerte entre ellos dos, se comenta que se fueron a las manos", agregó el testimoniante,
que mantiene relación con miembros de la familia Castro. "Deborah siempre ha sido sobreprotegida por
Alejandro y él fue a pedirle explicaciones al marido, que reaccionó con violencia".
La relación entre Alejandro Castro Espín y su cuñado ha estado caracterizada por la rivalidad durante años.
Sin embargo, Juan Juan Almeida, hijo del fallecido Comandante Juan Almeida y conocedor del entorno
familiar de Raúl Castro, pone en duda tanto el divorcio como las causas que se alegan.
"En esa relación sobran cuentos de infidelidades", dijo Almeida a CaféFuerte. "Al amigo Luis Alberto le
gusta jugar a Don Juan, y poder tiene para eso".
Almeida, exiliado en Miami desde el 2010, relató que Deborah, de 51 años, acumula una larga historia de
maltratos por parte de su marido y sus dos hijos, Raúl Guillermo y Vilma, quienes imitando al pie de la letra
los modales de su padre, le gritan, la ofenden y hasta la golpean.
El favorito de Raúl
Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, conocido por el sobrenombre de "El Cangrejo", es el hijo mayor de
Deborah y Luis Alberto. El matrimonio tiene también una hija, Vilma, ingeniera de profesión, quien el
pasado noviembre visitó Nueva York para asistir a una feria de arte latinoamericano junto a su novio.
Almeida señaló que la tradicional sobreprotección de Alejandro Castro Espín hacia Deborah se debe
justamente a los maltratos que su hermana mayor recibe en el ámbito hogareño.
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"La relación de Alejandro con Luis Alberto fue excelente, pasó luego a mala, al punto de agresiones fisicas,
y ahora es nula... Sólo se unen en la mesa del domingo para ejecutar algun que otro macabro plan, como
meter preso a Julio Cesar Garrandez [pareja de Nilsa Castro, yerno de Raúl Castro, detenido el pasado
año] o pisotearme a mí cuando estaba en Cuba", comentó Almeida, quien logró salir de la isla tras varios
arrestos y una campaña internacional por su reunificación familiar.
Las versiones que circulan en círculos cercanos a la familia es que Raúl Castro está muy afectado por el
enfrentamiento intrafamiliar, pues no solo se trata del agravio a su hija mayor, sino que también involucra a
su nieto favorito, Rodríguez Castro, quien le acompaña a toda hora, y funge como su ayudante personal y
escolta.
“Raúl [Castro] odia los malos modales y las broncas, y ha intentado mantener unida a su familia, tras la
muerte de Vilma [Espín Guillois, en el 2007], por eso resulta muy contraproducente este incidente cuando
más armonía interna necesita”, señaló un ex funcionario gubernamental desde La Habana.
"Si es real lo del divorcio, Luis Alberto quedará muy vulnerable y deberá aferrarse a una única salvación, su
hijo, que es el predilecto de Raúl, para conservar incluso la vida", acotó Almeida. "Y no exagero cuando
digo la vida".
Telefonía: ETECSA anuncia nueva rebaja en tarifa de telefonía móvil
El recorte del costo establece que la tarifa de voz en la telefonía móvil costará 0.35
centavos del peso convertible (CUC, equivalente a un dólar ) por minuto, en lugar de la
vigente, de 0.45
Agencias, La Habana | 13/01/2013 9:20 am
La Empresa de Telecomunicaciones de Cuba (ETECSA) anunció el viernes que aplicará
a partir del próximo miércoles 16 una nueva rebaja en su tarifa de telefonía móvil.
Según un reporte de EFE, la directora de Comercio y Mercadotecnia de ETECSA, Tania
Velázquez, informó que el recorte del costo establece que la tarifa de voz en la telefonía
móvil costará 0.35 centavos del peso convertible (CUC, equivalente a un dólar ) por
minuto, en lugar de la vigente, de 0.45.
La medida beneficiará a 1.680,000 clientes de líneas móviles prepagadas en la Isla y es
una de las modificaciones que la Empresa aplicará este año con el propósito de elevar
su calidad, incrementar los servicios, indicó la fuente citada por EFE.
La nueva disposición también establece la tarifa máxima de 0.35 pesos convertibles por
minuto para las llamadas generadas desde teléfonos celulares, en la modalidad de
pospago.
Ya en 2012 una normativa similar redujo la tarifa de voz de 0.60 a 0.45.
En el horario de 11 de la noche a siete de la mañana, el servicio seguirá costando 10
centavos convertibles por minuto de llamada.
