HISTORICAL REALITY AND ILLUSION IN F, SCOTT FITZGERALD*S FICTION by JUNE ELLEN LACKEY, B,A, A THESIS IN ENGLISH Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Technological College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Approved May, 1966 20Z \9U L^oiro.3. I am deeply indebted to Dr. E. A, Gillis for his direction and helpful criticism of this thesis. ii CONTENTS PREFACE iv I, THE JAZZ AGE 1 II. MORALS AND MANNERS III, THE LOVE OF MONEY IV, THE FLAPPER V, THE SENSE OF TRAGEDY 18 30 48 57 CONCLUSION 67 NOTES 69 BIBLIOGRAPHY 79 PREFACE Since the 1920»s in America were characterized by broad and drastic change, a study of American literature of the decade demands a careful consideration of the history of the times. This is especially needful, for the literature of a period often furnishes historians with data by i^ich they make their evaluations of any given era. Literature as an index to an age is vividly seen in the works of F. Scott Fitzgerald. Spokesmen in many fields of endeavor, from fashion to sociology, have chosen Fitzgerald's fiction as a basis for scrutinizing American history of the third decade of the twentieth century. But to discover the degree which the history of the Jazz Age and the picture of life presented in Fitzgerald's writings are synonymous requires cumulative evidence. The purpose of this thesis is to furnish such evidence by examining and evaluating the accuracy with which Fitzgerald's work reflects his age, that is, the degree of the reality and illusion of histoiy in his works. Consideration of the history of the time will be limited, first, primarily to the cultural history of the period, and, second, to those facets of the period which are dealt with in the principal themes of Fitzgerald's fiction, Fitzgerald declares that the one duty of a sincere writer is to set down life as he sees it as gracefully as he knows how. If he successfully performed this task, we should readily accept the confirmation of the press obituaries that he was "the historian of the Jazz Age." John K. Hutchens concedes that the statement is true, but that it is absurdly far from being the whole truth. The final question at issue is whether Fitzgerald, credited by Arthur Mizener with having one of the finest imaginations of our times, accurately reflected in his fiction the life during the period or actually created an illusion of that life, a legend which has frequently been accepted as historical truth. CHAPTER I THE JAZZ AGE According to Fitzgerald, the Jazz Age began in May, 1919f with the I^y Day riots and plummeted to its doom in October, 1929* Historians have stated it could not have had such a definite beginning, but the great crash of the stock market on Black Friday, October 29, 1929t did bring it to a sudden end. However, Marvin Barrett says: "Never did a decade form itself so quickly or self-consciously into an Age as did the Roaring Twenties, the Golden Decade."' This was a strange period in history—a time when millions "began their fretful milling."^ It was a time whose courses, trends, and movements are difficult to analyze into usual patterns. It was "a mordant, light-hearted, serious-minded, complex and seminal time."3 Barrett describes it further: "It was an interesting, colorful, be- wildering, disagreeable time, i^en retreat into a cozy past was cut off, and ahead, the angle of slope down which the world was sliding ,,^_ grew even dizzier." And he adds, "Living them was an odd experience."^ / The Twenties, called by many names—The I'fe.d Decade, The End of Innocence, The Golden Age, The New Society, Indian Summer of the Old Order, Roaring Twenties, Botched Civilization, and The Jazz Age, have often been discussed as—"a sort of m.usical comedy peopled by John Held, Jr. characters playing Mah Jong while resting up between sex-and-gin bouts. The bouts took place all right. It was a feverish time."5 The listing of factors contributing to these de- scriptive titles of the age as well as to its development has not been an easy task for the writers of history. Rapid technological change, the failure of Wilson's idealism, urbanization, the shock of the war, and the lack of a charted future are among the many causes suggested for the resTJilting revolt against the past. Barrett describes the situation as follows: With the demands of idealism swept under the green baize, m.th. ( self-sacrifice and heroism abandoned at the moment vjhen they f could have been most spectacularly put to use, the Years Between addressed themselves to the pleasures of the body and the imagination.^ In a period distinguished by change, perhaps the most notable change was in the attitude of the American people toward morals. An open revolt against the Puritannical code of the American conscience became evident soon after the close of V/orld War I. As one historian has stated it, people were tired: tired of noble purposes, of life- less religion, of Pollyanna parties.7 The War had contributed to the enotional rebellion. Many of the returning young men were disillusioned by the kind of war it had been. In France, faced with the ^ possibility of death and little else, the men had seen laxity of sex morals which they had not dreamed of in the small towns back home. Prostitution had followed the flag.° American girls, as nurses and other vrar workers, vrere influenced by the continental standards or the lack of them. Conformity to authority thousands of miles distant was deemed unnecessary. Prior to America's entry into the War, the moral standards had been set principally by the family, the local church, or perhaps the outstanding families in the small town. The authority of the family was most often sufficient and final in the enforcement of these moral standards. Social activity was largely limited to the circumference of the home and church, and on special holidays to a "whole town" celebration. H. L. Mencken wrote of this time that over the lives of men and women was the "fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy."9 The new society of urban life, with new inventions—particularly of the automobile—and industrialization, offered employment to the youth of the small town. The glamor and bright lights of the city proved a powerful magnet for rural young people. An emphasis was placed on advanced formal education and young people left the shelter of home to attend school. The divisions of social strata were becoming fluid. Even the humor of the country was different. "De- parting suddenly from the old homespun American tradition, the Twenties' humor was usually insulting or at least supercilious and \ almost always consciously urbane. "Restraint" and "decorum" | were words which had become outdated and unpopular. Hie influence of religion on moral standards appeared insignificant. It was said that there wasn't enough religion left to get up a good church fight.'''' The first years of moral revolution were years of "almost pathological unrest and mental panic,"'^ The stimulated emotions craved speed,^ excitement, and passion. As older Americans watched the younger generation experiment in these fields, some of the oldsters decided to try it for themselves. According to Hutchens—"the older generation—after exercising its historic right to denounce the loose ways of the younger—crashed the party."^3 What has been described as a "World-Series week spirit"—a contagion of delighted concern over things that were exciting but didn't matter profoundly—was dominant.''^ Prohibition only seemed to make the speak-easy and the hip flask more popular. Even "nice" girls were seen smoking cigarettes. One might hear stories of all-night joy-rides and of drunks at well-chaperoned parties. The latest fads in dancing drew criticism from moralists. The Catholic Telegraph stated: The music is sensuous, the embracing of partners—the female only half dressed—is absolutely indecent; and the motions— they are such as may not be described, with any respect for propriety, in a family newspaper. Suffice it to say that there are certain houses appropriate for such dances; but those houses have been closed by law, -^ Everyone wanted to be considered "wild," and one of the few entirely safe generalizations about the Twenties that can be made is that ) 16 they had an aversion to dullness. The young ladies of the era appeared to out-do the young men in efforts to gain moral freedom. The campaign gave particular attention to mode of dress. In July, 1920, a fashion writer reported that the American woman had lifted her skirts far beyond any modest limitation. This meant that hems were nine inches from the floor and, despite all predictions, continued to climb. The flappers, bold and unconventional, were alone for only a short while in wearingthin dresses, short-sleeved and occasionally (in the evening) sleeveless; some of the wilder young things rolled their stockings below their knees, revealing to the shocxved eyes of virtue a fleeting glance of shin-bones and knee-cap; and many of them were visibly using cosmetics,^' In spite of nationwide cries of shock and horror, t h e — Beaded, fringed, sequined, spangled, shot with gold and silver, the waistiess, bustless, hipless parrallelegram persisted. ^^ The materials used in clothing also gave cause for alarm. Lingerie and hosiery industries discarded the heavy dark cottons and wools for the light weight, flesh-colored rayons and silks. The vogue of rouge and lipstick spread quickly from city to village. The flapper bobbed her hair and dyed it raven black, and the vogue soon became the vogue of middle-aged ladies across the nation. Written were bent on freedom , , . the quest of slenderness, the flattening of the breasts, the vogue of short skirts (even when short skirts still suggested the appearance of a little girl), the juvenile effect of the long waist,^^ Indications were that the women of the day had become drunk at the fountain of youth: All were signs that, consciously or unconsciously, the women of this decade worshiped not merely youth, but unripened youth: they wanted to b e — o r thought men wanted them to be—men's casual and light-hearted companions; not broad-hipped mothers of the race, but irresponsible playmates. The liberated woman was saying to the liberated man: 'You are tired and disillusioned, you do not want the cares of a family or the companionship of mature wisdom, you want ex^ citing play, you want the thrills of sex without their fruition, and I will givepthem to you.' And to herself she added, 'But I will be free.' Soon the limitation of "men only" at the bars gave way to the speak©g^sy, which catered to both men and women. The night club and the cocktail party were introduced to American society. These trends established a change in the symbolic ideal of American womanhood. The traditional concepts of love and marriage were cast aside as "Americans in the 1920's became obsessed with the subject of\ sex,"^^ A few American intellectuals had acclaimed Freudian theory, and the average layman read only enough to convince himself that he had an understanding of it, used to justify sexual freedom. were replaced by libido, Freudian principles were Virtues of chastity and fidelity Proponents of equality for women in- cluded "the right, equally shared by men and women to free par23 ticipation in sex experience," Moral reasons for any prohibi- tions in sexual life before or after marriage ceased to exist, A mutual consent divorce, if there were no children, was proposed by Judge Lindsay in I927. Although the proposal did not become law, it was notable as a suggestion which would not have been considered by the previous generation. The divorce rate cliiribed steadily even without the suggested legal changes. The result of these facts was that, in spite of the outward display of tolerance, it was difficult for men and women, who had been trained from childhood to cherish sexual purity, to be broad-minded if their mates were expressing sexual freedom. The possession of happi- ness was not always found in the pursuit of sex. Independence of women was also ejqpressed by increased numbers of women workers in offices and industry. With a job, women co\ild "live their own lives." Authority of parents or of husband was not binding on the working woman. If unmarried, it was not necessary to stay in the small town and wait until the right man came along. The young lady could go to the city, live in an apart- ment, work in an office, be free, and still be a Vlady," Married working women did not feel tied down by household drudgery but were free to enjoy the fellowship of adults and the power of the paycheck. Under these circumstances, the feeling of economic independence on the part of the working wife convinced the husband of his dispensability. In a book published in 1922, H. L, Mencken commented: At the present time ;>romen vacillate somewhat absurdly between two schemes of life, the old and the new , , . they are in 8 revolt against the immemorial conventions. The result is a gen. eral unrest, with many symptoms of extravagant and unintelligent revolt. 2^ To these flailing, frightened masses of both men and women came the motion picture, the advent of which was like an opiate. Barrett states: "To a generation without a future, cut off from the faiths of the past, Hollytrood unreality was realer than what they saw around them." ^ It was glamor that Hollywood produced and for the admission price of 25^ one could lose himself in the illusions of the current movie. The world of illusion could be "re-established each night on fifty thousand silver screens." The ti- tles of the movies were signs of the times: Restless Souls; Man, Woman and Sin; The Flapper; Heart of a Siren; The Sheik; The Son of the Sheik; The Dane in' Fool; Vfnat's Your Hurr^; J2i£ Eap:le; Souls for Sale; and Madame Sphinx, The heroes and heroines of the nation were the Hollywood stars. If they flickered or faded, it did not matter. Others irauld rise to take their places. The showplaces of America were the gaudy, over-done "homes" of the Hollyvrood crowd. Marion Davies had a ninety-room beach cottage at Santa Monica with t\io swimming pools, three dining rooms, a gold ceilinged drawing room, and a private theater—all of this ^•n.th a 2^,000acre front-yard. It tended to be "less formal" than Mary Pick- ford's estate at Pickfair where royalty and the elite came to dine and "marvel at Llary Pickford's dynamic subjugation of life," as 9 Fitzgerald s t a t e d , places.) (He and Zelda were welcome v i s i t o r s a t both As quoted by B a r r e t t , Leo Rosten comments of Hollyvrood's 4 manners and mores: "Probably never in history has so immature a \ group been accorded such luster, such sanctions, and such incomes."^7,' For those who could afford it, or could pretend they could, visiting the Continent became a favorite pastime, Paris and the Riviera were the two places most frequented, Barrett has called Paris and Hollywood the "twin capitals" of the era. He dubbed them the "City of Light" and the "City of Flickering Shadows," respectively: For those subjected to the eddies and cross-currents of Babbitt ry and Boom, of ranpant materialism and craven procrastination, they seemed legitimate havens. For a few brief years they remained Eldorados for the morally dispossessed,^^ Although Fitzgerald described those who visited Paris as possessing "the human value of Pekinese, bivalves, cretins, goats," Barrett claims: "Nor was it all frivolity and self-delusion. The fas- tidious of the TTOrld were looking now to Paris for inspiration and detraction."