Indefinite Wh in Mandarin Chinese
Author(s): Yen-Hui Audrey Li
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Journal of East Asian Linguistics, Vol. 1, No. 2 (May, 1992), pp. 125-155
Published by: Springer
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YEN-HUI
INDEFINITE
Wh
AUDREY
LI
IN MANDARIN
CHINESE*
VWz-words inMandarin
Chinse can have a non-interrogative
indefinite interpretation
as well as an interrogative
one. The occurrence
Wh -element
of a non-interrogative
is subject to certain semantic
it needs a c-commanding
and syntactic
constraints:
in terms of the
Wh licensor, the set of the licensors being defined
non-interrogative
effect on the truth value of a proposition.
The relation between
the non-interroga
tive Wh and its licensor is a binder-variable
relation, like the one that exists between
an interrogative
Wh and a question
of given
operator. Appropriate
interpretations
W/z-elements
bound
by
operator,
Minimality
are determined
is
of the binder:
if a Wfc-element
by the property
a question
it is an interrogative;
if bound by a non-question
operator,
to a
it is a non-interrogative.
The binder-variable
relation
is subject
and displays Blocking
and Specificity
effects.
requirement
INDEFINITE Wh INMANDARIN CHINESE
not only are interrogative words
in (Mandarin) Chinese
a non-interroga
as
as
to
in
interrogative Wh)
(referred
(la) but also have
as
to
indefinite Wh
tive indefinite interpretation
'some, any' (referred
in
illustrated
henceforth),
(lb):
W/z-words
(1) a.
Ta
he
yiwei wo
think I
xihuan shenme?
like
what
'What does he think I like?'
b.
Ta
he
yiwei wo
think I
xihuan
like
shenme.
what
'He thinks that I like something.'
In general, an interrogative Wh occurs freely, as long as there is no
violation of selectional requirements. The distribution of an indefinite Wh,
however, is much more restricted. Typically, it occurs in negative polarity
contexts (see Huang (1982, ch. 4) for relevant discussions). This captures
the unacceptability
(1)
c.
of (lc):
*Wo
xihuan
I
like
'I like
shenme.1
what
something.'
Journal
?
1,125?155,1992.
of East Asian Linguistics
in the Netherlands.
1992 Kluwer Academic
Publishers.
Printed
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126
LI
AUDREY
YEN-HUI
occurrence
of an indefinite Wh is not limited to negative polarity
the matter is
contexts, however, as (lb) shows. What further complicates
that (2a), which minimally differs from (lb) in the type of matrix verbs, is
unacceptable. Moreover,
(2b), in contrast to (lc), is acceptable.
The
a.
(2)
*Ta baoyuan
he complain
wo
xihuan
I
like
'He complained
b.
Wo
I
tingdao
hear
'I heard
shenme.
what
that I like something/anything.'
le shenme
le.
what
something.'
contrast between (lb) and (lc) indicates that embedding affects the
availability of an indefinite Wh. The contrast between (lb) and (2a) shows
that the matrix verb affects the availability of an indefinite Wh in the
under a proper verb, however,
is not the
embedded clause. Embedding
a
If
with
the
marker
device.
different
verb, together
le,2 is used
only saving
in cases similar to (lc), an indefinite Wh becomes possible again, as in
The
(2b).
A preliminary survey suggests that the distribution of the indefinite Wh
factors. The task of
is affected by a complex set of seemingly unrelated
within
to
the
for
is
search
this paper
complexity and seek
generalizations
I
factors.
will
unrelated
show
that the distribu
the
links among
seemingly
Wh
is
constrained
various
semantic
and syntactic
of
indefinite
the
tion
by
truth
of
value
the proposition
it is affected by the
factors: semantically,
containing the indefinite Wh; syntactically, an indefinite Wh behaves like a
variable. It requires
obeys a Minimality
Specificity effect.
a licensor
to be c-commanded
by it. It
a Blocking
effect and a
and needs
and
constraint
displays
This paper is divided into two parts: one on the semantic
the other on the syntactic constraints. The semantic
and
essentially
concern
the
effect
of
truth
value
on
the
constraints
constraints
distribution
of
the
indefinite Wh. Various
types of contexts are examined, which include the
contexts
negative polarity
(section 1), non-factive verb contexts (section 2)
and contexts of tentativeness and inference (section 3). The generaliza
tions
concerning
the
syntactic
constraints
are
reached
by
examining
the
structural relation between the indefinite Wh and the element that licenses
it (section 4) and investigating the interaction between the indefinite Wh
and the interrogative Wh (section 5).
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INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
1. Negative
A
Polarity
127
CHINESE
Wh3
common
usage of the indefinite Wh is to be a negative polarity item
for
Ladusaw
instance,
(see,
(1980), Linebarger
(1981), Huang
(1982),
Progovac (1988)). It does not occur in positive statements but occurs in
typical
negative
such
contexts,
polarity
as
negation,
questions,
and
condi
tionals.
1.1. Negation
a typical negative polarity item, the indefinite Wh does not occur
positive statement (3). It occurs in a negative sentence (4):4
As
*Ta xihuan
(3)
he
in a
shenme.5
like
what
'He likes something/anything.'
(4)
Ta
bu
xihuan
he
not
like
'He doesn't
A
negative
position,
position
of verbs
position
(5b):
(5) a.
Ta
he
*
Shenme
what
not allow
does
the
indefinite
bu wei shenme ren
man
not for what
'He does
b.
like anything.'
an indefinite Wh to occur in any
in object
Wh is allowed
Although
in
not
it
allowed
and
is
subject
prepositions
(4)
(5a),6
sentence
however.
shenme.
what
not work
ren
man
bu
not
'Someone/Anyone
zuo
shi.
do
thing
for anyone.'
xihuan
like
ta.
him
does not like him.'