La funcionaria también precisó que la opción “El que llama paga” se eliminó entre
móviles, mientras que se mantiene el cobro de llamada recibida y originada hacia la red
fija, lo mismo que la modalidad cobro revertido utilizando los dígitos 99.
En el caso del servicio de mensajería corta (SMS) de pospago, se aprobó la tarifa
mensual de 25.00 pesos convertibles, la cual facilitará el envío de 160 SMS nacionales,
su recepción sin costo alguno, al igual que la de llamadas de voz desde teléfonos
nacionales con pago en pesos convertibles, o desde el exterior.
Cuba aspira a llegar al 2015 con 2.4 millones de líneas móviles activas, y en total
2.800.000 líneas, de ellas, 1.162.000 fijas y 109.000 fijas alternativas, lo que representa
una densidad telefónica de 25.8 líneas por cada 100 habitantes, de acuerdo con datos
oficiales.
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El Gobierno del presidente Raúl Castro autorizó a finales de marzo de 2008 que los
cubanos pudieran activar líneas de teléfonos móviles, hasta entonces solo permitidas a
usuarios extranjeros, compañías e instituciones del Estado.
Desde entonces se han aplicado disminuciones graduales en el costo para activar las
líneas celulares, junto a una política de tarifas diferenciadas y promociones que incluyen
la posibilidad de recibir recargas desde el exterior.
cubaencuentro.com
New Cuba travel rules spur lines at foreign embassies for visas
Miami Herald, Posted on Mon, Jan. 14, 2013
Long lines of Cubans waited outside foreign embassies and consulates as well as travel
agencies early Monday on the first day of a migration reform that promise to allow more
of the island’s citizens to make personal trips abroad.
The lines outside the diplomatic missions of Spain, Mexico and Italy appeared longer
than the lines that form on a normal Monday to ask about or apply for visas, said one
European diplomat who added that it was not possible to immediately quantify the
increase.
The U.S. mission in Havana did not see any increase, however, because only those with
appointments, usually set one year or more in advance, can enter the building, said
another Western diplomat. Both asked for anonymity because they were not authorized
to comment.
The European diplomat also reported what he called “much longer than usual” lines
outside travel agencies and airline offices in the Cuban capital, with people generally
seeking information about the prices and availability of airplane tickets to foreign
destinations.
The new regulations for emigration and immigration, which took effect Monday, generally
promise to allow more Cubans to travel abroad and permit more Cubans living abroad to
make return visits.
-- JUAN O. TAMAYO
EEUU interceptó en 2012 a 1,155 cubanos intentando entrar por mar
ilegalmente
El Nuevo Herald, Publicado el lunes 14 de enero del 2013
Estados Unidos interceptó en alta mar en 2012 un total de 1,155 cubanos que intentaron
alcanzar las costas de este país de forma ilegal, lo que supone un descenso del 3,5 % respecto
a los 1,198 que detuvo en 2011, informó hoy la Guardia Costera estadounidense.
“Son cifras muy similares”, señaló a Efe un portavoz de los guardacostas, quien declinó
comentar si este organismo prevé este año una disminución o aumento del número de
inmigrantes cubanos interceptados a raíz de la flexibilización migratoria que entra hoy en
vigor en el país caribeño.
Desde este lunes, y salvo determinadas excepciones como los cuadros directivos y atletas,
para viajar al extranjero los cubanos solo necesitarán presentar su pasaporte y el visado que
exija en su caso el país de destino.
“No podemos confirmar” si disminuirán o se incrementarán las interceptaciones de cubanos
en alta mar este año respecto de los pasados, indicó el portavoz de la Guardia Costera
estadounidense.
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Por el momento, el pasado fin de semana los guardacostas repatriaron a 46 cubanos a Bahía
de Cabañas (Cuba), tras ser interceptados en alta mar cuando intentaban llegar a las costas
estadounidenses.
Los guardacostas cumplen con su función de “interceptar a los inmigrantes indocumentados
que intentan entrar ilegalmente por mar en territorio estadounidense”, señaló en un
comunicado William Baumgartner, contraalmirante de la Guardia Costera.
Respecto a las repatriaciones más recientes, Baumgartner explicó que los cubanos fueron
interceptados en cuatro operaciones diferentes en alta mar y advirtió de que aquellos que
viajan en embarcaciones dedicadas al “contrabando de emigrantes indocumentados ponen
en grave riesgo las vidas de estos”.