^9 Gertrude Stein provided one of the principal centers of entertainment for those staying at the Ritz, and although she called them "the lost generation," she welcomed the cortege of would-be writers, artists, and musicians to her train of followers. Many of them became bored (it seemed an easy thing to do at this time) and tried the Riviera. According to Fitzgerald's contemporary report: "They all just slip down through Europe like nails 10 in a sack until they stick out of it a little into the Mediterranean Sea."30 ilrresponsibility characterized the American of the age at home or abroad. Yet, "while cultivating the attitude of indifference, 31 the Twenties grew excited easily."^ The impact of the forces of disillusionment, the new freedom of women, prohibition, Freud's doctrine of sex, the automobile, moving pictures, and the sex and confession magazines, was greater than any set of outworn social mores co\ild withstand. Changing with moral idealism was the American philosophy toward the accumulation of wealth. With the arrival of such marvelous devices as the radio, the moving picture, the automobile, the telephone, the sewing machine, and many other labor-saving, healthpreserving, beautifying contraptions that could be mass-produced, the making of money became the most important purpose in life. The majority of American citizens felt that the War had deprived them of material possessions as well as certain pleasures. were now to be obtained. These A booming economy helped to make these dreams materialize. But prosperity held perils of its own. It invested enormous political and social power in a business class with little tradition of social leadership. . . . It made money the measure of man.32 The advent of the salesman, the advertising agency, and the 11 installment plan persuaded the average man to "a broad misunderstanding of right methods—to say nothing of profligacy—in the use of the family income,"33 This opinion, expressed by Pennsylvania bankers, was an unheeded warning. As the average man became more and more eager to make money, his concern for others decreased. resulted in a form of moral decadence. This Drama critic George Jean Nathan's confession is pertinent: The great problems of the world—social, political, economic and theological—do not concern me in the slightest. If all the Armenians were to be killed tomorrow and if half of Russia were to starve to death the day after, it would not matter to me in the least. What concerns me alone is myself, and the interests of a few close friends. For all I care the rest of the world may go to hell at today's sunset.-^^ The novelist Joseph Hergesheimer stated that sending money for the relief of starving children abroad was one of the least engaging ways in which it could be spent. Mencken observed once, that if he were convinced of anything, it was "that Doing Good is in bad taste. "35 In the frenzy to get as much money as quickly as possible, people of all walks of life tried the new get-rich-quick method of speculating with common stocks. Prices soared and unlimited wealth appeared possible. All one had to do was to buy and grow rich. Leading men of the nation assured the people that it was so. A 'new era' had dawned in which all were to have money and poverty was to be abolished. As the decade drew toward its end, America was living in the fantastic dreams oi opium or delirium,-^ Will Rogers had prophesied: "You give the country four more years of 12 this Unparalleled Prosperity and they ;^11 be so tired of having everything they want that it will be a pleasure to get poor again.37 An impending sense of disaster was prevalent, according to the historians, but the prophets of doom were ridiculed or cast aside. If the people needed reassurance, they only needed to listen to their leaders in government. Prosperity was here to stay, the public was assured. And, if individual fears increased, they were camouflaged with a fa5ade of gaiety. Apathy was the fashion of the day. Looked back upon from the late fall of 1929, a good deal that was still vivid in memory did appear to be sinister or silly— Teapot Dome scandals, acceptance of corruption, flagpole sitters. Scopes Trial, Dr, Cou^ and his formula for self-improvement ("day by day in every way I am getting better and better,"), the great confidence game known as the Florida Boom, intellectual forums on the new national institution called the petting party, de-bunking of traditional heroes, bobbed hair, dancing marathons.38 In discussing Middletoxm, a sociological study of small town life during the Twenties made by Robert and Helen Lynd, Donald Sheehan notes: the people of Middletown shared only a small amount of the prosperity and participated little in the desperate pursuit of happiness , . , Theirs was not the insecurity ivhich accompanied speculation in submerged Florida real estate but that which comes from the chilling fear of unemployment,-^° The gay night life of the Twenties was not a part of their daily existence for "They could hardly have attended many all-night drinking parties, since most of them were on the way to work by seven o'clock in the morning."^ declares: Commenting on Sheehan's remarks, Allen "Instead of presenting a fond reminiscence of the days of 13 easy profits, he reveals the essential shallowness and the sense of insecurity which characterized many of the people who shared in those profits."^1 Although the Lynd's views are somevjhat dissimilar from Allen's, they are not contradictory. The focus is merely different, Allen presents the history as "a broad panorama from New York to Florida and from the Waldorf-Astoria to Senate hearing committees,"^2 The Lynds, on the other hand, being sociologists, concentrate their intensive study on a small area, and conclude that even the small to\-m citizen felt the desire and pressure for things which money could buy, Allen notes: One of the most conspicuous results of prosperity was the conquest of the whole country by urban tastes and urban dress and the urban way of living. . . . the time had come when workingmen ox-med second-hand Buicks.^3 Ultimately, a rude awakening was to await the American people in \ their delirious pursuit of happiness, and the inevitable crash sid-ftly ^ came. Yet, strangely, the admiration which the average man had felt for money continued to be maintained, even during the dark depression days; and it actually increased, despite the total loss of his dream of -abounding X'jealth. Materialism was king, / The concensus of opinion of literary historians of the period seems to be that Fitzgerald wrote honestly of the era. His contemporaries may not have admired him whole-heartedly. They may have deplored his waste of talent and lack of concentrated effort. They may have recognized that his characters \-jere not always "true to character." Yet most of them regarded him as the spokesman for the rebellious youth of the nation. / Glenway Wescott called him: One little man i-jith eyes really ;d.tnessing; objective in all he uttered, even about himself in a subjective slump; arrogant in just orie connection, for one purpose only, to make his meaning clear.^^ Wescott also proclaimed This Side of Paradise as a novel which "haunted the decade like a song," In speaking of Fitzgerald before The Great Gatsby was published, Paul Rosenfeld declares: Not a contemporary American senses as thoroughly in every fiber the tempo of privileged post-adolescent America, Of that life, in all its hardness and equally curious softness, its external clatter, movement and boldness, he is a part; , , . and what he writes reflects the environment not so much in its superficial aspects as in its pitch and beat. He knows how talk sounds, how the dances feel, how the crap-games look. Unimportant detail shows how perfect the unconscious attunement. He continues in his praise of Fitzgerald's capture of the spirit of the time: Not another has gotten flashes from the psyches of the golden young intimate as those Wnich amaze throughout The Beautiful and Damned. And not another has fixed as mercilessly the quality of brutishness, of dull indirection and degraded sensibility running through American life of the hour,^ Critical acclaim after his death collaborated Wescott's observations,^ ^ Other clues to the authentic portrayal of the times of which an author writes may often be discovered by examining his sources, Fitzgerald simplifies this search by his admissions in his letters and notes of certain autobiographical and biographical references in his fiction. In the Basil stories, Fitzgerald makes use of numerous boyhood happenings which he recorded with exactitude in a notebook called his "Thoughtoook," Basil's "Book of Scandal," In the stories Fitzgerald's book becomes l^pical of the entries is an incident which occurred to Fitzgerald at I-Iiss Nardon's Academy in Buffalo, an incident that appears in the account of Basil's life at school. Scott advised his teacher that Central America did not have a capital city. His teacher, determined that Mexico City should be the capital of Central America, rebuffed the suggestion, only to have Fitzgerald's rejoinder: "There's no use teaching us wrong." Within minutes Scott had received the principal's unjust but undivided attention,^7 [(£)) '^Basil's brief and unprofitable employment at the Great Northern is the relation of an actual experience of Fitzgerald at the Northern Pacific carbarn in St. Paul, even to the loss of his new four dollar overalls.^^ "A Night at the Fair" is based on notes in Fitzgerald's ledger, which tell of his first significant notice of the opposite sex. In referring to other publications, Fitzgerald acknowledges in a letter to Maxwell Perkins that "The Sensible Thing" is a "(story about Zelda and me, all true),"^9 in a letter to Shane Leslie, he asserts that he married the Rosalind of the novel This Side of Paradise.^'^ In another letter to Leslie, Fitzgerald admits that the description of Monsignor Fay's funeral in This Side of Paradise was taken entirely from Leslie's own letter,^' The description of /16 a walk through a cemetery by Sally Carrol Happer and Harry Bellamy in "The Ice Palace" is depictive of a walk Fitzgerald and Zelda themselves made on one of his Montgomery visits before their marriage, ^2 The I-Ir,-In-aiid-Mr,-Out episode of "May Day" was based on a viild party in May, 19191 ^^ich Porter Gillespie, a college friend, and Fitzgerald carried on until morning at DeLmonico's, "Well into the next morning they breakfasted on shredded wheat and champagne, carrying the empty bottles carefully out of the hotel and smashing them on the curb for the benefit of the churchgoers along Fifth Avenue."53 A visit by Fitzgerald to White Sulphur Springs, Itontana, in the summer of 1915* at the ranch of a Princeton friend. Sap (13) Donahoe, provided the setting of "The Diamond as Big as the Ritz,"5^ In Fitzgerald's second novel. The Beautiful and Damned, the parties given by its principal characters "occur in a cottage in Connecticut like the one the Fitzgeralds rented in Westport in May, 1920."55 The practice of using characters in his fiction based on friends and acquaintances often made his friends uncomfortable victiins. For a period of three years, 1926 to 1929t at Antibes, Fitzgerald studied the Gerald Murphys, who were to be reincarnated as the Dick Divers in Tender l£ the Night, "This analysis got to be too much for the Murphys, for when Fitzgerald was drinking he did not hesitate to give them the benefit of it,"5D Fitzgerald, in a letter to Sara Murphy dated August 15, 1935, niore than a year after the publication of Tender Is the Night, gives reasons for his use of her as a model and confesses: "I used you again and again in Tender,"57 Ginevra King, his first love, became Judy Jones in "Winter Dreams" and was "to make the ideal girl of his generation" in Fitzgerald's fiction, Ginevra is characterized as Josephine Perry in a series of later stories,5^ Dick Diver's memories of his father are derived from Fitzgerald's memories of his father and their times together—going for the papers together, the "liar" argument, and the Civil War stories.59 Por Fitzgerald's incompleted novel. The Last Tycoon. (H, Irving Thalberg was the model for Stahr,^^^ Mizener states that, in I t I 1 \ t a 1 1 general, "back of every other character in the book, • , • lay • 1 t Fitzgerald's acute observation of a real person 1.61 « « y CHAPTER II MORALS AND MAIII^RS As a young author living during the greatest change in moral standards in the history of a modem nation, Fitzgerald could not easily ignore in his fiction the American revolt against Puritannical purity and Victorian tradition. As a matter of fact, Fitzgerald has been credited by Allen with calling the revolution of morals to the attention of American parents. "i 1 It was not until F. Scott Fitzgerald, who had hardly graduated from Princeton and ought to know what his generation x^jere doing, brought out This Side of Paradise in April, 1920, that fathers and mothers realized fully what was afoot and how long it had been going on. Apparently the "petting party" had been current as early as I916, and was now widely established as an indoor sport.°2 Perosa proclaims Fitzgerald as "the mouthpiece or the singer of the jazz age" and has given him the title of its "lucid accuser," "He was well aware of its equivocal dangers, of its irresponsible attitudes, and he pitilessly exposed its disastrous consequences,°3 In a study of Fitzgerald's writings, one is sometimes amazed at the naivete of Fitzgerald's characters when judged from the standpoint of the typical "morality" of the sixties. From this viewpoint, the deviations from accepted morality which Fitzgerald's early characters exhibit seems rather Puritannical,j Amory Blaine is concerned with sex but, though he is daring by the standards of 1920, he is upset by a kiss he has bestowed on Myra: 18 "sudden revulsion seized 1 J ) • 19 Amory, disgust, loathing for the whole incident. He desired frantically to be away, never to see Myra again, never to kiss any one,"°^ Fitzgerald has endowed Amory with "a puzzled, furtive interest in sex."^5 Yet, as his temptations come, Amory sees visions represent- ing evil and death, which cause him to panic and run. This Side of Paradise is a novel which makes unorthodox mention, for 1920, of s •I • ] petting and other "revolutionary" behavior. ] Eating three o"clock, after-dance suppers in impossible cafes, talking of every side of life with an air half of earnestness, half of mockery, yet viith a furtive excitement that Amory considered stood for a real moral let-do;m,^° The youth of the land and Amory were disauieted, for Amory admits: ] I ' "My whole generation is restless,"°7 5 According to Perosa, the novel expresses the desire for freedom from "bourgeois morality."