In addition to negation, an indefinite Wh is available in other
negative polarity contexts such as questions and conditionals.
typical
1.2. Questions
Among the different types of questions, an indefinite Wh occurs in yes/no
questions (ma questions) most freely: it occurs in either subject or object
position:
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128
(6)
YEN-HUI
a.
ren
Shei/Shenme
who/what
'Does anyone
b.
Ta
xihuan
he
like
ta
xihuan
like
man
LI
AUDREY
ma?
him Q(uestion
marker)
like him?'
shenme ma?
what
Q
'Does he like something(anything)?'
are the most restrictive. They
Wz-questions
in either subject or object position:
ren
Shei/Shenme
(7)
shenme?
xihuan
like
man
who/what
do not allow an indefinite Wh
what
'Who likes what?'
(7) can only be
can
elements
have
as a multiple
interpreted
an
indefinite
a.
who/what
ren
xi-bu-xihuan
ta?
like-not-like
him
'Does someone/anyone
b.
they allow
man
*Shei/Shenme
Ta
xi-bu-xihuan
he
like-not-like
of the Wh
interpretation.
questions come in between:
object position but not subject position:
A-not-A
(8)
neither
question;
an indefinite Wh
in
like him?'
shenme?
what
'Does he like something/anything?'
1.3. Conditionals
just like m?-questions,
Conditionals,
(9) a.
Yaoshi/Ruguo
if
'If anyone
b.
Yaoshi/Ruguo
if
likes
allow an indefinite Wh freely:
shenme ren
man
what
(shei)
who
xihuan
like
ta....
him
him....'
ta
xihuan
he
like
shenme....
what
'Ifhe likes anything
In brief, an indefinite Wh occurs
the analyses of negative
Following
in typical negative polarity contexts.
items (see, among others,
polarity
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INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
Progovac
licensed.
we may
(1988)),
The
assume
can be
licensor
a
129
CHINESE
that an indefinite Wh
a
negation,
question,
2. NoN-FAcnvE
to be
needs
or a conditional.7
Verbs
The distribution of an indefinite Wh, however, extends beyond the nega
tive polarity contexts: we do find certain positive contexts permitting an
indefinite Wh. For instance, even though the positive sentence (10a) is not
acceptable with the indefinite Wh, it becomes
(10) a. *Ni
you
xihuan
like
shenme
possible when embedded:
(dongxi).8
thing
what
'You like something/anything.'
b.
Wo
I
yiwei/renwei/cai/xiwang
think/think/guess/hope
'I think/guess/hope
ni
xihuan
you
like
shenme
what
(dongxi).
thing
that you like something.'
does not always make an indefinite Wh available, however.
to (10b), are not possible with the indefinite Wh
(11a?b),
interpretation:
Embedding
in contrast
(11) a.*Wo
I
houhui/aonao
zuo
regret/upset
do
shenme
what
(shiqing).
thing
'I regret/am upset having done something/anything.'
b.
*Wo baoyuan/zhidao9
I
complain/know
'I complained/knew
a
non-factive
illustrate
this
verb
you
what
do/like
something/anything.'
differ in the type of matrix verbs: the former
and
the
a
latter,
one.
factive
(12a?b)
further
contrast:
(12) a. Wo
I
yiwei ni
think you
fandui/kandao
*Wo baoyuan
I
complain
'I complained
shenme
to/saw something.'
ni
fandui/kandao
you
oppose/see
that you were
(dongxi).
thing
what
oppose/see
'I thought you were opposed
b.
shenme.
zuo/xihuan
that you did/liked
(10b) and (1 la?b) minimally
has
ni
shenme
what
opposed
to/saw
(dongxi).
thing
something/any
thing.'
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130
thus suggest
(10?12)
be
licensed
by
follow
immediately
polarity
polarity contexts
of
semantics
are
polarity
to negation:
related
does
however,
generalization,
that an indefinite Wh
In an
constructions.
Progovac
conditionals),
an indefinite Wh
generalization:
This
from the observation
these
all negative
among
verb.10
can
not
is like a
and negative
item. What, then, is shared by non-factive
that makes an indefinite Wh possible? The answer lies in
negative
the
the following
a non-factive
LI
AUDREY
YEN-HUI
effort
to
seek
a common
link
contexts
(1988)
questions
(including negation, questions, and
argues that all negative polarity contexts
and
have
conditionals
an
extra-clausal
the propositions
expressed in them.
negative-like operator c-commanding
is
The only difference between negation and the negative-like
operator
and the latter
that the former inverts the truth value of a proposition
cancels the truth value of a proposition. For instance, while the negation in
(13) is to invert the truth value of its positive counterpart he is here, the
in (14a?b)
does not have a fixed truth value: neither of the
proposition
sentences entails the truth of the proposition he is here.11
is not here.
He
(13)
(14) a.
Is he here?
b.
If he
is here....
to link the non-factive
context to
Progovac's proposal makes it possible
the negative polarity context: for a non-factive verb, the truth value of its
embedded
clause is not fixed. In contrast, the truth of a proposition
embedded under a factive verb is implied. To illustrate, (15) contains a
non-factive verb; the truth of the embedded clause is not implied (he may
be here and he may not be here). In (16), which contains a factive verb,
the embedded clause must be true (he must be here):
(15)
I think he is here.
(16)
I know he is here.
Since
the
embedded
clause
of non-factive
verbs,
just
like
conditionals
and
questions, does not have a fixed truth value, it is not surprising that non
factive contexts allow an indefinite Wh as well.
The generalization
that emerges from the discussion
above is that an
indefinite Wh is permitted in contexts where the truth of the proposition
is
not asserted/implied:
either the truth value is not fixed as in the contexts
of
questions,
conditionals,
in the negation
contexts.
and
non-factive
complements
or
is negated
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as
INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
131
CHINESE
3. Extension
shows the relevance of truth value to the
to
it possible
This generalization makes
an indefinite Wh occurring
in positive
The
just reached
generalization
an
Wh.
indefinite
of
licensing
accommodate
other cases of
contexts: it can be extended to
truth of a proposition
the cases where
the force of asserting
the
is lessened.