Según los convenios suscritos entre Cuba y Estados Unidos, los cubanos que son
interceptados en el mar, aunque sea a pocos metros de la orilla, deben ser repatriados. Sin
embargo, aquellos que logran pisar tierra pueden permanecer en este país y al cabo de un año
obtener la residencia.
En vísperas de la entrada en vigor hoy de la reforma migratoria de Cuba, el Gobierno
estadounidense ha insistido en pedir a los cubanos que no arriesguen sus vidas cruzando el
mar hacia este país.
“Continuamos alentando a la gente a que no arriesgue sus vidas al emprender travesías
peligrosas en el mar”, dijo el viernes en un comunicado la portavoz del Departamento de
Estado, Victoria Nuland. “La mayoría de los países aún requieren que los ciudadanos
cubanos tengan visas de entrada, incluyendo Estados Unidos”.
El Gobierno de Washington planea mantener los actuales requisitos de visas y los
ciudadanos cubanos siguen necesitando una visa legal o autorización para entrar en este país.
Los guardacostas estadounidenses también detallaron que la semana pasada 164 haitianos
fueron repatriados a Puerto Príncipe, la capital de Haití, después de que fueran interceptados
al suroeste de las Bahamas en una embarcación de doce metros de eslora sobrecargada de
personas.
El convenio migratorio entre Estados Unidos y Haití, firmado en 1981, establece que todo
inmigrante haitiano interceptado por las autoridades estadounidenses debe ser repatriado.
Algunas reflexiones sobre el impacto de la reforma migratoria
[14-01-2013]
Elías Amor Bravo
(www.miscelaneasdecuba.net).- Cualquier geógrafo de la población
convendrá conmigo en que la dinámica de la población cubana no es
la más adecuada para adoptar leyes migratorias, salvo que el país
quiera ir hacia el suicidio.
En el Gráfico 1 se presenta la evolución de las tasas de crecimiento
registradas por la población en Cuba, según informaciones publicadas
por la Oficina Nacional de Estadística.
A partir de 2000, la población reduce su ritmo de crecimiento desde el 3% hasta
quedar por debajo del 0% en 2005. Este proceso se acentúa a partir de entonces,
registrándose una intensa disminución en los últimos años, que solo tiene un breve
repunte en el ejercicio 2009.
Gráfico 1.- Tasas de crecimiento de la población en Cuba.
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Los analistas de la economía castrista consideran que la evolución de la población es
un indicador sintético de los graves problemas que aquejan el modelo de
planificación central y ausencia de derechos de propiedad instaurado por los Castro a
comienzos de los años 60, y que ahora se resisten a sustituir apuntando a lo que
denominan “actualización del socialismo” con los Lineamientos aprobados por el
partido y el parlamento el pasado año.
Cualquier país con un record demográfico como el que se presenta en el Gráfico 1,
debería estar preocupándose por las políticas de estímulo de la población para
contrarrestar su dinámica demográfica descendente. Y he aquí que el régimen
castrista, retratado como una de las sociedades con una evolución poblacional más
decadente de América Latina, se embarca en una política migratoria que pretende
flexibilizar la salida del país.
Por supuesto que no pienso oponerme a que los cubanos puedan elegir libremente
donde vivir su vida, donde alcanzar cotas de bienestar más altas posibles, y donde
hagan realidad sus sueños. Oponerme a eso es ir en contra del ideario liberal que
sustenta mi pensamiento.
Pero existe otra cosa que se llama responsabilidad política de los gobiernos. Cuando
un régimen se embarca en aventuras cuyo resultado va en contra de las tendencias
generales de la sociedad, que dirige además de forma despótica, es necesario poner
encima de la mesa las graves consecuencias que se derivan de esas acciones.
Lo mismo que robar y confiscar propiedades a sus legítimos dueños a comienzos de
los 60, o reprimir cualquier manifestación política alternativa a los enunciados de la
llamada “revolución”. La decisión de poner en marcha actualmente una política
migratoria va a provocar en la dinámica de población de la Isla un daño irreparable,
cuyas consecuencias no pueden ser evaluadas en el momento actual.
A los Castro el futuro no les importa. Hace mucho tiempo que trabajan con un
horizonte de corto plazo en el que lo importante es llegar al año siguiente. Pero las
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políticas demográficas, y en concreto las migratorias, actúan lentamente y sus
efectos se manifiestan más en el medio y el largo plazo.
Lo que están haciendo hoy va a generar efectos muy negativos en la población
cubana en los próximos diez años, cuando ellos, por naturaleza, ya no existirán.
Magnífico legado para las generaciones futuras. Solo un dato, y con ello termino.