°° Alfred Kazin states that the novel "announced the lost generation."^9 Fitzgerald was criticized severely by many religious groups for the subject matter of the novel, but Fitzgerald disclaimed any exaggeration. In a letter to Shane Leslie written in the fall of 1920, he remarks: One Catholic magazine, America, had only one prim comment on my ' book "a fair example of our non-Catholic college's output," My Lord! Compared to the average Georgetown alumnus Amory is an uncanonized saint, I think I laundered myself shiny in the book!70 Writing to Marya Mannes in October, 1925, Fitzgerald reveals that his ideas regarding the morals of American youth have not changed. The young people in America are brilliant vrLth second-hand sophistication inherited from their betters of the war generation. j * 20 . . . They are brave, shallow, cynical, impatient, turbulent and empty. . . . America is so decadent that its brilliant children are damned almost before they are bom,7'' From this early glimpse of moral revolt in This Side of Paradise. Fitzgerald's portrayal of moral decay enlarges in The Beautiful and Damned. where, it is declared, a vjhole race was "going hedonistic, deciding on pleasure."72 And Fitzgerald himself describes his new novel as the stor>' of how Anthony Patch "and his beautiful young xd.fe are wrecked on the shoals of dissipation,"73 Filled with their own delusions as to their own worth, the do-nothing couple finds itself drifting dot^mward from one drunken party to another, to infidelity— toward what should be an awakening. But, typical of the generation they represent, neither Anthony nor Gloria display any awareness of their true degradation and continue, to what should be the climax of the novel, to live in a dream-world, "damned" but not "beautiful," Fitzgerald'q short stories of the period also depict his personal reactions to the youth of the age. Dolly, who tries every scheme to catch "The Rich Boy," was— what is known as "a pretty little thing" but there was a certain recklessness which rather fascinated me. Her dedication to the goddess of waste would have been less obvious had she been less spirited she viould most certainly throw herself away.7^ Another pretty little thing, Marcia of "Head and Shoulders," declares: "'Ats all life is. Just going around kissing people,"75 In "Babylon Revisited," Charlie Wales has a full realization of his own loss caused by moral decadence and demonstrates his progress 21 toward moral integrity. "I heard that you lost a lot in the crash," "I did," and he added grimly, "but I lost everything I wanted in the boom," Charlie came to believe in character—"to jump back a whole generation and truso in character again as the eternally valuable element. "'I* Everything else wore out,"76 The wrong-doer in "Dalyrimple Goes Wrong" determinedly makes one J moral compromise after another, excusing himself by emphasizing "it I was being hard that counted."77 u Contrariwise, Fitzgerald was to write in a letter: t Your sense of superiority depends upon the picture of yourself as being good, of being large and generous and all-comprehending, and just and brave and all-forgiving. But if you are not good, if you don't preserve a sense of comparative values, those qualities turn against you—and your love is a mess and your courage is a slaughter.7° The absolute amoral attitudes expressed by Braddock Washington and his family in "The Diamond as Big as the Ritz" may be considered an ex- * treme example, but Fitzgerald is again accenting his conviction of i » moral deterioration caused by greed, >, •3 "May Day" presents a wide contrariety of characters floundering in varying degrees of moral degradation. The story was intended to be the history of "the general hysteria of that spring which inaugurated the Jazz Age,"79 Gordon Sterrett has been ruined by the war and his own weaknesses, including his proneness to drink, Gordon is told by Dean, from whom he is trying to borrow money: "You seem to be sort of j bankrupt—morally, as well as financially. "^^N i^j.^^. and emotiohal bankruptcy, even more than financial bankruptcy, were to Fitzgerald matters of the gravest concern., In a letter to his daughter, he tries to convince her of their importance. Our danger is ^imagining that we have resources—material and moral—T'jhich we haven't got. One of the reasons I find myself so consistently in valleys of depression is that every few years I seem to be climbing uphill to recover from some bankruptcy. Do you know what bankruptcy exactly means? It means drawing on resources which one does not possess.^' possess. • Describing hijnself in The Crack-Up. Fitzgerald uses the quotation from Matthew 5:13: J I "Ye are the salt of the earth. But if the salt hath lost its savour, wherewith shall it be salted?" Illustrated also in "May Day" is the destructive power of mob violence and a description of those left with "nothing." Examples are two recently discharged soldiers who are now in the vaguely uncomfortable state before they "sign up" for their next bondage. They are uncertain, resentful and some^^at ill at ease.^^ The exsoldiers manage to steal, get drunk, take part in a riot, and break a man's leg; one of them gets himself shoved out a window to his death and the other is thrown in jail, all within a period of twelve hours. Fitzgerald evokes the sympathy of the reader, however, for such wasted lives and causes one to join him in more harsh censure of another character in the story, Edith Bradin. Wrapped in her own arrogance, Edith is disdainful of any indication of lack of sophistication in others to the revelation that outward sophistication is all 11 > / 23 she possesses. The wild parties of the Twenties which were characteristic of the decade's social setting also appear in Fitzgerald's fiction. Jay Gatsby is the host to the numerous bizarre festivities in The Great Gatsby. The manners of the guests are apparent "Once there they were introduced to somebody who knew Gatsby, and after that they conducted themselves according to the rules of behavior associated with an amusement park."33 Extravagance—in food, in music, in entertain- ment, in number of guests, in length and frequency describes Gatsby's parties. Early in the evening, the party is pictured by Fitzgerald as follows: The bar is in full swing, and floating rounds of cocktails permeate the garden outside, until the air is alive with chatter and laughter, and casual innuendo and introductions forgotten on the spot, and enthusiastic meetings between women who never knew each other's names.^^ As the evening progresses— the fraternal hilarity increased. When the Jazz History of the World was over, girls were putting their heads on men's shoulders in a puppyish, convivial way, girls were swooning backward playfully into men's arms, even into groups, knowing that some one would arrest their falls.--5 Guests were not always eager to leave. Some lingered for days. Others were removed forcibly by their husbands or wives. There were also those who found it difficult to leave by automobile because of their intoxication. One such guest insisted there was "no harm in trying" to drive his car even though it had lost a wheel and gone into a ditch. 24 The wild parties of the parasitic "friends" of Gatsby constitute only a glimpse of superficial moral abandonment in comparison with the lack of morals depicted in the lives of the principal characters of TJie Great Gatsby, The novalin, Nick Carraway, is the only major character who retains his moral integrity. Nick is attracted by Jordan Baker, who is "incurably dishonest" and "had begun dealing in subterfuges when she was very young." Nick recalls: "When we were on a house-party together up in Warwick, she left a borrowed car out in the rain with the top down, and then lied about it."^^ bored, haughty face and a cool insolent smile. Jordan has a There had been a near- scandal regarding a semi-final round in a big golf tournament vjhen a caddy accused her of moving her ball from a bad lie. Nick notices that she avoids shrewd men and is more comfortable in an atmosphere where no deviation from a moral code would be considered possible. Tom Buchanan is contemptible in his arrogance and pride, in addition to his corruption as demonstrated by his affair ;d.th Myrtle Wilson. Tom exhibits physical cruelty and breaks the nose of his mistress with his open hand. He manifests cruelty in his speech and by his silence in the hit-and-run accident, and he feels justified in doing so. His marriage to Daisy for a period of five years has been punctuated by one affair after another, Tom suggests to Myrtle's distraught hus- band that Gatsby was probably her lover and the one who ran over her with the car. tions. Gatsby's subsequent murder only fulfills Tor.'s expecta^ Daisy is totally despicable and yet pitiable. She proves to (9 have no moral conscience, even to the point of manslaughter, for which another is allowed to assume the blame. There is no repentance or remorse shown by either Daisy or Tom, even at Gatsby's death, Gatsby, who has made his riches by bootlegging and gambling, introduces Nick to Meyer Wolfsheim with a flourish akin to pride as the gambler who c "fixed" the Worldis__3eries in 1919. ^ The world of The Great Gatsby is a world of moral corruption and carelessness. Representative of Fitzgerald's later development of the theme of morality is his novel Tender Is the Nig:ht. The theme revolves about : a group of people determined to provide a charming and alluring j I * society but whose depravity eludes the fabrication. Incest, adultery, 5 J I homosexuality, and all forms of deceit are practiced with moral apathy. The glamor of life with A:nericans abroad fades into dismay and disgustW Miller describes the encompassing power of the novel: Tender Is the Njgjht tends in its thematic complexity to move rhythmically both inward and outward, inward to an exploration in depth of the spiritual malaise of Dick Diver, outward to an examination in breadth of the sickness of a society and a culture.^7 In Perosa's analysis of the novel, he states: , . • the entire novel, in its formulation and general lines, is an attempt to illustrate and comment on a fundamental dramatic conflict of the ethical and sociological order, Ta^ single characters stand for definite social and moral positions and exemplify in their conflicts a contrast of wider social implications and of larger moral and s^.^bolic significance,^^ Tender Is the Night has a different structural approach to the theme of morals and manners of Fitzgerald's age than does The Great Gatsby, 26 In The Great Gatsby the principal revelation of the morals of its characters is through dramatization. In Tender Is the Ilirht. treating his characters psychologically, Fitzgerald develops an interwoven / arrangement of detail that makes the web of moral disorder strong and binding. The greater part of the immorality of the novel emerges from sexual themes. Nicole is a victim of her ovm father's lust and, as Fitzgerald describes it, the debased but wealthy society of Chicago. From the psychological clinic, she is released to the care of a husband, doctor who is "purchased" for the purpose. Nicole and Dick Diver, linked by marriage and her need for him, appear as the ultimate in evolution toward sophistication in the personal judgment of Rosemary, the most innocent of the characters. To her, the effort exerted by the Divers in attaining a blase manner is not discernible, Rosemary ias amused that Nicole has made Dick some black lace swim trunks which require close examination to reveal that they are lined. Overwhelmed by his charm, Rosemary offers herself to Dick and is refused, Dick does not seem particularly interested in Rosemary until he hears a story about Rosemary and another man, and the vision haunts him thereafter. Dick finds that he is attracted more and more often to women—even mental patients, Fitzgerald describes Dick's feelings— "Yet in the awful majesty of her pain he went out to her unreservedly, almost sexually,"^9 A flirtatious affair with a daughter of a patient 27 of the clinic precipitates an attempt by Nicole to wreck the car with the entire family in it. Dick meets Rosemary in Italy—"She wanted to be taken and she was, and what had begun with a childish infatuation on a beach was accomplished at last."90 Dick makes a game of drawing women to him. Even as Dick is leaving Nicole, he iti stops for a drink with Mary North, and—"felt the old necessity of ! convincing her that he was the last man in the world and she was the j last woman," He leads Mary on—"His glance fell soft and kind upon hers, suggesting an emotion underneath; their glances married suddenly, bedded, strained together."91 Dick disappears from sight but one of I ii K 'I the last things the reader hears is that "he became entangled with a girl who worked in a grocery store."^2 Nicole, in her struggle to find a new life for herself, drains much of the strength from Dick, but cannot continue as his wife vjhen she feels she no longer needs him. Her affair with the crude Tony Barban seems to aid in her final break with Dick, Nicole, newly confident in her o^m strength, recognizes Tony's power and "his assertion seemed to absolve her from all blame or-responsibility,"93 Lesser c h a r a c t e r s show similar sexual deviation. Mary North and Lady Caroline pretend to be s a i l o r s on leave and pick up two g i r l s and are l a t e r a r r e s t e d when the g i r l s report them. Lady Caroline feels no remorse and Mary i s only afraid her husband Hosain w i l l hear about it. Fitzgerald gives us Dick's reaction—"The lack, in Lady C a r o l i n e ' s il 2^. face, of any sense of evil, except the evil wrought by cowardly Provencal girls and stupid police, confounded him."9^ Girls v;a'/c panties from the windows in farewell to sailors; Baby V/arren does not shrink from the nudity of Collis Clay; and the homosexuality of yo-:: Francisco is a story frequently heard by Dick, Nicole's father orly temporarily repents of incest and then flees in fear from her before he can ask her forgiveness. Hints of immorality envelop the society in which they>move until all dialogue and action seem sexually motivated only. Other moral weaknesses are exhibited by the novel's characters, Abe North and Dick both succumb to the weakness of drink. Baby Warren is guilty of false moral superiority, Kaethe is malicious with her tongue. Bribery and falsehood are essential to their way of life, Mrs. Speers, Rosemary's mother, surprises Dick by her amorality. With evident disregard of any harmfiil consequences to Rosemary, Mrs, Speers tells Dick: "She was in love with you before I ever saw you, I told her to go ahead,"95 Neither Nicole nor Nick can find enough moral fiber to stand alone. Few characters exact the sympathy of the reader, and the moral tragedy draws to a close idth redemption unearned by the players. The writings of Fitzgerald clearly substantiate Shain's description of Fitzgerald as America's most sentient novelist of manners,9^ Moral standards were at a new low, and * 29 even the lightest, least satirical of Fitzgerald's pages bear testimonial to the prevalence of the condition. A moralist could gather evidence for a most terrible condemnation of bourgeois America from the books of this protagonist of youth,97 . . . Fitzgerald wrote to advise an acquaintance: "If you are in any mess caused by conflict between old idealisms, religious or social, and the demands of the present • , , That is all too frequently a problem of these times,9^ He offered a coherent description of these problems and the inner conflicts which resulted in the low state of morals and manners in the era. CHAPTER III THE LOVE OF MGIIEY Fitzgerald's attitude toward wealth reflects the compulsion which his generation had for the earning and spending of money, though critics are not in complete agreement as to the exact fascination which money held for him, Charles E, Shain states that Fitzgerald's "attitude toward money and moneyed people has been much misunderstood,"99 There ) i was, he points out: • the general charge against Fitzgerald made frequently in the thirties that he was captivated by the rich and their expensive manners, and forgot that too much money in America is always supposed to be a sign of vulgarity and wickedness. Applied to Fitzgerald's fiction this moralism is simple-minded. To disprove it there_is exhibited in the novels and stories all the morai^^ener^ tjiat Fitzgerald spent "fixing" the rich. Shain further insists: We do him an injustice if we assume at the start that in order to understand the dreadful sanctions of social prestige—that is, money Fitzgerald had to make a fatal submission of himself to the glamorous rich,"*^^ Others, literary men in particular, criticized Fitzgerald for his absorption with the subject. In a letter to Hemingway, Fitzgerald complains that John Bishop wrote of "how I am an avrful suck about the rich and a social climber."'