3.1.
Tentativeness
and Uncertainty
It has been noted in the literature (see, for example, Lii (1980)) that the
use of an indefinite Wh indicates tentativeness or uncertainty. What
I
would like to suggest here is in fact the other way around: it is not because
a statement tentative or
of the use of an indefinite Wh that makes
uncertain; rather, it is because of the tentativeness or uncertainty of a
that makes an indefinite Wh possible. This is most
illustrated
obviously
by the fact that an indefinite Wh often requires the
cooccurrence of expressions denoting uncertainty of tentativeness such as
linguistic
context
dagai/keneng
'probably1,
of,
appearance
yexu
'seem',
haoxiang
sihu
'seem',
de
yangzi
'perhaps':
(17) a. *Ta xihuan shenme.
he like
what
'He
b.
Ta
he
likes
something.'
dagai/keneng
xihuan
probably
like
'He probably
c.
d.
haoxiang
xihuan
he
seem
like
seems
to like
Ta
sihu
xihuan
he
seem
like
seems
to like
'He
e.
likes something.1
Ta
'He
Ta
xihuan
he
like
shenme.
what
shenme
what
shenme.
what
something.'
shenme.
what
something.'
de
DE
yangzi.
appearance
'It looks that he likes something.'
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'the
132
YEN-HUI
(17) f. Ta
he
yexu
xihuan
perhaps
like
'He may
like
the
more
expression
'seem,
simply occur
or
tentative
occur
probably'
shenme.
what
something.'
indefinite Wh cannot
An
LI
AUDREY
in
the
in a sentence
uncertain.
like (17a) and make
when
However,
some
sentence,
of
degree
words
like
or
uncertainty
tentativeness
is expressed. An indefinite Wh becomes possible.
In other
words, in addition to the contexts where the truth value is negated or not
or
fixed, an indefinite Wh is licensed in the contexts of tentativeness
when
the
truth
of
the
not
is
uncertainty, i.e.,
proposition
straightforwardly
It is a weaker
asserted.
a tentative
assertion:
3.2
or uncertain
one.
It
Inference
or
to the use of explicit expressions
denoting uncertainty
a
can
the
of
the
truth of
tentativeness,
weakening
asserting
proposition
also be achieved by the use of le (see n. 2), thereby licensing the occur
In addition
rence of an indefinite Wh. Among
the many uses of le, according
to Li
one
to
on
is
denote
the
the
of
the
realization
part
(1981),
and Thompson
a
that
speaker
of
change
state
has
occurred
or
an
event
has
happened.
Note that a speaker may realize the happening of an event or change of
state through his direct observation of the happening/change
of state or
his
through
of
observation
the
environment,
then
making
inference
according to his evaluation of the contexts and world knowledge. For the
latter, the speaker need not see the actual happening of the event/change
state
of
to
conclude
that
something
has
happened.
Inferences,
however,
a statement
are not as direct and straightforward as factual descriptions:
based on inference (circumstantial evidence) is more tentative and uncer
tain than direct and straightforward description of a fact. Such tentative
ness
or uncertainty
point,
(18)
compare
the
a. *Ta
zuo
he
do
hence
following
licenses
an
indefinite
Wh. To
illustrate
sentences:
shenme.
what
'He did something.'
b. Ta
he
zuo (le)
do
shenme
le.
what
'He did something.'
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this
(19) a. *Ta kandao
what
'He saw
something.'
b. Ta
kandao
(le) shenme
see
he
'He saw
133
shenme.
see
he
CHINESE
Wh IN MANDARIN
INDEFINITE
le.
what
something.'
The minimal contrast between (18a) and (19a) on the one hand and (18b)
and (19b) on the other shows that the indefinite Wh is possible because of
the existence of le. To understand why le licenses an indefinite Wh in such
cases, we give a situation where a sentence like (19b) is felicitous. Suppose
someone has been looking out of the window. Suddenly this person stands
up, sticks his head out of the window as if to look at something more
The
closely.
can,
speaker
based
then,
on
the
statement
the
make
situation,
in (19b), although he does not go to the window to find out whether this
person has indeed seen something. The statement in (19b) thus is based
on the speaker's realization of the changes in the situation and making
inference according
to his evaluation of the situation (circumstantial
evidence).
In short, the use of le, which denotes the realization on the part of the
speaker that something has happened or a change of state has occurred,
makes
it possible for the speaker to state something based on circum
stantial
stantial
evidence
rather
evidence
are more
on direct evidence. An
Chinese
statements
munication)
use"
stantial
is not
of
the
the
speaker's
evidence.
tentative
and
a
in using
to
notes
the "circumstantial
direct
uncertain
on
based
Statements
than
circum
statements
based
to make
certain
indefinite Wh thus can occur.
alone
according
also
than
this
aspect
use
of
marker.
/e" makes
inference
particular
circumstantial
from
aspect
the
the
Kim
in Korean:
markers
Along
it possible
form
linguistic
evidence.12
same
lines,
com
(personal
the "circum
we
to state something
situation.
Inference
may
say
according
normally
is
that
to
less
definite or certain that a factual description; i.e., the force of asserting the
truth of a proposition made by inference is weaker than that of a proposi
tion based on direct factual descriptions. This reduced force of asserting
the truth of a proposition
is what permits an indefinite Wh ? the extended
contexts licensing an indefinite WhP
Summarizing, an indefinite Wh occurs in:
(20) a. contexts where
the truth value is negated: negation
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134
(20) b.
c.
contexts
where
tionals,
non-factive
contexts
where
probably
LI
AUDREY
YEN-HUI
is not fixed: questions,
the truth value
verb
the
contexts,
condi
complements
truth
is not
value
asserted
directly:
seem,
le
circumstantial
together state that an indefinite Wh is licensed in contexts where
(20a?c)
the truth value of the proposition
is not positively
fixed in a definite
manner.