Según la ONE, en la Tabla 1 se muestran las proyecciones de población de la Isla en
el horizonte de los próximos 10 años.
Tabla 1.- Previsiones de población en Cuba.
Proyecciones
2015
2020
2025
Total
11.220.354
11.190.082
11.134.685
Hombres
5.617.693
5.598.449
5.564.030
Mujeres
5.602.661
5.591.633
5.570.655
Crecimiento
-0,3
-0,5
-1,0
Con las actuales tendencias sin alterar, es decir, sin tener en cuenta los efectos de la
nueva política migratoria, la Isla perderá más de 100 mil habitantes de los
11.241.000 de 2010 a los 11.134.685 de 2025. Con la nueva política migratoria, y
suponiendo que los cubanos decidan marcharse al exterior, lo que es bastante
probable ante la escasez de oportunidades que el régimen les ofrece, esas cifras
deben revisarse de manera urgente. No hace falta señalar la influencia que todo ello
tiene en ámbitos tan diversos como el empleo, la estructura económica, el sistema
de pensiones o los ingresos tributarios. ¿Hay quién da más?
LA VENEZUELA PROFUNDA SE DEBATE ENTRE DOS PALABRAS:
¿ESCASEZ O ACAPARAMIENTOS?
Cuba Libre Digital
Lunes, 14 de Enero de 2013 10:46
En algunos supermercados y abastos del municipio Chacao, los anaqueles de la harina, azúcar,
arroz y aceite están completamente vacíos.
Los usuarios expresaron molestias por la desaparición de los artículos de primera necesidad, al
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tiempo que los comerciantes indicaron su malestar por la lenta y decadente distribución de los
alimentos.
Fiscalizaciones, inspecciones y reuniones son algunas de las medidas aplicadas por el
Gobierno Nacional para controlar esta problemática que está relacionada directamente con
la ciudadanía. Según el ministro Osorio en 2012 un promedio superior a los 4 millones de
toneladas de alimentos fueron distribuidos a través de las distintas redes de comercialización del
Gobierno Nacional.
Por su parte el vicepresidente para el Área Económica y Productiva, Ricardo Menéndez, recordó
que en 1990 eran distribuidos 356 kilos de alimentos por persona por año, mientras que en 2002
la cifra fue de de 380 kilos por persona y en 2011 aumentó a 510 kilos por persona.
Nicolás Maduro, hizo un llamado a todos los empresarios que deseen trabajar por el país a
hacerlo de la mano del Gobierno Nacional.
Así mismo este lunes se reunieron los empresarios del sector alimentación, con la meta de
acabar con las prácticas especulativas y garantizar el abastecimiento de alimentos.
El la reunión se encontraban 11 comisionados de las cadenas de supermercados y
distribuidores de alimentos y “van a haber varias reuniones con distintos sectores durante todo
el día de hoy y mañana”, resaltó el vicepresidente Nicolás Maduro quien encabezó la junta.
“Nuestra economía está en buenas condiciones y tenemos tres meses de reservas alimentarias,
así que no hay ninguna excusa para especular”
“Nuestra economía está en buenas condiciones y tenemos tres meses de reservas
alimentarias, así que no hay ninguna excusa para que ningún comerciante, sea grande o
pequeño, especule con el precio, o para que ningún sector económico del país acapare
productos”, precisó.
Según el economista Juan Plaja, existe un desabastecimiento “público y notorio” que está
alrededor del 16%, el cual puede tener varias lecturas. Una de ellas, se relaciona con el
consumidor que al verse inmerso en la situación de desabastecimiento, y ante las dificultades,
compra más productos de los que necesita, y se producen “compras nerviosas”. Una de las
personas con las que el equipo de investigación de Noticias24 pudo conversar, aseguró que le
cuesta encontrar harina, aunque haber comprado más de la que necesitaba en diciembre,
solucionó su situación.
Plaja explicó que el desabastecimiento se combate “con una política de desarrollo en los
sectores productivos, haciendo hincapié en el incentivo y promoviendo la oferta, para que así
se minimice”. Pero la distribución de los productos se hace “a cámara lenta”, según dijo uno de
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los dueños de un negocio encargado de pollo y carne.