•^I Hemingway hiinself, as shown below, wrote of Fitzgerald and money in "The Snows of Kilimanjaro." Hemingway's hero, Harry, is musing about the rich. They were dull or they drank too much or they played backgammon too much. In the original version, Hemingi-^ay used Fitzgerald's name in the following passage: 30 1 31 He remembered poor Julian and his romantic awe of then and how he had started a story once that began, "The very rich are different from you and me," And how some one had said to Juliar.. Yes they have more money. But that was not humorous to Julian. He thought they were a special glamorous race and when he found they weren't it wrecked him just as much as any other thing that wrecked him. ^^"^ Heming^^ay's criticism was called the "public burial of a has-been writer,"''03 Evidently Heming^jay respected the feelings of Fitzgerald enough to change the name in the story for—as it is quoted here from a collection of short stories—the name Julian has been substitued for Scott Fitzgerald, The reference offended Fitzgerald to say the least. He wrote a letter to Hemingway: « • I I It Please lay off me in print. If I choose to vrrite die pro fund is sometimes it doesn't mean I vjant friends praying aloud over my corpse. No doubt you meant it kindly but it cost me a night's sleep. And when you incorporate it (the story) in a 'oook would you mind cutting my name? It's a fine story—one of your best—even though the "Poor Scott Fitzgerald, etc." rather spoiled it for me. , , . Riches have never fascinated me, unless combined with the greatest charm or distinction.^0^ Malcolm Cowley chose the title of "The Romance of Money" for his introduction to the 1953 edition of Tne Great Gatsby. Cowley expresses his belief that Fitzgerald differed from other serious writers of the era in his attitude toward money. The serious vrriters also dreamed of rising to a loftier status, but except for Fitzgerald—they felt that money-making was the wrong way to rise. They liked money if it reached them in the form of gifts or legacies or publishers' advances, but they were afraid of high earned incomes because of what the incomes stood for: obligations, respectability, time lost from their own work, expensive habits that would drive them to earn still higher incomes; in short, a series of involvements in the commercial culture that was hostile to art. i i 32 Cowley continues his reminiscing as to what the writers thought of money: "If you want to ruin a \^n:•iter," I used to hear them saying, "just give him a big magazine contract or a job at ten thousand a year." Many of them tried to preserve their independence by earning only enough to keep them alive while vjriting; a few liked to regard themselves as heroes of poverty and failure."'^5 Fitzgerald, however, did not choose to separate himself from the business world. Cowley considered the teaching of money as the reward of virtue an important influence upon Fitzgerald's concepts of money. Fitzgerald and the younger generation "had been taught to measure success, failure, and even virtue in monetary terms."^0° As evidence of his opinion of money, Fitzgerald kept an accurate record of his earnings but had little knowledge of his expenditures. Paradoxical as it may sound, Fitzgerald did not care enough about money ever to manage it in a businesslike way. ^Vhat he did care for was that vision of the good life which he had come to feel was, at least in America, open only to those who command the appurtenances of wealth. . . . He strove, therefore, to become a member of the community of the rich, to live from day to day as they did, to share their interests and tastes, 0' He often wrote his publishers to determine the extent to which he had drawn on future earned monies and was alvrays shocked to hear the amount. He had little interest in money for itself and less in the physical objects it would buy. On the other hand, he had a great interest in earning money, lots of it fast, because that was a sort of gold medal av/arded with the blue ribbon for competitive achievement. Once the money was earned he and Zelda liked to spend lots of it fast, usually for impermanent things: not for real estate, fine motorcars, or furniture, but for traveling 33 expenses, the rent of furnished houses, the wages of nurses and servants, for entertainments, party dresses, and feather fans of five colors. The sensation of well-being that money could bring was enjoyed to the fullest by both Zelda and Scott Fitzgerald— Zelda was as proudly careless about money as an eighteenthcentury nobleman's heir. Scott was more practical and had his penny-pinching moments, as if in memory of his childhood, but at other times he liked to spend without counting in order to enjoy a sense of careless potency.*"^Fitzgerald was forced by Zelda Sayre to consider money as fulfill• ment of promise. Although all of the responsibility for his desire for money cannot be placed at Zelda's feet, Fitzgerald found money, and the security which it proffered, essential to the ^d.nning of the girl he loved as his wife. He remembered that "Zelda was cagey about thro;>rLng in her lot with me before I vias a money-maker, • ." Zelda wanted, just as Fitzgerald did, a luxury and largeness beyond anything her world provided and she had a certain aLmost childlike shrewdness in pursuing it,^09 Returning from a visit to I-Iontgomery, Fitzgerald boarded a Pullman as he bid Zelda farewell and then sneaked to a day coach, which vras all he could afford. He had spent the visit, however, trying to convince Zelda that he was rich enough to make her happy, Zelda "was inevitably dravm toward 'the stream of life,' a stream with such a high concentration of money in it that it shone,""'''^ Fitzgerald used this feeling of Zelda's in a story, "The Bridal Party." After This Side of Paradise was accepted for publication, Fitzgerald became exuberant about his writing prospects. He wrote and revised j 3^ several short stories which he sold to the Post, Zelda finally, after having been courted by telegrams announcing sums of money received for his works, renewed their engagement, Fitzgerald was also delighted with the money. He celebrated by buying Zelda an expensive feather fan, buying his friends pints of Scotch from his own private bootlegger, and dressing for a date with hundred dollar bills protruding from his pockets in a conspicuous fashion. His friends finally took five to six hundred dollars from him and had it put in the hotel vault, "He was drunk with the excitement of money, "*''''' There were few times in Fitzgerald's life during which he could ignore the need for money. Within three months after his marriage he suddenly found that he did not have left any of the $18,000 he had made during 1920, and he owed Reynolds $650 for an advance on an um^ritten story. The Fitzgeralds continued to live above their income as his "How to Live on $36,000 a Year" attested, "Scott was extrava- gant," said I4ax Perkins, "but not like her; money went through her fingers like water; she wanted everything; she kept him writing for the magazines."'''*2 j ^ a letter to Edmund Wilson, dated February 6, 1922, Fitzgerald says that "it would be absurd for me to pretend to be indifferent to money, and very few men with a family they care for can be."''''3 He had written to Wilson the month before about their baby girl. " . . . The baby is T^II—we dazzle her exquisite eyes with gold pieces in the hopes that she'll marry a millionaire.""^I^ 35 The preoccupation with the occupation of mal<ing money could not be obliterated from Fitzgerald's life nor from his work. As Malcolm Cowley points out: "In dealing with the romance of money, he chose the central theme of his American age, 'Americans,' he liked to sa^s 'should be b o m viith fins, and perhaps they were—perhaps money was a form of fin.'"''''5 The development of the theme of money progresses in '" It t Fitzgerald's fiction as his own attitudes toward money were revised. S ] il His conception of the importance of money does not basically change, i but rather the potential results from its possession. In 19191 \ Fitzgerald \Trote to Alida Bigelow declaring that the three unfor- givable things in life were toothpicks, pathos, and poverty,''''^ In 1935. he advised a young married woman that Samuel Butler was right in placing health and money as the first and second most important things in life,''''7 Even in his final but uncompleted work, Th£ ^^^t Tycoon. Fitzgerald portrays the glamor of the life of the very rich. He also includes the conflict between right and wrong which he believed came in a particiaar way to those who had many possessions. He succeeded in showing that "many possessions" was a relative idea.''''^ In the same way that the necessity for money plagued Fitzgerald from time to time, it plagued some of Fitzgerald's characters as well. In one of his early stories, "Head and Shoulders," its chief character finds it necessary to take employment in an inferior position that does not give proper play to his remarkable intellectual capacity. 36 His dreams and purposes of an outstanding career fade, and he finally discovers that it is his wife who is considered the intellectual whereas he himself is only the "shoulders," He had chosen love—and anonymity. Also included in his first collection of short stories. Flappers and Philosophers, published in 1921, is the tale of "Dalyrimple Goes Wrong." Dalyrimple goes wrong because: Happiness was what he x^ranted a slowly rising scale of gratifications of the nonnal appetites—and he had a strong conviction that the materials, if not the inspiration of happiness, could be bought with money,''''9 Dalyrimple was not convinced "—that honest poverty was happier than corrupt riches,"''^^ He is Fitzgerald's representation of the young war hero coming home to find that his war-won glory was short-lived. Yet, although Dalyrimple chose the immoral way, toward riches, he found himself rewarded in spite of his lack of "virtue," Dexter Green, in "Winter Dreams," did not need money for food nor to care for a family: he had a dream of glittering things of ^diich Judy Jones, daughter of "a rich man," is the symbol. As Fitzgerald describes him: he was bothered by his scanty funds. But do not get the impression, because his viinter dreams happened to be concerned at first xvTLth musings on the rich, that there was anything merely snobbish in the boy. He wanted not association with glittering things and glittering people—he wanted the glittering things themselves,' Ultimately, Dexter manages to make money. Soon after earning his college degree, and becoming the successful owner of a string of 37 laundries, Judy Jones again came into his life, Judy Jones had left a man and crossed the room to hir.—Judy Jones, a slender enamelled doll in cloth of gold: gold in a band at her head, gold in tvjo slipper points at her dress's hem. The fragile glow of her face seemed to blossom as she smiled at him,''22 She was the emblem of wealth—not earned, but established—which he could only touch—not possess. Years later, when Dexter learns of her faded loveliness, he realizes his winter dreams have also faded and left a nothingness. Another Fitzgerald character who, as one of his chief traits, admires money is John Unger of Hades, Mississippi, v/ho attended St, Midas' School near Boston, One of his rich acquaintances is Percy Washington, Invited to his friend's home for a visit, John learns that Percy's father possesses "The Diamond as Big as the Ritz," "'He must be very rich,' said John simply, 'I'm glad, I like very rich people. The richer a fella is, the better I like him,'"''23 John is amazed by the wealth of the Braddock Washington chateau, located in a hidden valley beside a diamond mountain. He falls in love with a daughter, Kismine, and then leams he will not be allowed to leave the secluded treasure trove alive. The day prior to his scheduled m.urder, planes arrive to bomb the valley. As a 'oomb hits the slave quarters, Kisnine exclaims, "There go fifty thousand dollars' worth of slaves at prewar prices. So few Americans have any respect for property,"''^^ John, Kismine, and her sister Jasmine escape before the mountain is purposely destroyed by Braddock 38 Washington when God refuses his bribe. Mistaking rhinestones for diamonds in their hurry to escape, Kisnine and John find they have nothing of value left except their love for one another, Fitzgerald manifests in this story the amorality which he felt was a frequent companion of wealth. Mr, Vlashington had been sure that God had his price; he was only fearful that he had not made his bribe large " I" enough. After all, wasn't "God made in man's image?"''25 Anson Hunter, in "The Rich Boy," was born to inherit, with other !i I * • » children of the family, a fortune of fifteen million dollars. The j assurance of established wealth contributed to Anson's self-reliance and a confidence iriiich was displayed in the foi^n of condescension or toleration of those who vjere not as "solvent" as he. He fell in love with a rich girl but soon found he could not give to Paula what she required—himself. The discovery, several years later, that Paula was happy without him vias a tremendous blow to his ego, leaving him purposeless and old. Fulfillment of his desires was impossible, for at every opportunity Anson found a withholding of himself which formed an impassable gulf to others. Yet, when others were sho\>ri.ng him affec- t i tion or revering his supremacy, Anson enjoyed a kind of happiness. I don't think he was ever happy unless some one was in love xd.th him, responding to him like filings to a magnet, helping him to explain himself, promising him something. What it was I do not know. Perhaps they promised that there x^rould alvrays be x-nDmen in the world who XTOuld spend their brightest, freshest, rarest hours to nurse and protect that superiority he cherished in his heart,''2D fimrniirirn ini ii-frfi iTiiiifllM«ili*lii-MMrniiiiffri • •^•-*-••-••• ^- - - -. . Although the theme of money runs through most of Fitzgerald's fie tion, perhaps the greatest emphasis is placed on it in his novel The Great Gatsby. "Tne Romance of Mon»," as Cowley has called it, is representative of Fitzgerald's best work. Considering primarily the money theme, we note that Fitzgerald has contrasted "acquired wealth" and "established wealth." .'Established wealth is represented by Tom and Daisy Buchanan, and by other residents of East Egg, a region of "white palaces" which "glittered along the water" of Long Island Sound, Tom, who was a college-mate of Nick Carraway, the narrator of the novel, controlled inherited wealth. His family were enormously ^.