In this section we discussed
the contexts where an indefinite Wh can
occur. Within
the respective contexts, there are further constraints on the
positions where an indefinite Wh is possible. We turn to these constraints
next.
4. S-STRUCTURE C-COMMAND
As noted earlier, there is a subject/object
asymmetry in the availability of
an indefinite Wh
contexts and the absence of such an
in negation
in the contexts of questions and conditionals
asymmetry
(sections 1.2?
a
This
is
if
is
structural
difference
"c-command"
expected
require
1.3).
ment between
the indefinite Wh and its licensor, following the analysis of
negative polarity items (see, for example, Progovac
(1988)). A node A
c-commands B iff the first branching node .dominating A also dominates B
to the binary-branching
phrase structure
(Reinhart (1983)). According
a
sentence
for
like
rules of Huang
Chinese,
(21) will have the
(1982)
structure in (22), assuming Chomsky
(21)
wo
Ta
bu
wei
he
not
for me
extended X' notation)
(1986)'s
zuo
shi.
do
thing
'He doesn't do things for me.'
(22) CP
A
C
IP
A
NPl VP
A
neg
VP
A
PP
A
V
A
P NP2 V NP3
ta
bu
wei
I wo I zuoI \shi
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INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
CHINESE
135
the object of the preposition
In this structure, the negation c-commands
the
but
does not c-command
and
the
of
the
verb
object
(NP2)
(NP3)
a
as
of
An
Wh
is
therefore
indefinite
object
subject (NP1).
possible
This
c-command
or
a
not
the
but
in
verb
subject position.
preposition
requirement captures the contrast
repeated as (23a?c) here:
(23) a. Ta bu
he not
Ta
bu
he
not
'He does
c. Shenme
what
(4) and
(5 a?b),
xihuan shenme.
like
what
'He doesn't
b.
sentences
between
like anything.'
wei
ren
zuo
shi.
man
do
thing
shenme
for what
not work
ren
man
for anyone.'
ta?
him
bu xihuan
not like
not
does
*'Someone/anyone
like him.'
'Who does not like him?'
is the relevant structural notion can be further supported
the
by
unavailability of the indefinite Wh in (24) where the negation
occurs within a sentential subject:
That c-command
*Ta bu
(24)
he
not
lai
dui
come
to
ren
shenme
man
what
zui
hao.
most
good
'That he does not come is the best for someone'
of
c-command
requirement also accounts for the unacceptability
?
and
where
is
the
of
the
adverb
captures
part
negation
'unhappily'
(25 a)
the contrast between (25b) and (25 c), whose minimal difference lies in the
position of negation:
This
(25)
a. *Ta bu-gaoxing
he not-happy
de
zuo
DE
do
shenme.
what
'He did something unhappily.'
b.
Ta
bu
he
not with what
'He does
gen
not
shenme
speak
ren
man
with
shuohua.
speak
anyone.'
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136
(25)
c. *Ta gen
he with
ren
shenme
not
'He does
bu
not
man
what
with
speak
LI
AUDREY
YEN-HUI
shuohua.
speak
anyone.'
For conditionals,
if the conditional marker ruguo, yaoshi 'if is the element
that licenses the indefinite Wh, it is clear that c-command directly captures
the contrast between (26a?b) on the one hand and (26c) on the other:15
(26) a. Ruguo
if
ren
shenme
ta xihuan
like
he
'Ifhe likes someone,
c. *Ruguo
if
like
ta, jiu
gen
he then with
wo
me
jiang.
tell
gen wo
jiu
then with me
jiang.
tell
likes him, then tell me/
'If someone
b. Ruguo
if
xihuan
man
what
wo
xihuan
I
like
shenme
what
ren,
man
then tell me.'
shenme ren
ta,
man
what
him
hui
will
hen
very
gaoxing.
happy
'If I like him, someone will be happy.1
question, if the question marker ma is in the complementizer
both
the question marker would c-command
position (see Lee (1986)),
the subject and object NP in the clause, hence licensing an indefinite Wh
in both positions:
For yes/no
CP
(27)
ma
IP
The
same c-command
(28a?b)
requirement
is illustrated
in the contrast
between
and (29):
(28) a. Wo
I
yiwei ta xihuan shenme.
what
think he like
'I thought he liked something.'
b. Wo
I
yiwei
shenme
think what
'I thought someone
ren
xihuan
ta.
man
like
him
liked him.'
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CHINESE
INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
*
Shenme
(29)
ren
yiwei wo
think I
man
what
xihuan
ta.
like
him
137
'Someone thought that I liked him.'
le also obeys
The licensing of an indefinite Wh by the circumstantial
the c-command requirement if we assume that le is in the INFL position
V NP2]] I], following Aoun and
NP1 [VP
and the clausal structure is [IP [VP
Li's (1989) proposal concerning the constituent structure of Chinese. The
le in INFL c-commands
both the internal subject NP1 and the object
NP2.16 This account predicts that an indefinite Wh cannot occur in an
is the case:
external subject position, which
*
(30) a. Shenme
what
ren,
man
xiaohai
na
child
take wrong
cuo
dongxi
thing
'Someone, (his) child has taken the wrong
b. Shenme
ren
de
xiaohai
na
what
man
DE
child
take wrong
'Someone's
has
child
taken
le.
thing.'
cuo
the wrong
dongxi
le.
thing
thing.'
The indefinite Wh must be part of the internal subject NP (the possessor),
as indicated by the obligatoriness of de in (30b).
The discussion in the previous paragraphs shows that an indefinite Wh
that such
must be c-commanded
is evidence
by its licensor. There
must
licensing
take
at
place
evidence
The
S-Structure.
distribution
not-A
of the indefinite Wh in A-not-A
questions.
questions allow an indefinite Wh in object position
comes
from
the
Recall that A
but not subject
position:
(8)
a.
*
Shenme
what
'Does
b.
ren
xi-bu-xihuan
ta?
man
like-not-like
him
like him?'
someone/anyone
shenme?