Plaja explicó que el desabastecimiento se combate “con una política de desarrollo en los
sectores productivos, haciendo incapié en el incentivo y promviendo la oferta
“La gente lo que quiere es tener sus productos en el momento oportuno”, añadió. Pero en
la calle no solo se espera esto, pues, los precios, son otro problema. Según datos del INE, la
Canasta Alimentaria Normativa se ubicó en 1.989,09 bolívares en noviembre, lo cual representa
una variación intermensual relativa de 2,69% respecto al mes de octubre de 2012. Compuesta
por 50 productos, la Canasta está solo un poco por debajo del salario mínimo -que perciben la
mayoría de los trabajadores-, ubicado a 2.047,48, tras el segundo aumento publicado en Gaceta
Oficial Nº 39.908.
Por último dijo que “la oferta es importante preverla y por lo tanto la política de desarrollo de
los sectores productivos deben estar íntimamente relacionadas con la cooperación entre los
agentes económicos, sistema financiero, sector privado y el propio sector público”.
Entre abasto y abasto, la gente debe “patear la calle” en busca de los productos necesarios
para su alimentación. Mientras se debate sobre el término, son los ciudadanos de a pie los que
sientes, en sus bolsillos y hogares, la falta de comida que, cuando llega, genera fuertes colas y
hasta enfrentamientos.
Última actualización el Lunes, 14 de Enero de 2013 10:51
Salud Pública: El cólera inconfesable
Los habaneros no hablan de otra cosa, la enfermedad es una alarma creciente.
Miriam Celaya, La Habana
| 14-01-2013 - 9:06 pm.
Por primera vez desde que tengo memoria estoy viendo a los empleados de las "carnicerías"
trabajando con guantes y gorros. Los que no tienen guantes utilizan bolsas de nailon. El mismo cuadro
se presenta en las panaderías, en las que usualmente los dependientes manoseaban el pan a mano
desnuda, sin importar que segundos antes hubiesen estado fumando, rascando la caspa de sus cabezas
o hurgándose la nariz. Esta saludable práctica en los comercios de la red "subsidiada" por la cartilla de
racionamiento, resulta sencillamente una novedad insólita.
Por su parte, en la red de mercados recaudadores de divisas también se toman precauciones. Hasta
hace poco las mismas manos que restregaban los billetes en la caja registradora eran las que, sin
ceremonia alguna, despachaban "a pelo" la comida que nos llevaríamos a la boca. Ahora se colocan
cuidadosamente guantes o bolsitas de nailon para no tomar contacto directo con los alimentos.
Los tanques colectores de basura, habitualmente desbordados, están siendo recogidos más de una vez
al día, los spots televisivos insisten sobre la importancia de lavarse bien las manos y hervir el agua de
tomar, y los inspectores de las cafeterías y quioscos de cuentapropistas que no han sido cerrados
alertan los alimentos que no se pueden vender por estos días: nada de refrescos, batidos y jugos;
tampoco panes con mayonesa casera ni dulces con merengue u otros que se elaboran con huevos
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crudos. Para todos nosotros esas señales evidencian que algo grave está ocurriendo y que el cólera está
más extendido de lo que pensamos. La violación hasta de las más elementales normas de higiene ha
sido tan común entre nosotros que la aplicación de cualquier medida sanitaria salta a la vista por
contraste y grita lo que callan las autoridades… Por supuesto, el cólera no es propio de las potencias
médicas; mucho menos de un destino turístico.
En la ciudad la gente no habla de otra cosa. No es un susurro temeroso ni un secreto entre comadres,
sino una alarma creciente que hablan los vecinos de ventana a ventana, los amigos que se encuentran
en cualquier lugar, los taxistas, vendedores y viandantes en cualquier esquina: hay muchos casos de
cólera en la capital y un número indeterminado de fallecidos, entre ellos un niño. Varios círculos
infantiles y escuelas han cerrado, así como numerosas cafeterías. Ya no solo existen focos de la
enfermedad en poblaciones de la periferia como Regla o San Miguel del Padrón, sino que se ha
extendido a municipios tan populosos como Cerro, Diez de Octubre y Centro Habana. Todos sabemos
que el hospital Salvador Allende (Covadonga), del municipio Cerro, está a tope entre enfermos de
dengue y de cólera. Una epidemia como esta era quizás lo único que nos faltaba para el retorno a las
condiciones del siglo XIX.
Sin embargo, pese a que el cólera llegó a la capital desde muchas semanas atrás, los informes finales
del año 2012 destacaban por su triunfalismo en referencia a los estándares de salud. También la
presidenta de la Organización Mundial de la Salud tuvo palabras de encomio para el sistema médico
cubano y sus fabulosos avances. Sobre todo, los admiradores del gobierno de la Isla insisten en sus
loas a los programas "que garantizan la atención médica de los cubanos y de otros pueblos del
mundo". En un plano más espiritual, tampoco las autoridades eclesiales y los babalawos, que tan
preocupados se han mostrado por la salud del presidente venezolano, parecen muy motivados para
invocar la protección de Dios y de los orishas para este pueblo. Obviamente, no tenemos hacia dónde
volvernos.