-lealthy—even in college his freedom with money was a matter for reproach—but now he'd left Chicago and come East in a fashion that rather took your breath away; for instance, he'd brought 6o\m a string of polo ponies from Lake Forest, It was hard to realize that a man in my own generation ;^s wealthy enough to do that,''27 Their house was quite elaborate, a red and white Georgian colonial mansion on the bay. But the viealth which they possessed had not brought them happiness. They had lived in France for a year and moved "from place to place "wherever people played polo and were rich together," Tom pretended to a culture i^ich he did not possess and Daisy could not conceal her "basic insincerity" no matter how often she repeated: "Sophisticated—God, I'm sophisticated,"''28 Later Fitzgerald was to describe Daisy by saying that her voice was full of money. That was it. I'd never understood before. It was full of money—that was the inexhaustible charm that rose and fell i ^0 in it, the jingle of it, the cymbals' song of it . , . High in a white palace the king's daughter, the golden girl.''^9 Across the bay on the tip of West Egg lived another rich man. Jay Gatsby, Gatsby, as a young army officer, had fallen in love with Daisy in Louisville, Gatsby had been amazed at the things she took for granted. Her beautiful house "was as casual a thing to her as his tent out at camp was to him,"''30 in Louisville, Gatsby had been overwhelmingly aware of the youth and mystery that wealth imprisons and preserves, of the freshness of many clothes, and of Daisy, gleaming like silver, safe and proud above the hot struggles of the poor.'3i And Daisy had fallen in love with Jay. But loneliness after his departure for France combined with Gatsby's poverty and Tom Buchanan's determined courtship made her choose Tom, Tom Buchanan had determined her future with his attractive young manhood and a three hundred fifty thousand dollar pearl necklace. In choosing Tom, Daisy chose his way of life, Gatsby's dream of a life with Daisy becomes not only an illusion ; ' but an obsession. After five years, Gatsby locates Daisy and is willing to do whatever is necessary to win her away from Tom, Gatsby has | t become rich by illegal means and has bought an enormous house: a colossal affair by any standard—it was a factual imitation of some Hotel de Ville in Normandy, with a tower on one side, spanking new under a thin beard of raw ivy, and a marble swimming pool, and more than forty acres of lawn and garden. It was Gatsby's mansion,'32 Fitzgerald makes use of the little bay which separates East Egg glamor from West Egg ostentation as a symbol of the slight difference , 41 in the mode of the "riches" illustrated; it also symbolizes the difference in refinement and moral standards between the types of riches. After Gatsby reveals his presence to Daisy, he tries by very unsophisticated methods to impress Daisy with his riches. One of the most pathetic scenes occurs whil Gatsby is showing his mansion to Daisy for the first time, Daisy and Nick are with him in his bedroom, and Gatsby struggles: "I've got a man in England who buys me clothes. He sends over a selection of things at the beginning of each season, spring and fall." He took out a pile of shirts and began throwing them, one by one, before us, shirts of sheer linen and thick silk and fine flannel, which lost their folds as they fell and covered the table in many-colored disarray. VJhile we admired he brought more and the soft rich heap mounted higher—shirts with stripes and scrolls and plaids in coral and apple-green and lavender and faint orange, with monograms of Indian blue. Suddenly, with a strained sound, Daisy bent her head into the shirts and began to cry stormily. "They're such beautiful shirts," she sobbed, her voice muffled in the thick folds. "It makes me sad because I've never seen such—such beautiful shirts before."''33 In other aspects of dress as well Gatsby was often a gaudy display of acquired wealth: "white flannel suit, silver shirt, and gold-colored tie,"''3^ In his description of Gatsby's accumulation of things, Fitzgerald makes the choice of automobiles an outstanding example of the difference of taste and custom associated with the two forms of riches, Gatsby's automobile is described as follows: It was a rich cream color, bright with nickel, swollen her and there in its monstrous length with triumphant hat-boxes and supper-boxes and tool-boxes, and terraced with a labyrinth of wind-shields that mirrored a dozen suns. Sitting down behind many layers of glass in a sort of green leather conservator-.^, v;^ started to town.''35 Tom drove an unpretentious blue coup^. The snobbery of the established rich, on the other hand, is shown by Fitzgerald in a brief incident, Tom, Mr. Sloane, and a pretty young woman are horseback riding and stop by Gatsby's mansion for something to drink. The young woman is the only one who has been to the house previously. It is the first time Tom and Gatsby have engaged in conversation, and Tom is annoyed when he leams Gatsby is acquainted with Daisy, Tae young woman, perhaps under the influence of several highballs, invites Gatsby to a dinner party and he agrees to come by following them in his car. When Gatsby excuses himself for a moment, they ride quicldy away. Fitzgerald offers a glimpse of Daisy's snobbishness at a party at Gatsby's which she and Tom attend. \^en Gatsby identifies a particular man for her, saying that he is a small producer, she remarks, "'Well, I liked him anyhow,'"^^^ But the rest offended her—and inarguably, because it wasn't a gesture but an emotion. She was appalled by V/est Egg, this unprecedented "place" that Broadway had begotten upon a Long Island fishing village—appalled by its raw vigor that chafed under the old euphemisms and by the too obtrusive fate that herded its inhabitants along a short-cut from nothing to nothing. She saw something awful in the very simplicity she failed to understand.'' 37 Fitzgerald's conviction that riches contaminate or corrupt all except the strongest of moral characters is illustrated often in this ^3 novel, Jordan Baker is compulsively dishonest. Daisy is aghast that Gatsby could have earned his money illegally; yet she is willing that he should take the blame for a hit-and-run accident for which she is responsible. Tom tells George Wilson, the widowed man, that Gatsby r has killed his wife, but refrains from confessing that he, Tom, was her secret lover. Later, Tom defends his action to Nick: "What if I did tell him? That fellow had it coming to him. He threw dust into your eyes just like he did in Daisy's, but he was a tough one. He ran over Myrtle like you'd run over a dog and never even stopped his car," There was nothing I could say, except the one unutterable fact that it wasn't true,''33 Even Gatsby's murder—the murder of the man whom Daisy loved with the little capacity she had—did not produce a phone call or xiord of any kind from Daisy or Tom Buchanan, Nick expresses Fitzgerald's feelings; I couldn't forgive him or like him, but I saw that what he had done was, to him, entirely justified. It was all very careless and confused. They v/ere careless people, Tom and Daisy—they smashed up things and creatures and then retreated back into their money or their vast carelessness, or vriiatever it was that kept them together, and let other people clean up the mess they had made,''39 rI The destruction of character by wealth is probably best demonstrated in Fitzgerald fiction by his third novel. Tender Is the Ili^ht. As Fitzgerald uses the love of money as the corrupting element which produces other "bankruptcies" in many of his works, it is plausible that money is the strongest single force which reduces Dick Diver to nothingness.''^ The first hint that the young psychiatrist, Dick Diver, will be a servant of Mammon is his attitude toward his colleague Franz Gregorvius, and Franz's home and acceptance of it. For him the boundaries of asceticism were differently markedhe could see it as a means to an end, even as a carrying on \-n.th a glory it would itself supply, but it was hard to think of deliberately cutting life down to the scale of an inherited suit. The domestic gestures of Franz and his wife as they turned in a cramped space lacked grace and adventure. The post-war months in France, and the lavish liquidations taking place under the aegis of American splendor, had affected Dick's outlook,''^'' A patient whom Dick has helped to return to reality by corresponding , J ! | with her is the lovely and rich Nicole Warren, At lunch one day he asks: " . . . V/hy do you have so many different clothes?" "Sister says we're very rich," she offered humbly, "Since Grandmother is dead," "I forgive you,"^^2 Nicole's sister. Baby Warren, suggests that Mr, Warren could obtain a position for Dick at the University of Chicago, A burst of hilarity surged up in Dick, the Warrens were going to buy Nicole a doctor—You got a nice doctor you can let us use? There was no use :-jorrying about Ilicole when they ^-Tere in the position of being able to buy her a nice young doctor, the paint scarcely dry on him,''^3 Baby Warren decided against Dick as that doctor, for she did not think he could be made into "an aristccraL," • : Fitzgerald believed an aristocrat should have money. In a letter to Margaret Trumbull, Fitzgerald asks: has the aristocrat got money?—if "it" hasn't it had better be b o m into the middle of the middle classes in a small town. If you had money and were not Russian or Spanish it was certainly j 45 an advantage to be an aristocrat up to now. One m.ight not be invited out much or have a king give up his throne in one's honor or be as T^jell known as Harlow and Low outside the county, and certainly one had to kneel to the monied nobility, but it had its compensations,''^ Thus, since Dick did not have money and V7as neither Russian nor Spanish, Baby decides he will not "do." But Dick, for love or m.oney, or a combination of the two, marries Nicole in disregard of Baby's opinion. The surrender seems slight concession at first. That seem.s unreasonable, Dick—ire have every reason for taking the bigger apartment, "V/hy should we penalize ourselves just because there's more Warren money than Diver money?''^5 But later: We must spend my money and h^ve a house—I'm tired of apartments and waiting for you,''^° At a Paris bank: "there was Muchause, who always asked him whether he wanted to draw upon his wife's money or his own."''^7 To the suggestion from Franz that Dick take two hundred twenty thousand dollars from the Warrens to buy a clinic for which Dick would be the "brilliant consultant," Baby had said: "We must think it over care- fully—" and the unsaid lines back of that: "We own you, and you'll admit it sooner or later. It is absurd to keep up the pretense of independence."''^ But Dick leams to purchase others T^th money: "He had long ago purchased the doorman."^^9 owner of a hotel, Dick muses: Thinking of the manager- "It was good that he had made the extra effort which had firmly entrenched him with Mr. McBeth." 5 Even the law, Dick finds, can be bought: "Now we are prepared to give—" Dick calculated -.r.'-i-. "c- • thousand francs to each of the girls—and an aaoUiorai'* D ^, .- .t to the father of the 'serious' one. Also t w thousa-.a ir7 a-^-j-*. tion, for you to distribute as you think best " he cr.r'r-cj -.v-j shoulders, "—among the men who made the arrest, t/io loir^'-^-"* house keeper, and so forth, I shall hand you the five *>-::..v ' and expect you to do the negotiating immediately. Then thcv t.ir. be released on bail on some charge like disturbing the ror.c'.-, .v": whatever fine there is will be paid before the ma-i5tra^c'tor'.or-jv — b y messenger,"^51 The Dick Divers use their money and their cleverness to attract others—a group which they can please, entertain, and make glow •-:.' basking in the Diver artificial sunshine, had not intended to be. a facade. Dick becomes sonethir.r: he His acquired sophistication grad-aally coco~.os He gives himself so completely to Nicole and others until he, as Fitzgerald i^uld say, is an "emotional bankrupt," wants to possess good manners. sees. \\c no lor.,':cr He falls in love with every girl he As his pride diminishes, he becomes more rude. Gradually Dick's drinking habits and frequent rudeness isolate the Divers from many people and places where they had formerly been vrelcome, Vfrien !Iicole finds she is x>rell enough to exist without him, Dick is free, but he is the captive of his own moral and spiritual decadence. Other characters of the novel exemplify Fitzgerald's concepts of the misuse of riches the pseudo-culture assumed by Violet and Albert McKisco, the yo\Tev viielded by Baby V/arren, the recklessness of Lady Caroline, and the conviviality of Collis Clay. ^7 Fitzgerald describes the cosmopolitan rich to his daughter, Scottie: I have seen the whole racket, and if there is any more disastrous road than that from Park Avenue to the Rue de la Paix and back again, I don't know it. They are homeless people, ashamed of being American, unable to master the culture of another country; ashamed, usually, of their husbands, idves, grandparents, and unable to bring up descendants of whom they could be proud, even if they had the nerve to bear them, ashamed of each other yet leaning on each other's weakness, a menace to the social order in which they live — o h , xjhy should I go on? You knovr how I feel about such things. If I come up and find you gone Park Avenue, you \n.ll have to explain me away as a Georgia cracker or a Chicago killer, God help Park Avenue,^52 CHAPTER IV THE FLAPPER Fitzgerald knew the flapper, the embodiment of the girls who visited Princeton, of the girls he met in New York, St. Paul, :bntgomery, and New Orleans, and of Zelda. The flapper was the "young lady" of Fitzgerald's generation who had decided to be a reckless dare-devil. The Fitzgerald portrayal of the flapper follows the historical view of the xjom.en of the time. Fitzgerald fiction vzas shocking to most readers but was of particular concern to parents. The subjects discussed by Fitzgerald characters were scandalous in themselves. One of his well-bred heroines confesses: dozens more."''53 "I've kissed dozens of men, I suppose I'll kiss Another heroine dares to speak of sex, and to a young manI Oh, I'm bit and just one person in fifty has any glLmmer of v:hat sex is, hipped on Freud and all that, but it's rotten that every of real love in the vjorld is ninety-nien percent passion one little soupcon of jealousy? 