Ta
xi-bu-xihuan
he
like-not-like
what
'Does he like something/anything?'
form undergoes
It has been proposed
that the A-not-A
raising at LF to
the COMP position (Huang (1982)). This amounts to saying that at LF,
A-not-A
1.2),
questions
since
the A-not-A
should
behave
form
would
exactly
end
ma
like
up
in
the
questions
(see
same
position
section
as ma.
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138
LI
AUDREY
YEN-HUI
form will c-command
it is raised to COMP, the A-not-A
the subject
to
to
the
at LF,
the
Were
in
indefinite
Wh
be
licensed
addition
NP,
object.
sentence (8a) would be acceptable. On the other hand, if it is licensed at
of (8a), in contrast to the acceptability of
S-Structure, the unacceptability
that
the A-not-A
form c-commands
from
the
fact
the object
(8b), follows
at
accounts
this level. It also
for the acceptability of
but not the subject
After
by theA-not-A
the subject is c-commanded
(8c) where
(8) c.
ren
shenme
Shi-bu-shi
xihuan
ta?
like
him
man
what
be-not-be
form:
like him?'
'Does someone/anyone
license an indefinite Wh in
the fact that A-not-A
questions
not
but
object position, together with the proposal that
subject position
form undergoes
the A-not-A
raising at LF, led us to conclude that an
indefinite Wh must be licensed by a c-commanding element at S-Structure.
In addition to the c-command requirement, there are a Blocking effect
and a Minimality
requirement on the relation between the indefinite Wh
In brief,
and the element
are manifested
in the cases involving
and
Wh
the indefinite
the interrogative Wh.
it.They
that licenses
the interaction between
5. INTERACTIONWITH THE INTERROGATIVE Wh
Consider
the following
(31) a. Ta
he
sentences:
yiwei shei xihuan shenme.
what
think who like
'He thought somebody
b. Ta
he
liked something.'
yiwei shei xihuan shenme
what
think who like
ne?
W/i-Q(uestion
he thought x liked y?'
marker)
'Who(x), what(y),
*
Who(x), he thought x liked something?'
*'What(y), he thought somebody
*'He thought who
As
Wh,
illustrated, who
due
to
liked what.'
and what
the presence
of
liked y?'
the
in (31a) can be interpreted
non-factive
verb
think.
as an indefinite
In contrast,
neither
can be interpreted as an indefinite Wh in
of the W/i-elements
(31b) where
a Wh -question marker is present. They must be interpreted as an inter
rogative.
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INDEFINITE
Similar
Wh IN MANDARIN
occur
restrictions
in
case
the
interrogative (32) and the case where
tional clause (33):
Ta
(32)
he
yiwei wo
think I
where
thinks
shei
xiang-zhidao
wonder
Iwonder
that
xihuan
shei
who
like
'If somebody
b. Yaoshi
139
verb
an
selects
in a condi
occur
shenme.
like
what
likes what.'
someone
what
likes.'
likes something.'
shenme,
what
ta
he
jiu
gaoxing
then happy
le.
likes something, he would be happy.'
shei
who
if
xihuan
who
*'He thinks that Iwonder who
(33) a. Yaoshi
if
the matrix
two Wh -elements
'He thinks that Iwonder who
*'He
CHINESE
xihuan shenme,
like
what
ta
he
jiu
gaoxing
then happy
ne?
Wh-Q
if x likes y, he would be happy?'
'Who(x), what(y),
if x likes something, he would be happy?'
*'Who(x),
*'What(y), if somebody
*'If somebody
likes y, he would be happy?'
likes something, he would be happy.'
In (32), both of the W/z-elements must be interpreted as interrogative
rather than indefinite. (33a) shows that an indefinite Wh is possible
in
both subject and object position of the conditional clause (see section 1.3).
a Wh
When
marker
-question
neither of the W/z-elements
is present
in
the matrix
clause,
however,
can be indefinite.
is
indicate that if a Wh -question marker
or
an
the
W/z
is
present
selected,
interrogative
elements
in both subject and object position must be interpreted as
must be interpreted as an
that a W/i-element
interrogatives. Assume
a
if
is
it
associated
marker (ne,17 or an
with
interrogative
W/i-question
a
abstract question morpheme
selected by
verb). If it occurs with a
Sentences
(31?33)
in the matrix
negation,
question
(ma
thus
clause
see
question,
section
1.2),
conditional,
le, or
non
factive verb, it is interpreted as an indefinite. Schematically,
then, the
can be represented as
restrictions shown in (31?33)
In these
(34?35).
representations, +QOP
represents the Wh -question
(Question Operator)
morpheme
(the
overt
marker
ne
or
an
abstract
Wh-Q
morpheme
when
ne
is not present); ?QOP
represents the elements
(non-Question Operator)
that license the indefinite Wh, such as non-factive verbs, le, conditionals,
yes/no
questions,
by a link for each
and
Wh
negation.
The
licensor-licensee
relation
is indicated
-element.18
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140
YEN-HUI
(34)
(35)
AUDREY
LI
. .. -QOP
..
. whl
...
wh2
b. *+QOP
...
-QOP
...
whl
...
wh2
c. *+QOP
...
-QOP
...
whl
wh2
d. *+QOP
..
. -QOP
...
whl
wh2
a. -QOP
. .. +QOP
whl
wh2
a.
b.
+QOP
...
*-QOP
...
+QOP
...
whl
wh2
?