Por el momento, los medios no han informado sobre la presencia del cólera en Cuba ni de la magnitud
de la epidemia. Al parecer no sienten presión alguna por parte de las organizaciones internacionales de
salud de las cuales Cuba es miembro. Mientras los vendedores de comidas cierran sus
establecimientos o enguantan sus manos, el gobierno cubano —literalmente— se las lava.
Caso Carromero: España ordena 'cancelar' los actos con la disidencia
cubana
DDC, Madrid, | 14-01-2013 - 7:03 pm.
Para 'rebajar la tensión' con La Habana, el Gobierno de Rajoy también suspenderá cualquier moción
prodemocracia en Cuba ante el Parlamento Europeo.
Díaz Espí: ¿Qué debemos hacer los demócratas cubanos? / Larrinaga: La UE y Cuba, mito y
realidad
El Gobierno de España quiere "rebajar la tensión" y mantener ahora una relación más tranquila con La
Habana, después de las negociaciones para repatriar al político Ángel Carromero, detenido en la Isla
tras el supuesto accidente que le costó la vida a Oswaldo Payá y Harold Cepero.
Según informa este lunes El Confidencial Digital, el Ministerio de Exteriores de España "ha dado
orden de medir las intervenciones públicas" con respecto al régimen de Castro.
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El ministerio que dirige José Manuel García-Margallo se ha marcado como "prioridad", después de
meses de conversaciones entre Madrid y La Habana, "mantener la mejor sintonía" que se ha
conseguido y para ello "ha dado orden de tener una postura más serena" respecto a la Isla.
En concreto, ha trasladado a los portavoces del Ejecutivo, a los dirigentes del Partido Popular (PP) y a
las delegaciones españolas en Bruselas y Estrasburgo que "dejen aparcadas las reivindicaciones
históricas que se han mantenido para el fin de la dictadura en Cuba, ya que eso supondría volver a
estar en tensión con el régimen castrista".
Según el diario digital madrileño, que suele estar bien informado, "han quedado canceladas las
peticiones de mayor democracia en Cuba que estaban previstas presentar, a modo de moción, en el
Parlamento Europeo, así como actos a corto plazo con representantes de la disidencia cubana".
Las fuentes consultadas por el diario explican que la visita de Esperanza Aguirre a Ángel Carromero,
y sus declaraciones posteriores atacando al régimen de La Habana, "son un ejemplo de lo que no
quiere ahora [el Ministerio de] Exteriores".
En ese departamento reconocen que las gestiones realizadas para la extradición del dirigente de
Nuevas Generaciones del PP "no pueden caer en saco roto y volver a la tensión con la isla que existía
anteriormente. La postura de España con respecto al régimen castrista es de sobra conocida y tampoco
hay que ahondar más en la herida".
El diputado hispano-cubano Teófilo de Luis aclaró que "eso no significa un cambio, ni que el
Gobierno español se haya desmotivado sobre el tema de los derechos humanos" en la Isla.
"Otra cosa es que el Gobierno español vaya a acoger la reclamación de determinados sectores que
piden una investigación internacional" sobre la muerte de Payá y Cepero, dijo.
"Particularmente, yo tampoco voy a exigirla (la investigación). Soy un diputado del Congreso español
y no del Capitolio de La Habana", afirmó De Luis en declaraciones a DIARIO DE CUBA.
Cuba’s New Migratory Law Starts Today
Posted on January 14, 2013 by Arch Ritter in The Cuban Economy
By Alan Gomez, @alangomez,
Original Article here: USA TODAY
The stories of past Cuban migrations to the United States are filled with harrowing tales
at sea.
The 1980 Mariel Boatlift saw U.S. watercraft packed with more than 100,000 Cubans
fleeing the island. The rafter crisis of 1994 saw tens of thousands more braving the 90mile voyage across the Florida Straits on inner tubes, Styrofoam vessels and cars
converted into floating barges.
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Starting today, a new kind of migration commences as the communist government
eliminates a long-standing restriction on Cubans’ ability to leave the island, inhabited by
about 11 million. And this time, instead of pushing out to sea and riding the Gulf Stream,
the route to the U.S. could take Cubans on a meandering tour of foreign airports, visa
offices and difficult land crossings.