5 Allen says that many parents felt that such writing "must be an exaggerated account of the misconduct of some especially depraved group."''55 Soon, however, other books were published which seemed to prove that the subjects of petting and sex \-7ere considered common topics of conversation among young people. Parents and other worried citizens may have been reading the US books "i^itten about the situation, but Fitzgerald, called the "bannerman of slickers and flappers," was claiming the flappers themselves as his readers. In discussing a title for his second volume of short stories, Fitzgerald \-rrote to Max Perkins wanting to use Tales of the Jazz Age: "It will be bought by my ovm personal nublic—that is, by the countless flappers and college kids who think I am a sort of oracle,"''5^ And perhaps he vras an oracle to the extent that he x^as in close communication with the times and merely displayed his great knowledge of it in his works. His knowledge was actually derived largely from his oi-m experiences with flappers, and he often was only relating incidents from his own life. An especially intense portrait of the flapper is painted by Fitzgerald in the person of Muriel Kane: She was short rather than small, and hovered audaciously between plumpness and Td.dth, Her hair was black and elaborately arranged. This, in conjunction x-ath her handsome, rather bovine eyes, and her over-red lips, combined to make her resemble Theda Bara, the prominent motion picture actress. She wanted to be considered x^ild, indiscreet, and dangerous. People told her constantly that she was a "vampire," and she believed them. She suspected hopefully that they x^^ere afraid of her, and she did her utmost under all circumstances to give the iiapression of danger. An imaginative man could see the red flag that she constantly carried, x^avin^^it xd.ldly, beseechingly—and alas, to little spectacular avail.^-' A flapper was required to keep up xdth all the latest developments of the fad. She was also tremendously timely; she knew the l a t e s t songs, a l l t h e l a t e s t songs—when one of them x-ras played on the phonograph YfiXAiS tECHNbLOClCAU COLL—tLUBBOCK, TEXAS UDRARY ''^?^tr^'* •.WLSt"""'i'WiWI." !..«i-' "!«" " v 50 =nri !n^''v,li^^ *° '''''" ^^!* ^^ pany herself by humming. ""='' ^^'^ shouldorn bac;-. ind forth Her conversation must also fit the pattern and Muriel's tall: seemed to fill the requirements. "I don't care," she xrould say, "I should xjorry and lose -v figure"—and again: "I can't make my feet behave wien I hear that tune. Oh, babylV From the viex^point of one who had not yet succumbed to the madness of the age, Muriel was extreme in dress and manner. Her fingernails were too long and ornate, polished to a pink and unnatural fever. Her clothes xrere too tight, too stylish, too vivid, her eyes too roguish, her smile too coy. She was almost pitifully over-emphasized from head to foot,'5'3 Muriel Kane is as "bad" as most early Fitzgerald feminine characters become. Many of his heroines are "nice" girls xdio have com- bined impetuosity with a spirit of adventure to overthrow the traditions of their elders. Ginevra King, Fitzgerald's first love, became— the ideal girl of his generation, the wise, even hard-boiled, virgin who for all her daring and unconventionality was essentially far more elusive than her mother—and, in her o\m \^dLY, far more romantic. He could see the naivete and irjiocence of this girl temporarily in search of pleasure but ser-^ously desiring some not very clearly defined romantic future,^^-^ Fitzgerald uses Ginevra as the pattern for Judy Jones, Josephine Perry, Daisy Buchanan, and others of his flappers x:ho have the poise of vrealth and social affluence. The basic discemible difference in Fitzgerald Muriels and Judys is the self-assurance derived from social position. The flapper characteristics are present in Fitzgerald's 5\ d e l i n e a t i o n of both types of feminine c h a r a c t e r s . The Fitz?:erald flappers are capricious younr l a i i - . . t o determine the course of action for them, Whim see^. Judy JO:.CL has a male admirer who has confessed t h a t she i s h i s i d e a l , vr-e- -c < -^ • her house, she runs to her motorboat on the lake to ta!:<j a r.oor.ll ••-. r i d e and swim alone. She asks a young man whom she docs -ot :-::.ow tc maneuver the boat, so she can ride on a surf-board behir.-i i t . ^ ' ' ^ It i s " h a l f - p a s t one" x^hen Edith, in "May Day", t e l l s her da-.cir.'- partner t h a t she needs to r e p a i r her hairdo. She s l i p s doxvn the side s t a i r s to the s t r e e t and to a building—where she has never been beTortsee her b r o t h e r . to The idea had "reached out and gripped at h-jr i-aj-i- n a t i o n — a f t e r an i n s t a n t ' s h e s i t a t i o n she had decided,"'''-'' lorrr.ce of "Bemice Bobs Her Hair" gets her h a i r bobbed on a dare from her cousin ' ! a r j o r i e ; then while her cousin i s asleep, Bemice a-^putatos M a r j o r i e ' s long braids for revenge, Marcia Meadow accepts a dare and v i s i t s the apartment of the " i n t e l l e c t u a l " of the campus, in "Head and Shoulders."''^3 Gloria Gilbert of The Beautiful gr.d Dar:-c.^ "had gone i n the Yale swimmdng-pool one night i n a chiffon evening dress."^^^ Recklessness was a necessary element 01 the f l a p p e r ' s personality, G l o r i a ' s cousin Dick informs her mother: " G l o r i a ' s a xd.ld one. Aunt Catherine. She's uncontrollable. How s h e ' s done i t I don't know, but l a t e l y s h e ' s picked up a l o t of the funniest f r i e n d s . She doesn't seem to c a r e . And the men she used to go xdth around New York vjere—"^^5 52 Ailie Calhoun "was as attractive in her role of reckless cloxm as she had ever been in her life,"''^^ Judy Jones is reckless as she rides on the surf-board and calls to her unknoxm driver: as it'll go,'"''^7 "'Go faster , , . fast In "The Rich Boy", a friend describes Dolly: Like so many girls of that day Dolly x-ras slackly and indiscreetly XrJild. , , , She was x-jhat is known as "a pretty little thing," but there was a certain reciaessness x-;hich rather fascinated ne. Her dedication to the goddess of x:aste x-rould have been less obvious had she been less spirited—she would most certainly throw herself ax-;ay,'°^ At a Princeton prom, Josephine goes into a "nook" x-dth a boy and finds it is a male student's bedroom as x-:ell. The door is locked behind them by a pranl^ster but they escape by jxLmping from a high xd.ndow into the snox-j. To Josephine , "it i-ias merely exciting," ° Some flappers held doubtful distinction for such achievements as "having turned five cart-x^heels in succession during the last pump-and-slipper dance at New Haven,"''70 The flapper xd.shed to appear calm and collected under all circumstances. Ardita Farnam was praised for this prepossession in "Tne Offshore Pirate": a flapper,'" "' . . . you do seem to possess a lot of nerve for Her kidnappers had offered to let her go ashore, but Ardita refused to leave the yacht. "She had Implicit confidence in her ability to tal<e care of herself under any and all circumstances." Ardita assumes an attitude of composure: Ardita took a carved jade case from her pocket, extracted a cigarette and lit it xd.th a conscious coolness, though she knew her hand was trembling a little; then she crossed over x^ath her 53 T^V/'^''^^''^ y^^'' ^ ^ sitting down in the other settee blew a noutnful of smoke at the ax-ming. "You can't get me off this yacht." she said steadily, "and it^.l'fr'' ^ ° ^ ""^"^ "^""^^ ^^"^^ i^ y°^ ^ h i ^ you'll get far with Bemice. although she did not x^ant her hair bobbed, pretended not to care. "«A11 right.' she said sxdftly. 'I don't care if I do.'"l72 The principal aim of the flapper was to defy tradition. This aim motivated Fitzgerald's flappers on many occasions. It was exactly the sort of thing Edith revelled in doing—an unconventional, jaunty thing.173 When Ardita defied convention—and of late it had been her chief amusement—it x^as from an intense desire to be herself . . .''7^ Ardita confessed to her captor: The only thing I enjoyed x-ras shocking people; x-jearing something quite impossible and quite charming to a fancy-dress party, going around xd.th the fastest men in New York, and getting into some of the most hellish scrapes imaginable.'75 Josephine observes that— A girl eamed her popularity by being beautiful and charming. The more beautiful and charming she^x^as, the more she could afford to disregard popular opinion,'''^•^' Even bobbing one's hair was considered a shocking action. "Do you believe in bobbed hair?" asked G. Reece in the same undertone. "I think it's urjnoral," affirmed Bemice gravely. "But, of course, you've either got to amuse people or feed 'em or shock 'em." Marjorie had culled this from Oscar V/ilde."''' Wearing apparel or the lack of it could aid in the startling impact desired. The appearance presented by a flapper x-:as often the greatest deviation from tradition a girl could make, Muriel makes 5^ herself noticed in a hotel dining room: A moment later Muriel appeared in a state of elaborate undress and crent tox-rard them. She was in her element: her ebony hair xjas slicked straight back on her head; her eyes were artificially darkened; she reeked of insistent perfume. She x-zas got up to the best of her ability as a siren, more popularly a "vamp"—a picker up and throx>rer ax^ay of nen, an unscrupulous and fundamentally unmoved toyer vjith affections. Her efforts x^ere not completely successful: Something in the exhaustiveness of her attempt fascinated Maury at first sight—a X'joman x-dth xdde hips affecting a panther-like lithenessl As they x^aited , , , he was unable to tal-:e his eyes from her. She would turn her head ax-ray, lowering her eyelashes and biting her nether lip in an amazing exhibition of coyness. She vrould rest her hands on her hips and sx-iay from side to side in tune to the music, saying: "Did you ever hear such perfect ragtime? I just can't make my shoulders behave when I hear that,"173 Ardita claLms of a svdmsuit: "I've got a one-piece affair that's shocked the natives all along the Atlantic coast from Biddeford Pool to St. Augustine.""179 Dexter Green notices Judy's bathing-suit, "x-rhich consisted apparently of pink rompers,"'SO Part of the distinct equip^ient of the flapper x^^as her speech. Sometimes this speech consisted of rudeness tox^rard her elders such as Ardita displays toX":ard her uncle. "Ardital" he repeated, "Arditat" Ardita raised the lem.on languidly, alloxdng three x:ords to slip out before it reached her tong^ae, "Oh, shut up." "ArditaI" "What? . '.'Will you listen to m e — o r will I have to get a servant to hold you x-rhile I talk to you?" . . . " P a t . i t in vjriting." • . • VNo," said Ardita s h o r t l y , "I vron't. I came along on 55 this d a m cruise xdth the one idea of going to Palm Beach, and you knew it, and I absolutely refuse to meet any dam old colonel or any d a m youns Tobey or any dam old young people or to set foot in any other darn old toxm in this crazy state. So you either take me to Palm Beach or else shut up and go ax^ay,""'^'' Although this speech may not seem shocking to those living in the "sassy sixties," it x-:as disgraceful speech prior to the emancipation of the twenties. Occasionally the flapper's exaggerated speech did not yield the desired results, Bemice, taking lessons in how to be a flapper, chose the wrong speech for Draycott Deyo, who was studying for the ministry. . . . he thought she was a quiet, reserved girl. Had she knox-m these things she x-rould not have treated hLm to the line x^fhich began "Hello, Shell Shockt" and continued xdth the bath-tub story—"It takes a frightful lot of energy to fix my hair in the summer—there' s so much of it—so I always fix it first and powder my face and put on my hat; then I get into the bathtub, and dress afterxrard. Don't you think that's the best plan?" Though Draycott Deyo x-:as in the throes of difficulties concerning baptism by immersion and might possibly have seen a connection, it must be admitted that he did not. He considered feminine bathing an immoral subject, and gave her some of his ideas on the depravity of modern society,^^2 The flapper did not want to be considered a "nice" girl, Anthony Patch does not get Gloria Gilbert's attention until he says: "I don't care particularly for 'nice girls'," Mrs. Harvey asks her daughter Marjorie: ""^.^Jhat's a little cheap popularity?' . , ,'It's everything x^hen you're eighteen,' said Marjorie emphatically,"''^^ The nonchalant attitudes of Judy Jones, Gloria Gilbert, Daisy Buchanan, Ailie Calhoun, and the real live Zelda toward their many admirers and lovers are all in the flapper tradition. In the South, 5e the attention continued even if the girl was engaged. Sally Carrol Happer finds that the practice is not common in the :iorth. After coffee she x-7as introduced to numerous good-looking young m.en x-rho danced xdth conscious precision and seemed to take it for granted that she xTanted to talk about nothing except Harry. • • . In the South an engaged girl, even a young married ^..pman, expected the same amount of half-affectionate badinage and flattery that x^-ould be accorded a debutante, but here all that seemed banned. One young man, after getting x-.-ell started on the subject of Sally Carrol's eyes, and how they had allured him ever since she entered the room, ::ent into a violent confusion xxhen he found she Tjas -/isiting the Bellamj^s—:ras Harry's fiancee. He seemed to feel as though he had made som.e risque and inexcusable blunder, became immediately formal, and left her at the first opportunity, "'85 The flapper movem.ent x-ias feminine expression of rebellion against the restrictions of an older society, and, even if t.