:_\_:
...
c. *-QOP
+QOP
i
I
I_
d.*-QOP
. .. +QOP
...
i
!_i
.
whl
wh2
i
...
whl
i
. .. wh2
the acceptable
(35a) on the one hand and the
is expected if a Minimality
unacceptable
requirement
(35b?d),
(34b?c)
(Chomsky (1986), Rizzi (1990), Aoun and Li (1989)) exists in the relation
The
between
contrast
the
between
operators
and
the
W/z-elements:
a W/z-element
must
be
are linked to
linked to the closest operator. In (35a), both W/z-elements
the closest operator. In contrast, Whl in (34b) and (35b) is not linked to
the closest operator. In (34c) and (35c), Wh2 is not finked to the closest
operator. In (35d), neither Whl nor Wh2 is finked to the closest operator.
thus distinguishes
and (35b?d)
from (35a). Such a
Minimality
(34b?c)
seems to be violated
in (34a), even
Minimality
requirement, however,
is obeyed in (34d),
though it is acceptable. On the other hand, Minimality
thus seems to be inadequate with
yet it is not acceptable. Minimality
respect to (34a) and (34d). I suggest that this apparent inadequacy is due
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INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
141
CHINESE
to the contrast between the obligatoriness of a +QOP
to be linked with a
and the optionality of a ?QOP
W/z-element
to be linked with a W/z
element. First, compare (34a) and (35d). We note that the closer operator
can be neglected only if it is a ?QOP
that licenses an
(the operator
a
indefinite Wh). That is, +QOP
(the Question morpheme) must be linked
with a W/z-element, but a ?QOP
need not. This is expected, however.
the existence of a W/z-question marker requires the cooccur
Generally,
rence of a W/z-element and so does the existence of a verb selecting an
interrogative:
(36)
a. *Ta xihuan
he
b. Shei
who
(37)
a. *Wo
I
b. Wo
I
ni
like
ne?
you W/z-Q
xihuan
ni
like
you W/z-Q
ne?
ta
xihuan
ni.
wonder
he
like
you
xiang-zhidao
wonder
who
xiang-zhidao
'Iwonder
who
shei
likes
xihuan
ni.
like
you
you.'
an indefinite
In contrast, a -QOP,
an
of
indefinite
Wh;
presence
(38) a. Ta
he
bu
not
zuo
(shenme)
what
do
W/z-licensor,
does
not
the
require
negation
shiqing.
thing
'He does not do (anything) things.'
b.
ta
Yaoshi
xihuan
he like
if
you
xihuan
like
(shenme)
(what)
people....'
ren
man
ma?
'Do you like (anyone/someone)
d. Wo
I
yiwei
ta
xihuan
think he like
conditional
man
(what)
'Ifhe likes (someone)
c. Ni
ren....
(shenme)
(shenme)
yes/no question
Q
people?'
ren.'
non-factive
verb
man
(what)
'I thought he liked (someone) people.'
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142
YEN-HUI
AUDREY
(38) e. Ta mai le (shenme)
he buy
what
'He bought
LI
le.
dongxi
le
thing
(something)
things.'
it is expected that (34d) is
that a +QOP
requires a W/z-element,
this + QOP is not linked with any W/z-element. Given that a
it is also expected that
not be linked with a W/z-element,
is acceptable. The claim that a
which seemingly violates Minimality,
Given
unacceptable:
need
?QOP
(34a),
?QOP
need
not
be
a W/z-element
linked with
Minimality
violation), however, raises the question
still violate Minimality:
similarly (35b?c))
. . . -QOP
b. *+QOP
(34)
...
...
whl
a
(thereby avoiding
of why (34b?c)
(and
wh2
i-!-!
!
I_l
c. *+QOP
:
. .. -QOP
...
;
. . . wh2
whl
:
i
violate Minimality
have mentioned
that these two representations
are
to the closest
not
in
linked
in (34b) and Wh2
because Whl
(34c)
of
operator, ?QOP. On the other hand, the acceptability
(34a) and (38)
a
us
to conclude that ?QOP
led
need not be linked with a W/z-element
We
and can be neglected. How are these two to be compromised? Note that
and the acceptable
the main contrast between the unacceptable
(34b?c)
at
not
in
is
all
is
linked
?QOP
that,
although
(34a)
(34a), it is linked with
Whl in (34b?c). The generalization
thus is (39):
(39)
The
finking
of a W/z-element
with
an operator
is subject
to
minimality.
iff
The finking of A with B [. . .A . . .B . . .] obeys Minimality
.
.
.
..
.
.
.
C
there is no intervening C [. A
B] such that C is
linked to another element D, D ^ B ^ A
(39) amounts to saying that a W/z-element must be finked to the closest
operator, with the proviso that the indefinite Wh licensor is an operator
only when it is finked to a W/z-element.
In (34a), although ?QOP
intervenes between the linking of the W/z
its +QOP
licensor, it is not linked to any other element.
in
defined
Minimality
(39) is obeyed. In (34b), (39) is violated: the linking
which is linked to a different
of Whl with +QOP
is blocked by -QOP,
element
and
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INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
143
CHINESE
element Wh2. In (34c), although the linking of Whl with ?QOP does not
the linking of Wh2 with H-QOP violates Minimality,
violate Minimality,
with the intervening ?QOP
linked with Whl. The contrast found in (34?
can
be captured by theMinimality requirement defined in (39).
35) thus
to (39), the
The correctness of (39) can be further tested. According
following
should be acceptable,
representations
since
the linking obeys
Minimality:
a.
(40)
b.
+QOP
...
...
-QOP
...
whl
i
...
whl
ii
-QOP
+QOP
. . . wh2
i
i
. .. wh2
ii
indeed is the case. (40a) is illustrated by the acceptability
and (40b) by (42a-b):19
This
(41)
a. Shei mei
who not
zuo
do
of (41a?d)
shenme ne?
what
Q
'Who did not do anything?'
yiwei ta zuo le shenme
think he do
what
b. Shei
who
le?
'Who thought that he did something?'
c. Yaoshi
ta xihuan
if
he
like
shei hui
who will
shenme,
what
hen
gaoxing?
very
happy
'Who will be happy if he likes something?'
d. Shei
who
dui
ta xi-bu-xihuan
to
he
like-not-like
shenme mei
'Who is not interested inwhether
(42) a. Ta
he
yiwei shenme ren
man
think what
b.