Yoani Sanchez, a popular blogger in Havana, said most Cubans have been eagerly
awaiting this day since the government announced the change in October. She said
people on the island are positioned like runners crouched into the starting blocks on a
track.
“On your mark, get set, go,” Sanchez, 37, said in a telephone interview. “The majority of
Cubans are very enthusiastic about this.”
The change could significantly alter the complicated relationship between the
governments of the United States and Cuba, a half-century-old feud that nearly ignited a
nuclear war and has even outlived the Cold War that spawned the standoff.
Americans have long called on Cuba to grant more freedoms to its people, so the new
rules could prompt Washington to rethink its 50-year-old embargo on the island and
restrictions on most Americans from traveling there. If the new rules lead to another mass
migration, President Obama and Congress may need to alter the policy granting most
Cubans legal status once they touch U.S. soil.
Cuba experts want to see whether all Cubans will truly be free to travel before having
those discussions, because they fear that the changes could merely be a ploy by Cuban
President Raúl Castro to win more concessions from an Obama administration that has
already eased restrictions for Americans traveling to Cuba.
“They’re not doing this because the Castro brothers became nice guys all of a sudden,”
Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart, R-Fla., whose family fled Cuba, said of Raúl Castro and his
brother, Fidel Castro, who ran the country for five decades before falling ill and stepping
down in 2008.
In the October announcement — where they revealed that Cubans no longer need to
obtain an elusive exit visa to make any trip off the island — officials made clear that the
government could still deny travel to Cubans for reasons of defense, national security and
“other reasons of public interest.” The new rules specifically forbid people involved in
“economic development,” scientists and people facing criminal charges to leave. Cubans
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must also have a valid Cuban passport, so applying for and renewing one could prove
another obstacle.
During a meeting two weeks ago with Health Minister Roberto Morales, the nation’s
health care professionals were told that they would benefit from the new travel rules,
according to the Associated Press. But most Cubans won’t know until they try to leave.
“Whenever they make a decision like this, you never know what’s behind it, what the
motivations are,” said Mario Soler, 46, a Cuban now living in South Florida with nearly
1million other Cuban Americans.
If Cubans are allowed to leave in droves, and many find their way to U.S. soil, it will
provide a dramatic test of America’s policy toward Cuban immigrants and pave the way
for the first significant shift in U.S.-Cuban relations in nearly a half-century.
Under the “wet-foot, dry-foot” policy unique to citizens of Cuba, any Cuban caught at sea
is returned to the island, while those who touch U.S. soil are generally granted legal
residence. From 2000 to 2010, more than 30,000 Cubans a year became legal U.S.
residents.
Meanwhile, the U.S. government severely restricts travel to Cuba. Only Americans with
relatives on the island and those going on educational, religious or artistic licenses can
legally travel there.
“It’s a political move on the part of Raúl Castro to put pressure on the United States,”
said Jaime Suchlicki, director of the University of Miami’s Institute for Cuban and
Cuban-American Studies. “Now Raúl can get up and say, ‘I’m allowing my people to
travel, why don’t you let Americans travel to Cuba?’ That’s what it’s going to be — a
pressure point.”
The influential Cuban-American community in Florida has long pressured Washington to
maintain an economic embargo on the island. But Obama has done well in his two
elections among Cuban Americans, signaling that younger Cubans may be more open to
easing travel rules.
The changes in travel restrictions could also be viewed as the latest in a series of steps
that Raúl Castro has undertaken to remove what he called “excessive prohibitions” on
Cubans and a state-controlled economic system that has long been languishing.
Since he assumed power, Castro has allowed Cubans more access to cellphones and
computers, let them stay in tourist hotels previously off-limits to them, granted more
licenses to open private businesses and, for the first time in the history of the revolution,
let Cubans buy and sell their cars, apartments and houses.
Philip Peters, vice president of the Arlington-based Lexington Institute, said Castro
understands that many Cubans will flee the island permanently when given permission to
travel. But he said that Cuban officials also see the economic benefit of letting people
travel more freely, where they can make more money and, hopefully, send it home.
“I think they decided to take the leap, and they’re making a bet that they’re going to be
stronger for this,” Peters said.
Christopher Sabatini, senior policy director at the Americas Society/Council of the
Americas, agrees that the Cubans see this as a money-making venture. But he said there
are other motivations involved.
“There is a palpable concern among some government officials about this process of
reform getting a little out of control, that it’s slipping out of their hands,” Sabatini said.
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Allowing some Cubans to travel more freely, he said, provides a “distraction” from the
still-languishing economy and a “safety valve” to release some of the steam building up
in the dissident community.