-or.en did not perform ijmnoral acts, young ladies x-ranted to give the impression of maintaining exciting, mysterious ezdistences. Feminine freedom woxild take other forms in future fads, but the Lmage of the flapper lingered on even after her heyday, for she was the glorified symbol of emancipation. About six years after the flapper movement began, Fitzgerald x^irote to Perkins: "The splash of the flapper movem.ent was too big to have quite died doxm—the outer rings are still moving."''8° The outer rings did move to the most isolated shores of American life, and Fitzgerald felt a certain responsibility for the riovem.ent. In his notebook, Fitzgerald records a particular regret: • * * * j_s still a flapper. Fashions, names, manners, customs and m.orals change, but^for * * * * it is still 1920, Triis concerns mc, for there is no doubt that she orir-inally patterned herself upon certain immature and unfortunate x-ndtings of mine, so I have a special indulgence for * * * * as for one xiho has lost an arm or leg in one's service. CHAPTER V THE SEl^SE OF TRAGEDY F. Scott Fitzgerald's own biography is the story of a young nan who shifts his general point of view on life from despondency to wild hilarity, from stark realism to romantic idealism. And his contributions to literature reflect the same instability of outlook. Once Fitzgerald counselled his daughter: • • • not one person in ten thousand finds the time to . • . form what, for lack of a better phrase, I might call the wise and tragic sense of life. In Fitzgerald's opinion, a tragic sense of life represented a necessary element for success in life: the thing that lies behind all great careers, from Shakespeare's to Abraham Lincoln's, and as far back as there are books to read — t h e sense that life is essentially a cheat and its conditions are those of defeat, and that the redeeming things are not "happiness and pleasure" but the deeper satisfactions that come out of struggle.''83 Fitzgerald's characters fail or succeed just to the extent that they exhibit a tragic sense of life. But his characters fail to reveal a philosophy of a brave struggle against fate, but rather an almost universal fear of life, a fear ultimately induced and nurtured by the age in xjhich he lived. For the typical Fitzgeraldian character, the loss of youth x^ras tragic, for the Jazz Age generation worshipped at the shrine of the goddess of youth. Youth x^as something one could not afford to lose; ^7 5Q if one did not have it, the pretense of having drunk from the fountain of youth x^as considered x-rorth the efforii. Witness the women's fashions, x-rhich made mature females look like , snort-skirted, long-x^aisted, flat-breasted, short-haired little girls trying to look worldly vdse.''89 The activities of youth were cultivated by all living generations. Irresponsibility, a usual attribute of youth, was the mode of the day. One of the very few things to worry about x-ras the loss of one's youth. To his Cousin Ceci, Mrs. Richard Taylor, Fitzgerald xjrote: it looks as if the youth of me and my generation ends sometime during the present year. The year was I917 and Fitzgerald \ias in the a m y . If x-ie ever get back . . . x-:e'll be rather aged— in the xrorst way. After all, life hasn't much to offer except youth and I suppose for older people the love of youth in others.''90 The attitude erq^ressed by Fitzgerald in the preceding quotation is a natural one for a young man x^hose country is at war and x-rfio feels that his future may be cut off by that x^rar. Hox^ever. his attitude was not to represent only a temporary opinion but a confirmed element in his philosophy as exemplified in his x-rritings. At the ripe old age of twenty-one, Fitzgerald bemoans the loss of his youth in a letter to Edmund Wilson: "God! HOXT I miss my youth . . , I don't thinlc you ever realized at Princeton the childlike simplicity that lay behind all my petty sophistication."'^ Describing Hew York on his return from Europe in 1926, Fitzgerald xrrote: out early "Young people xrore they vrere hard and languid at txienty-one."''92 Scott cele- brated his thirty-second birthday in September of 1928 and was as 1 59 "sore as hell about it" as recorded in his Ledger. Certain personal attributes. Fitzgerald x:as convinced, are possible only xThen one is young. One attribute is concern, for others: "she realized that she x^as the only one x-rho had the time and youth for the luxury of caring."''93 Another is recklessness: "She had the same recklessness. It's a question of age and the times to a great ex;tent."''9^ A third attribute is beauty: "He had not realized that flashing fairness could last so far into the tx7enties."''95 Finally, one must mention vitality: She did not plan; she merely let herself go, and the overvihelming life in her did the rest. It is only x-;hen youth is gone and experience has given us a sort of cheap courage that m-ost of us realize how sLm.ple such things are.'°° Fitzgerald also noted definitive signs of age according to national background: JexiTS lose clarity. They get to look like old m.elted candles, as if their bodies x^ere preparing to waddle. Ir^sh get slovenly and dirty. Anglo-Saxons get frayed and x^om.''97 In a piece called "Thousand-and-First Ship." identified by Fitzgerald himself as a jingle or song, emphasis is placed on an eternal youth: But more than all this Was the promise she made That nothing, nothing Ever x-rould f a d e Nothing would fade Winter or fall. Nothing X'JDuld fade .^ Practically nothing at all. ^° I 1 to Several of Fitzgerald's short stories are concerned xdth the loss of youth. Dexter Green loses the last of his "Winter Dreams" idien he hears that Judy Jones is twenty-seven and that she is rx) longer beautiful. "Lots of \iomen fade just like that," Devlin snapped his fin-crs. You must have seen it happen . . . " Even the grief ho covild "/.r.vc borne was left behind in the country of illusion, of youth. . . • where his xdnter dreams had flourished.''99 Anson Jones. ^^Tn.e Rich Boy." is m.ade to realize x-jhat he is missing by a visit to Paula's home and becomes utterly despondent. He acts xdth "the fussy pessimism of a man of forty." Persuaded to talce a trip abroad, Jones is not a pleasant ship-board companion. His chief preoccupation was xdth the fact that he x^as thirty years old—he x-:ould turn the conversation to the point xTTiere he could remdnd you of it and then fall silent, as if he asGumed the statement x-rould start a chain of thought sufficient to itself. 00 "The Last of the Belles" reveals Andy, at the age of twenty-four. longing for the times xihich had been: "I stumbled here and there in the knee-deep underbrush, looking for my youth in a clapboard or a strip of roofing or a rusty tomato can."^^'' This Side of Paradise is the story of youth; Th2 Beautiful and Damned is the story of the dream-xsjorld of youth, Perosa denotes the novel as a moral parable: the parable is precisely that of the youthful dreams and illusion: that gradually become a lethargy and then a nightmare and are involved in an inevitable ruin. Perosa reiterates his concept of the moral parable: 61 it is a parable on the deceptiveness of dreams, on the impossibility of evading reality through illusions, and on the painful destructiveness of time.203 The novel suggests three different attitudes toward life. The attitude of Anthony Patch is that of a young man umdlling and unable to accept responsibility, who justifies his lack of industry by claiming to believe that life is meaningless. One of Anthony's friends, Maury Noble, also believes life to be meaningless but feels that it might be \n.se to xrork for a while just to become "immensely rich as quickly as possible."^^^ Another friend, Dick Caramel, believes he is making a distinctive contribution to the betterment of life by the use of his literary talent. To complicate matters, Anthony marries a flapper vdio is also unwilling to grow up. Neither Anthony nor Gloria develops into a meaningful character, and the reader finds them reverting to their childhood and youth when security was provided for them by others. They exist in a dream x^rorld, x-riich becomes a continual nightmare that is lived under morbid circumstances of filth endurable only by continual intoxication. Tom and Daisy Buchanan display their high regard for youth in The Great Gatsby. At the age of thirty. Tom is still proud of his physical prowess, but he is beginning to have doubts that the power he had as a college football player xdll last forever. There x^as. x-ndtes Fitzgerald: "Something . . . making him nibble at the edge of stale ideas as if his sturdy physical egotism no longer nourished his 62 peremptory heart. "205 Daisy had seen her youth slipping away and had married Tom rather than wait for Jay Gatsby. At the tine of the story, Baisy is the mother of a little girl three years old, but the reader readily recognizes childishness in the behavior of Daisy herself. The silly Mjrrtle, Tom Buchanan's mistress, acts like a child over the purchase of a puppy and sulks like a petulant child. Reading Tender Is the Might, one is remanded again of the importance of youth to "successful" living in the Ti-renties. Nicole, in an analysis of her physical attractiveness at the age of tx^enty-nine, decides that she will "do" as well as anyone she knox^. The only physical disparity betx-reen Nicole at present and the Nicole of five years before X7as simply that she was no longer a young girl. But she was enough ridden by the current youth worship, the moving pictures xdth their myriad faces of girlchildren, blandly represented as carrying on the work and wisdom of the world, to feel a jealousy of youth.^06 K-ck makes a spectacle of himself trying a lifting trick on an aquaplane as an attem.pt to impress Rosemary vdth his youthful vitality. It is a trick he performed xdth ease txro years prior, and he insists on trying again until everyone else is disgusted and he himself is angry at his disability. Nicole has already noted the disparity of age: "The Divers were older than the others in the boat—the young people were polite, deferential, but Nicole felt an undercurrent of '1^0 are these Numbers anyhow? • "^^"^ Idcole also talces a long look at Rosemary: "Rosemary was beautiful—her youth xias a shock to Nicole, who rejoiced, however, that the young girl x-jas less slender by a 63 hairline than herself."^08 ^^^ ^^ concemed xdth xghat Rosemary xdll think about his age when he unexpectedly meets her in Rome. He tried to collect all that might attract her—it was less than it had been four years ago. Eighteen might look at thirtyfour through a rising mist of adolescence: but tx^renty-txJo ^jould see thirty-eight xdth disceming clarity.209 But Rosemary tries to belittle the difference in age betvreen her and Dick. From their first meeting, she does not x-xant to be treated as a child, xrjhich he often calls her. Even x^hen she is acting like a woman, however, Rosemary often suddenly reverts back to childishness, and brings her mother into the picture. Dick is irritated by these occasions. She also teases him by calling him such names as "Youngster." Rosemary claims that she is no longer a child but a woman: in proof whereof she wants to be taken and is: "and xihat had begun xdth a childish infatuation on a beach was accomplished at last. "2'0 P Fear of failure was another common fear during the Twenties, for life was moving at such a fast pace and everyone x-jas succeeding so remarkably that the lack of self-confidence X7as almost a sin. There were those, however, xiho, seeing life fly by. xjere afraid that they did not have the necessary xdngs for that kind of success.J Gatsby had a fear that tias almost an obsession in his fear of failure to regain the love of Daisy. He wanted to t u m the clock back five years and begin again, and he did not seem able to make Daisy understand. He believed that you could repeat the past: "I'm going to fix everything just the way it was before," he said, nodding determinedly. "She'll see." . . . His life had 6k been confused and disordered since then, but if he could once return to a certain starting place and go over it all slowly.211 Abe North, xriio is a brilliant and precocious musician, seeks comfort in drink and continues to postpone more serious com.position after his first success. Nicole reprimands him: "I can't see x-^hy you've given up about everything." and Abe considers the problem: "I suppose I got bored; and then it was such a long x-iay to go back in order to get anyx-:here,"212 Later this fear of failure becomes too great for him: They stood in an uncomfortable little group xieighted dox^n by Abe's gigantic presence: he lay athwart them like the x^eck of a galleon, dominating xdth his presence his oxTn X'jeakness and selfindulgence, his narroxmess and bitterness. All of them x-rere conscious of the solemn digrdty that flox^ed from him. of his achievement, fra^entar^'-. suggestive, and surpassed. But they were frightened at his survivant xdll, once a xdll to live, now become a xdll to die.2''3 Abe's failure is total, even in the event of his death, for he is beaten to death in a speak-easy, and his family is so humiliated that they do not vxant the murderer apprehended. In The Great Gatsby, also, Albert McKisco is forced into a duel with Tommy Barban by the incessant and insistent talking of his xdfe. McKisco is so afraid of failure that he has never accomplished anything. He is always planning to xjrite a novel. The dud. is the first thing he has done in his life, and though he actually goes into it sick with fear and bolstered by drink, he does manage to meet Barban and fire the pistol. Later, x>re see McKisco awakened to his oxrm capacities and hximbled and improved by his success in the literary world. The success x^Ihich he enjoys is a result of the self-respect created by 65 his participation in the duel, I'anny Schwartz of Th£ Last T:^coon is afraid of failure and commits suicide. Jordan Baker, the professional golfer in ^^e Great Gatsby. is afraid of failure and resorts to cheating. The hero of Th£ Great Gatsby demonstrates his fear of failure in xdnning Daisy back by his nervousness and extreme behavior rather than the usual calm and poise displayed by him. In the "Ice Palace," fear of change dominates Sally Carroll Harper's decisions as she compares the cold ways of the Noriih with her oxm warm, lazy South. Many of Fitzgerald's flappers fear they xdll lose the love proffered them and the deference paid to their beauty. A sense of tragedy is prevalent in most of Fitzgerald's works as a prophetic cloud of disaster overshadoxdng the gay climate of their settings. He describes his subject matter: All the stories that came into my head had a touch of disaster in them—the lovely young creatures in my novels went to ruin. the diamond mountains of my short stories blew up. my mdllionaires were as beautifxil and damned as Thomas Hardy's peasants. In life these things hadn't happened yet. but I xias pretty sure living wasn't the reckless, careless business these people thought.