Yaoshi
if
'if someone
shei
xiang-zhidao
who wonder
wonders
what
he likes something?'
xiang-zhidao
wonder
'He thought someone wondered
ni
you
xihuan
like
shenme.
what
what you liked.1
ni
xihuan
you
like
you
xingqu?
interest
not
what
like
shenme....
what
. . ..'
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144
YEN-HUI
AUDREY
LI
and (42a?b)
therefore provides
acceptability of sentences (41a?d)
correctness
of
further evidence for the
(39).20
(39), however, is challenged by the ambiguity of sentences like (43a?
The
b). Huang (1982) first discusses this type of sentences
sentences like (43a?b) are three ways ambiguous:
(43)
a. Ta
shei
xiang-zhidao
he wonder
xihuan
what
i.
'He wonders who
ii.
'Who(x), he wonders what(y),
x likes y.'
iii.
'What(y), he wonders
x likes y.'
likes what.'
who(x),
yiwei ta xiang-zhidao
think he wonder
(43) b. Zhangsan
Zhangsan
shei
who
like
shenme
what
'Zhangsan thinks that he wonders who
ii.
'Who(x), Zhangsan
thinks he wonders what(y),
x likes y.'
iii.
'What(y), Zhangsan
thinks he wonders who(x),
x likes y.'
then, the three representations
the interpretation of (i) in
(44a) represents
and
(There
(44c), of (iii) in (43a?b):
(43a?b)
because the matrix clause is not an interrogative
...
a.
b.
xihuan
i.
Schematically,
(44)
+QOP
+QOP
...
...
likes what.'
are all possible.
(43a?b),
(44b), of (ii) in
in (44a)
is only one +QOP
in this case.)
in (44a?c)
. . . wh2
. . . whl
+QOP
that
shenme
like
who
and suggests
whl
. .. wh2
whl
...
:i_i
:-i-'
c.
+QOP
...
...
+QOP
I_!_!_i
:
wh2
'
?
i
i_i
acceptability of (44a) follows from (39). The acceptability of (44b?
is particularly puzzling if
c), however, is not expected. Their acceptability
we consider the fact that an indefinite Wh interpretation
is impossible in
these sentences: (43) cannot have either of the interpretations in (45a?b),
is interpreted as an indefinite Wh, although
where one of the W/z-elements
The
the matrix
embedded
verb yiwei
clause.
'think' generally
can license an indefinite Wh
in the
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INDEFINITE
thinks he wonders who
b. Zhangsan
The
indicates that the following
as
predicted by (39):
(cf. (40b)),
. . . +QOP
a. *-QOP
likes.
likes something.
of (45a?b)
non-availability
tions are not possible
...
145
CHINESE
thinks he wonders what someone
(45) a. Zhangsan
(46)
Wh IN MANDARIN
representa
. .. wh2
whl
f-?-?
j
i_
b. *-QOP
1
. .. +QOP
...
i
whl
...
'
wh2
*
acceptable but (46a?b) are not?
contrast with (46a?b)
in the type of operators
but (46a?b)
involved: (44b?c)
contain only +QOPs
(interrogatives)
a
a
contain
+QOP
?QOP
(an indefinite). This
(an interrogative) and
stated in (39) needs to be
suggests that the Minimality
requirement
sensitive to the type of elements intervening between the two points of a
Why, then, are (44b?c)
Note
that (44b?c)
sensitivity to the type of the intervening elements reminds us of
the so-called Blocking effects displayed by the binding of long-distance
anaphors discussed in Battistella and Xu (1990), Cole et al. (1990), Y.-H.
Huang (1984), Huang and Tang (1988), and Tang (1989), among others.
The anaphor ziji 'self in Chinese generally is coindexed with the closest
possible antecedent within a local domain (aMinimality requirement):
link. The
(47)
Zhangsanj,
Zhangsan
hen
baba^
father very
xihuan
like
ziji^.
self
'Zhangsan, (his) father likes self.'
This anaphor can also be bound by an NP beyond the local domain (long
distance binding), as long as the intervening (closer) subject is of the same
person21 as the higher subject:
(48) a. Zhangsanj
Zhangsan
yiwei Lisi? xihuan
think Lisi
like
ziji^j.
self
'Zhangsan thinks that Lisi likes self.'
b. *Zhangsan?
Zhangsan
yiwei wo/ni^
think I/you
xihuan
like
ziji^.
self
'Zhangsan thinks that I/you like self.'
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146
YEN-HUI
LI
AUDREY
in (48b) cannot be coindexed with the matrix subject, Zhangsan
(3rd
person) due to the existence of an intervening subject of a different person
(1st or 2nd person) (see the reindexing analysis of Tang (1989) or the
movement
analysis of Huang and Tang (1988), Cole et al. (1990)). The
effects and is
of (48b) illustrates the so-called Blocking
unacceptability
assumes
an
must
that
ziji
by
analysis
essentially
captured
acquire the
Ziji
feature of its first possible binder when Principle A of the Binding
Theory applies. Since ziji in (48b) will acquire a lst/2nd person feature
when Principle A applies to the lowest clause (the first cycle that the
Binding Principles apply), it can no longer be bound by an NP that is of
the third person. In contrast, ziji in (48a) acquires the third person feature
during the first cycle (the embedded clause) and does not contradict the
person
person feature of the matrix subject.
and
With
this, we may account for the contrast between
(44b?c)
an
a
to
same
assume
in the
that Wh is
way:
operator (+QOP or
(46a?b)
what ziji is to its antecedent
(see the A and A'-anaphoric
?QOP)
in Aoun
relations discussed
(1985), (1986)). Further, assume that a Wh
acquires the [+Q] or [?Q] feature in the same way that ziji acquires the
of (46a?b) will therefore be another
person feature. The unacceptability
effects: the coindexing of a Wh with a higher
instance of the Blocking
is blocked by an intervening
the
[+Q] operator. After
[?Q] operator
to
the
the
lowest
W/z-element
would
clause,
apply
Binding Principles
the Binding Principles apply to the higher
acquire a [+Q] feature. When
cannot
be bound by a ?Q operator, due to
this
W/z-element
+Q
clause,
feature
conflict.22
6. Conclusion
This work began by unveiling the factors governing the distribution of the
indefinite Wh. It was shown that the seemingly complicated and confusing
distribution of the indefinite Wh is due to the interaction of several
semantic
and syntactic
contexts
where
asserted
with
contexts where
the
factors. Semantically,
truth
value
of
the
is constrained
is negated,
or inferred tentatively.
uncertainty,
the truth value is positively asserted
In other words, it is the lack of definitely
tion thatmakes an indefinite Wh available.