Who will take them?
The change today eliminates the requirement that Cubans obtain an exit visa — known as
the “carta blanca,” or “white card” — before leaving the island. Most countries require
citizens only to have a passport and a visa from the receiving country.
The question now becomes: What countries will receive them?
Bahamian Foreign Affairs Minister Fred Mitchell expressed the fears of many in the
region when he said that Cubans traveling to the Bahamas under the new rules must be
viewed as potential immigrants.
“The question we have to be preparing for is whether or not there is going to be any rush
for the door as a result of the change,” Mitchell told The (Nassau) Tribune last month.
Suchlicki said even European countries with strong ties to Cuba — already saddled with
their own immigration challenges on the economically battered continent — are reluctant
to accept large numbers of Cubans who may decide to stay.
“They’re not going to give them tourist visas because they know people are going to
stay,” Suchlicki said. “Spain? They don’t want 5,000 Cubans roaming the streets.”
Some countries allow Cubans to travel there without a visa. But Armando Garcia, the
Cuban-born president of Marazul Charters, which operates direct flights between the U.S.
and Cuba, said that list isn’t very enticing.
“Those are countries that people are not interested in — Venezuela, Ecuador, some
African countries, the old Soviet bloc,” he said.
The U.S. has granted more than 15,000 tourist visas a year to Cubans, but State
Department officials said they will closely monitor the new travel rules, with State
Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland emphasizing that “our own visa requirements
remain unchanged.”
There is another way. Cubans have gone to other countries and made their way to the
U.S.
“Other countries are viewed as a step in the ladder,” said Zoraida Colina, 48, a Cuba
native who left the island three years ago and now lives in Newport News, Va. “You go
to Ecuador, for example, and from there you make your way to Mexico.”
Cubans have increasingly used the southwestern U.S. border with Mexico to gain access
to the USA. In 2010, 6,795 Cubans presented themselves at ports of entry in San Diego,
Tucson, El Paso and Laredo, Texas. By 2012, that number had increased to 10,757,
according to data from Customs and Border Protection.
Department of Homeland Security spokesman Matt Chandler said U.S. officials have
been working with governments in Central and South America “on migration issues to
enhance our mutual security,” and cautioned would-be travelers from Cuba about the
perils of the trip.
“The United States does have contingency plans in place to deter and respond to such
changes either in the maritime or land environments,” Chandler said.
To start the trek, Cubans are looking far and wide. Sanchez, the blogger, said word has
spread quickly around the island of countries that don’t require visas for entry. Ecuador
and Singapore are atop the list.
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“They’ll go to Norway or Chile or Zimbabwe — the initial destination doesn’t matter,”
she said.
‘A lot of hope’
While many may want to leave Cuba — for work trips, vacations or permanent
departures — getting out is not so easy in a country where most people receive meager
state salaries and rely on a bare-bones black market.
Cuban officials last year said the average Cuban salary had risen to the equivalent of $19
a month. That means people who aren’t receiving money from relatives abroad will have
a tough time paying for trips.
That has left people taking advantage of recent changes, and selling their cars, houses and
apartments.
“A 1956 Chevrolet, if it’s in good shape, if you’ve painted it, repaired it — you can sell it
for $25,000 (U.S. dollars),” Sanchez said. “For a family that is going to start a new life in
a new place, that $25,000 can pay for the flights, for rent, for a down payment on a
house.”
Money issues aside, Julia Castillo says the excitement in Cuba is palpable. After
returning last week from a trip to visit relatives in Sancti Spiritus, Castillo said the
possibility of traveling anywhere they want is all that Cubans could talk about.
“People have a lot of hope,” said Castillo, 72, who left the island two years ago and now
lives in Clewiston, Fla. “They believe it.”
Sanchez said she will take her place in line today to see whether she can leave. The
dissident said her passport is filled with visas from other countries, but she has repeatedly
been denied Cuba’s exit visa. For instance, in 2008, she won the Ortega y Gasset Prize
for digital journalism but could not go to Spain to accept it.
When asked where she would travel first, Sanchez says she wants to go to places that
have had similar struggles, like Chechnya. She wants to visit friends in Spain, Italy,
Germany, Chile and Brazil. She also wants to visit New York, Silicon Valley in
California and the “northern Cuban state” of Miami.
Sanchez insists that she will not leave her homeland without being guaranteed one thing:
“If it’s not with a return trip, I’m not going anywhere.”
Early Morning Line-Up for Visa at the US Interest Section -formerly Embassy – in
Havana, March 2011
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