^''^ Fitzgerald observes that his contemporaries are disappearing into the "dark maw of violence." A classmate killed his vdfe and himself on Long Island, another tumbled "accidently" from a skyscraper in Fniladelphia, arx)ther purposely from a slcyscraper in I.'ew York. One was killed in a speak-easy in New York and crawled home to the Princeton Club to die; still another had his skull crushed by a maniac's in an insane asylum Xv'here he was confined.2''5 These catastrophes did not happen, as one might suppose, during the great depression but, as Fitzgerald insists, during the boom and to his friends rather than his acquaintances, fkt times. Fitzgerald gloried in the era in x^hich he lived; but xrtien in a mood of despair, it was to him a "hell-hole of life & time, the xrorld,"2l6 The touch of tragedy incorjDorated in Fitzgerald's works is perhaps not comparable in stature to that in the irork of other writers of the time. Hemingway, Lexds. and Faulkner xrere x-ndting of failure and frustration; theirs were stories of useless struggle against an all-powerful fate which coxild only bring doom. To Fitz- gerald, it was the dream that was the important element of life and, although fxilfiUment of a dream might be thwarted or delayed, the basic idealism supporting it is always just belovr the surface. Fitzgerald's self-ax^areness aided in his development of tragicomedy of manners. He knex-r himself, and he considered his problems and actions typical of his time. He was able to xndte, therefore, of the tra^ gedies of life while nurturing a dream of better things tomorrow; this was his personal experience. CONCLUSION Cumulative evidence substantiates the claim that Fitzgerald, although knoxrm as the Golden Boy of the Jazz Age, depicted the decade as it truly xias. As he describes it: "It x^as an age of miracles, it xras an age of art. it xms an age of excess, and it was an age of satire.2"'7 Fitzgerald's post-mortem description of the Txrenties in "Echoes of the Jazz Age" dated November, 1931, could easily be an historian's account of the time. The-^rticler however, is merely a .reviewof the lives of the characters of his oxm short stories and novels. The historical perspective that his fiction presents is that it reflects the American ideals of morality and conduct for an important decade. He describes the ascension of m.aterialism to the national throne. Fitzgerald's vivid and accurate accounts of A^ierican life in the small tox-m, on the college campus, in New York, in the South, and even abroad are thus so typical that historians quote Fitzgerald's fiction in support of the facts which they present. Tae frenzied timies gave Fitzgerald the basic themes for his vrriting. and, in developing them, Fitzgerald is, in effect, recordin2 the details of the times for posterity, accurately and realistically. Fitzgerald portrays Josephine, the perfect flapper; Dick Divers, the American x.-hose soul is for sale; Gatsby. the American XTho believes money xdll buy everything; Tom Buchanan, the American who trusts explicitly in the power 67 6Q of his wealth; Ifyrtle Wilson, the American woman whose taste for the things money can buy results in infidelity; Jordan Baker, xrho has attained fashionable apathy to the extent of being amoral; Daisy Buchanan and Nicole Warren, examples of mercenary American women x:ho have reached the extent of being fatally irresponsible, Fitzgerald has said that he could not disassociate a man from his work; neither can Fitzgerald be disassociated from his literary efforts. Autobiographical or not. Fitzgerald's xwdtings have proved to be the most lucid representation of the life and times of America during the Tx-renties. The scope of his subject matter covers a cross-section of American life—one too broad to be a false illusion created by a lone writer, regardless of his literary ability or popularity. Indeed, Fitzgerald portrays the facets of the Ti^enties which which he v^as most familiar, and he has^ chosen to depict the more colorful and spectacular phases of the times. He has remained true xdth a Jamesian fidelity to reality, and cannot be taken to task for any short-comings or limitations as an historian. His picture of the period is a true image as he saw it and lived it. NOTES Marvin Barrett, The Years Between (Boston. I962), Foreword, ^Ibid,. p. 21. .r. ON ^'^^ American Twenties, ed, John K, Hutchens (Philadelphia. 1952;, p, 15. ^Barrett, Introduction. 5The American T\jenties. p. 14. ^Barrett, p, 23. 7Frederick Lexds Allen, The Big Chanpie (New York, 1952), p. 131, ^Frederick Lexds Allen, Only Yesterday (New York, 195?), p. 9^9lbid., p. 90. ''O'The American Txjenties. p, I 7 , ''''William E. Leuchtenburg, The P e r i l s of Prosperity (Chicago, 1958). p. 3. "•^JameF Truslow Adams, The March of Democracy; the U, S , . Vol. IV (New York, 1933), p. 272, ''^The American Tx-renties. p, 1 4 , I^Allen. The Big Change, p. 133. . ''5Allen. Only Yesterday, p. 90. I^The Amerdcan Tv-renties, p. 18. ''7Barrett, p , 4 3 , ^^Ibid., p. 43. ^^Allen, Only Yesterday, p. 103. ^^Allen, Tae Big Change, p. 173. ^"^Allen, Only Yesterday, p, 110, ^^Leuchtenburg, p, I67. 69 A His tor:.;- of 70 23 Allen, Only Yesterday, p . 117. ^ . L. Mencken, In Defense of Women (New York, 1922). p , 194, B a r r e t t , p , 29. ^ ^ b i d . , p . 30. ^7ibid, , p. 23. ^ ^ b i d . , p . 23. ^ 9 i b i d , . p . 25, 30lbid, , p , ^, 31' The_ Anerican Tvfenties. p , I 6 , -^^Leuchtenburg, p , 9. ^^Adams, p , 231, - ' l e u c h t e n b u r g , p , 150, ^^encken. p. I75, 36Adams, p . 305. 37Barrett. p , 57. •^^The American Tvrenties. p . 33* 3^The Making of American History/, Vol, I I . Donald Sheehan ed, (New York. 195^;. p . 790. 40I b i d , , p . 791. 41I b i d . , p . 766. ^ ^ I b i d . , p , 767. ^^Allen. Only_Yesterday, p. 97. ^Glenway Wescott, "The Moral of Scott Fitzgerald" in Tae Crack Up by F*, Scott Fitzgerald, ed. Edmund Wilson (New York, 1956) p. 33^* (This essay appeared in The jlex^ Renublic of February 17, 19^1. just after Fitzgerald's death,T~ 71 -^Paul Rosenfeld, " F . S c o t t F i t z g e r a l d , " i n Tne Crack-Un by F . S c o t t F i t z g e r a l d , ed. Ed-und Wilson (New York, 1956), p . 313. ( T h i s e s s a y appeared i n Paul R o s e n f e l d ' s Men Seen: Twent--?o^jr Modern A u t h o r s , t h e p r e f a c e t o which i s dated Febraar:,^ 14, 1925.) 46 m. Typical of critical acclaim following Fitzgerald's death are the folloxdng statements: John Dos Passes: It's the quality of detaching itself from its period vjhile embodying its period that marks a piece of xrork as good, I xsTiuld have no quarrel with any critic who examined Scott Fitzgerald's work and declared that in his opinion it did not detach itself from its period. l^fy answer would be that my ' opinion was different, (Fitzgerald, The Crack-Up, p, 333.) John K. Hutchens: The first of the Tvrenties' vrriters of enduring importance fully to 'arrive' after the decade began, he seemed forever conscious of the speed xdth which time flox^ed past him. And now, sooner or later, any consideration of the Twenties must come back to him and linger there. Their pace and despairs, their successes and self-induced tragedies filled in almost too perfect measure the life of one x-xhose first novel was a new generation's declaration of independence, (The American Tv/enties, p, 27,) Marxdn Barrett: Of all the people x^jho knew both Paris and Hollywood in the Years Between, none bridged the gap betx:een the tvro cities so significantly as Fitzgerald, seeing the beauty of one, the fascination of the other, seeking out their weaknesses, recording them, taking advantage of them, underlining them with his own, (The Years Between, p. 55») ^7Arthur Mizener, The Far Side of Paradise (Boston, 1951). p. 10. ^Ibid.. p, 86, ^The Letters of F. Scott Fitzgerald, ed, Andrew Turnbull (New York. I963), p, 139, (Hereinafter referred to as Letters.) 50lbid., p, 376. 51Ibid,, p, 376, ^^Mizener. p, 90, 53lbid.. p, 82. 5^bid.. p, 52. 55lbid,. p. 213, 72 56Letters. p. 423, 57Mizener, p, 49. ^ F , Scott Fitzgerald, Three Novels of F, Scott Fitzgerald (New York, 1953). Introduction to Tae Great Gatsby, llalcolm Covdey, p. ix. (Hereinafter referred to as Three Novels,) ^^Charles E. Shain, F, Scott Fitzgerald (Minneapolis, I96I), p. 31. ^OMatthew J, Bmiccoli, The Com-oosition of Tender Is the Ili'^ht (Pittsburgh. 1963), p. 125, ^ ^^Mizener, p, 292, 62 Allen, Only Yesterday, p, 90. ^3sergio Perosa, The Art of F. Scott Fitzgerald (Ann Arbor, I965). p. 42. ^ ^ , Scott Fitzgerald, This Side of Paradise (Mew York, 1920), p. 15. ^5ibid., p. 20, ^^bid,. p. 65. ^^Ibid,. p. 99. ^8perosa, p. I6. ^^Alfred Kazin. On Native Grounds (New York, 19^2), p, 36, 70Letters. p. 377. '^"'itatL.. p. ^ 9 . '^^The Crack Up, p , 15* 7 3 L e t t e r s . p , 145. 7 ^ . S c o t t F i t z g e r a l d , B^bvlon Re-/isited and Other S t o r i e s (New York, i 9 6 0 ) , p , 167. ( H e r e i n a f t e r r e i e r r e a to as £ a c - i o n . ) 7 5 F , S c o t t F i t z g e r a l d , Flanners and Philosophers (New York. 1920). p. 76. 7^Fitzgerald. Babylon, p. 214. 73 77,,. Fitzgerald, Flappers and Philosonhers. p. I73. ^ ^ e t t e r s . p , 530. '^Perosa. p. 32, Fitzgerald. Babylon, p, 30. 81 Letters, p, 55, 82 Fitzgerald, Babylon, p. 36, ^^itzgerald. Three Novels: The Great Gatsby. p. 30. ^^bid., p. 32. ^^Ibid.. p. 39. 86 Ibid,, p. 45, 87James E. Miller, Jr., F_^ Scott Fitzgerald. His Art and His Technique (New York. 1964). p, 146. 88perosa. p, 124. ^^Fitzgerald. Three_._Novels: Tender Is the Night, p. 201 9Qibid.. p. 231. 9^Ibid., p. 332. 92ibid.. p. 33^93ibid.. p. 312. 9^bid.. p. 322. 95ibid,. p. 176. 9^Shain, p. 25, ^^Ta^e Crack UP. p, 320, 98Letters. p, 590, ^^Shain, p. 6. ^°^b)id.. p. 7. 7^ 01L e t t e r s , p . 312, 02E r n e s t Hemingx>ray, The Short S t o r i e s of Ernest Heminr-wa-.' (New York. 1938), p , 7 2 . 03S h a i n . p , 7 , °\ e t t e r s , p . 311, ^ ^ F i t z g e r a l d , Three_Kovels; Tae Great Gatsby. p . i x , Q^bid. ^^Mizener, p. 127, ^^itzgerald. Three Novels: The Great Gatsby, p, xi, ^^Mizener. p. 73. 10 Ibid., p, 78, 11Ibid,, p, 9^. ^^Ibid.. p, 123. '-^Letters, p, 333. % b i d . . p, 329. "'^Fitzgerald, Tnree Novels; The Great Gatsby, p, xii. 1 ^Letters, p. '+57. ^7ibid,. p, 529. ""Fitzgerald, Three Novels: The Last Tycoon, p. 141, ''^Fitzgerald, Flappers and Philosoi^hers, p, I66, ^^Ibid.. p. 164. ^ ' ' F i t z g e r a l d , Babylori, p . 113. ^ ^ I b i d . . p , 129. 2 3 i b i d . , p . 77. 75 ^ % b i d . . p . 105, ^25ibid p. 109. ^2^bid p. 187. ^27mz ^^316, Three Novels: 123.Ibid p . 15. ''!lbid p. 91. ^30_Ibid p . 113. ^31^Ibid p. 11^. 132_ibid p . 6. ^33ibid p . 70. ^ 3 ^ p . 64. 135ibid p. 136ibid p . 80, 137ibid p. 81. ^38ibid p . 136. The Greax Gatsby. p . 6. ^. ^39ibid 140 See Malcolm Cowley's Introduction to Tender.Is the Night in F i t z g e r a l d ' s Three Novels, p, x i i . ''^''Fitzgerald, Three Novels: Tender Is the Night, p . 22. 142 I b i d . , p . 28, 143I b i d . , p, 45. ^ ^ ^ \ e t t e r s . p, 442. ''^5Fitzgerald, Three Novels: Tender Is the Night, p, 54, ^ ^ b i d . , p, 56. 76 ^^Tlbid- p. 151. ^^ibid. p. 193. ^^Ibid. p, 152. 150 Ibid. p. 173. 151 Ibid. p. 324, 1 ^ Letters, p, 102, ^3F. Scott Fitzgerald, This Side of Paradise (New York, 1920), p. 45. ^^^bid.. p, 76, ''55Allen, Only Yesterday, p, 9I, ^ ^ ^ t t e r s , p. 158. 1 '57 -^/F. Scott Fitzgerald, The Beautiful and the Da-^.ned (New York, 1922). p, 83. (Hereinafter referred to as Tae ::^e£utiful.) ^%Iizener. p, 49, ''^Fitzgerald, Babylon, p. 121, ^^^Ibid.. p. 55* Fitzgerald, Flappers and Philosophers, p. 139. ^^3ibid.. p. 73. ^^Fitzgerald. The Beautiful, p, 81, ^ ^^Ibid,, p, ^^. "'^F. Scott Fitzgerald, The Stories of F. Scott Fit2-:ergld (New York, 1953), p. 251, (Hereinafter referred to as Tae Stories,) ^^'^Fitzgerald. Babylon, p, 122. ^^^Ibid., p. 166. 77 169 Fitzgerald. Tae Stories, p. 372. Fitzgerald, Flappers and Philosophers, p, II7. ^'^''ibid.. p, 26, ^72ibid,, p. 135. ''73Fitzgerald. Babylon, p. S^. •^^itzgerald, Flappers and Philosophers, p, 26. '''^^Ibid., p. 35. "• 7Fitzgerald. The Stories, p. 368, ^7Fj_tzgerald. Flappers and Philosophers, p. 129, ''^Spitzgerald, The Beautiful, p. 95. '^Fitzgerald. Flappers and Philosophers, p. 35. ''^^Fitzgerald, Babylon, p. 121, 181 Fitzgerald. Flappers and Philosophers, p, 18. ^Q^Ibid.. p. 132. ''^3ti'itzgerald. The Beautiful, p , 64. ''84pitzgerald. Flappers and Philosophers, p . 121, ^ ^ ^ b i d . , p . 58. ^ Q ^ e t t e r s . p. I58. ^Q7The Crack UP, p . 1^2, ' ' ^ ^ L e t t e r s , p , 96. "•^^Allen, The Big Change, p, 136, ''^^Letters, p, 414. ^^^Ibid.. p. 32^. "•^^Andrew Turnbull. Scott Fitzgerald (New York. 1962). p. 133. ^^3The Crack UP. p . I30. ^ ^ \ b i d . , p . 141, ^95ibid. p . 132. 196'Ibid. p . 149, 197I b i d . p . 151. I98ibid. p . 169. ''99Fitzgerald. Babylon, p . I35, 200' i b i d . , p . 186. 201 202 F i t z g e r a l d , Tae S t o r i e s , p . 253. Perosa, p . 37. 203I b i d . , p . 4 1 , ^ ^ ^ i t z g e r a l d , The Beautiful, p . 43. ^05Fitzgerald. Three I b v e l s : Tn-^ Great Gn.tsby. 7. 1' 206- [bid.. Tender I s the Night, p, 309. ^Q^ibid.. p . 301. 203g b i d . . p . 300. 209' i b i d . , p . 225, 210' i b i d . , p . 2 3 1 . 2''''ibid.. The Great Gatsby, p. S4, ^''^Ibid.. Tender Is the Night, p, 143, ^''3ibid., p. 1 ^ , ^''Vne Crack Up, p, 87. ^''^Ibid., p. 20, ^''^Letters, p. 328. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, James Truslow, The March of Democracy. A Histor:/ of tho Ur/testates. Vol. IV: America and V/orld p'owerl :,'ew York: Charles' Scribner's Sons, I933. Allen, Frederick Lexds, .The Big Change, 1952. • Ona.y Yesterday. New York: New York: Harper & Bros,, Harper, 1957, The American TxTentics. Edited by John K. Hutchens. Fniladelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1952, Barrett. Marvin, The Years Betx-reen, Boston: Company, 1962, Little. Broxm and Bruccoli, !:atthew Joseph. The Composition of Tender Is the Night, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, I963, rne Crack-Up: \' •^ '' F, Scott Fitzgerald, Edited by Edmund Wilson, New York: James Laughlin, 1945, Dardels. Jonathan, The End of Innocence, Nex^ York: J. B. Lippincott Company. 195^* Fitzgerald. F. Scott. Babylon Revisited and Other S t o r i e s , Charles Scribner»s Sons, I96O, , The Beautiful and Damned. 1922. » Flappers and Fnilosophers, Nex^ York: New York: New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1959. , , , S t o r i e s of F, Scott F i t z g e r a l d . Sons, 1953. This Side of Paradise. New York: New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 19^0 Three Novels of F. Scott Fitzgerald. Scribner's Sons, 1953. Graham, Sheilah. Beloved Infidel. 79 Charles Scribner's New York: N'ew York: Charles H. Holt, 1958. 80 Hemingway, Ernest. The Short Stories of Ernest Hemingway. Charles Scribner's Sons, 1933. New York: '^^^Kazin, Alfred. F. Scott Fitz^-erald: the Man and His Work. World Publishing Company, I951, • On Native Grounds. New Yor^: Cleveland: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1942. The Letters of F. Scott Fitzgerald. Edited by Andrew Tumbxill. York: Charles Scribner's Sons, I963. Leuchtenburg, \iilliam E. The Perils of Prospeidty. of Chicago Press, 1953, The Maldng of American Histor^^. Vol. II. New York: Dryden Press. 1954. Mencken, H. L. Chicago: New University Edited by Donald Sheehan. In Defense of Vfomen. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1922. Miller. James Edx-dn Jr. F. Scott Fitzgerald. His Art and His Technique. New York: Nex-i York University Press. 1964. Mizener. Arthur. Tae Far wSide of Paradise. Company. 1951* Boston: V Perosa, Sergio. The Art of F. Scott Fitzc-erald, University of Michigan Press, I965. Houghton Mifflin Ann Arbor: The Shain, Charles E. F. Scott Fitzgerald. Pamphlets on American V/riters, No. 15. Mirmeapolis: University of I-Iinnesota Press, I96I. ^Turnbull, Andrew. Scott Fitzgerald. Sons, 1962, New York: Charles Scribner's