In addition to the semantic constraints,
Wh
the indefinite Wh occurs
proposition
by
such
syntactic
factors
asserting
It does not occur in
in a definite manner.23
the truth of a proposi
the distribution
as
the
in
non-fixed,
of the indefinite
c-command
structural
and the Blocking
effect. The
the Minimality
requirement,
requirement,
an
the
relation
between
indefinite
of
that
these
factors
clustering
suggests
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Wh IN MANDARIN
INDEFINITE
147
CHINESE
Wh
and its licensor should be viewed as a binder-variable
relation. A
binder must c-command the variable that it binds. The binding relation is
subject to a Minimality
requirement (see the Minimal Binding Require
ment in Aoun and Li
just as the anaphor (ziji) is
(1989)). Furthermore,
a
to
so
the
is
variable, which is also an anaphor
subject
Blocking effect,
Further
evidence
for
the
variable status of the indefinite
(Aoun (1985)).
Wh can be found in cases involving Specificity.
The
to Fiengo
and Higginbotham
Specificity Condition,
according
see
to
bound
variables. This
Chomsky
(also
(1981)
(1977)), applies
accounts for the unacceptability of (49a) and the unavailability of everyone
having scope external to the NP (NP-external scope) in (49b):
(49) a. *WhOj do you like [that picture of xj?
b. He likes [those pictures of everyone].
he likes those pictures of x'
*'Everyone(x),
In (49a), there is a variable x? which is not bound within the specific NP.
In (49b), everyone undergoes
to the
raising at LF. If it is adjoined
sentence-initial position, a variable would be left free within the specific
NP:
(49) c.
[IPhe likes [NPthose pictures of x?]]]
[IPeveryone
The Specificity Condition thus correctly rules out
(49a?b).
An indefinite Wh cannot occur within a specific NP either:
(50) a. Ta
he
ren
bu kan
shenme ming
not read what
famous man
'He does
b. *Ta
he
bu
not
'He does
(51) a. Ni
you
you
read
kan
naben
read
not
books
that
read
shenme
like
famous man
de
DE
nazhang
like
that
shenme
what
de
shu.
DE
book
famous
of any/some
someone's/anyone's
xihuan
person.'
ren
ming
what
that book
shu.
book
famous
of any/some
xihuan shenme ren
man
like
what
'Do you
b. *Ni
not
de
DE
xiangpian
picture
person.'
ma?
Q
picture?'
ren
de
xiangpian
ma?
man
DE
picture
Q
'Do you like that picture of some/any
person?'
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148
(52)
a. Yaoshi
if
'If you
b.
ni
xihuan
you
like
*
Yaoshi
if
ren
de
xiangpian....
man
DE
picture
shenme
what
like pictures
LI
AUDREY
YEN-HUI
of
ni
xihuan
nazhang
you
like
that
'He
le
kandao
see
saw
LE what
b. *Ta kandao
he see
'He saw
(54) a. Wo
I
of
le
ren
de
DE
that picture
he
le.
LE
picture
of
ren
shenme
de
DE
man
what
le.
xiangpian
LE
picture
someone.'
someone's
took
/
xiangpian
le
shenme ren
yiwei ta na
man
think he take LE what
'I thought
xiangpian....
picture
someone.'
nazhang
that
LE
de
man DE
person...
man
shenme
pictures
ren
shenme
what
'Ifyou like that picture of some/any
(53) a. Ta
he
. .'
person..
some/any
b. *Wo yiwei ta na
le
I
think he take LE
de
DE
xiangpian.
picture
picture.'
nazhang " shenme ren
man
that
what
de
xiangpian.
DE
picture
'I thought he took that picture of someone.'
The Specificity effects displayed in these sentences suggest that an indefi
nite Wh should be treated as a bound variable.
Since the binder-variable
to the relation
relation is also fundamental
a
between
question
and
marker
a W/z-element,
the
indefinite
and
inter
the
rogative Wh are identical: they both are variables to be bound by an
operator. If the operator is a question marker, it is an interrogative; if the
is a non-question
the set of licensors
operator
operator
(specifically,
discussed in sections 2 and 3), it is an indefinite pronoun.24 Furthermore,
a W/z-element
licensed
can
by dou
have
a universal
'all' or ye
quantification
'also' (see Lee
(1986),
if
interpretation
Chiu
(1990)
it
is
for dou
licensing):25
(55)
Ta sheme
he what
'He
The
above
likes
dou/ye
all/also
xihuan.
like
everything.'
discussion
indicates
that W/z-elements
can only be
inter
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INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
149
CHINESE
preted according to their binders. This is reminiscent of the system of
unselective binding discussed in Heim (1982). Heim suggests that indefi
force is deter
nite NPs in English are variables and their quantificational
is
mined by their binders (see Lewis (1976)). The same phenomenon
observed
by Kuroda
(1965)
elements
in Japanese.
In
this
and Nishigauchi
language,
(1990)
concerning
can
W/z-elements
have
an
W/z
inter
rogative interpretation if the binder is a question marker (ka, for instance)
and a universal quantification interpretation if the binder is mo (similar to
ye 'also' in Chinese) (see Nishigauchi
(1990), ch. 4 for detailed discussions
of the possible interpretations).
The claim that W/z-elements
in Chinese are variables and interpreted
to
their
binders
the question of how such W/z-elements
raises
according
should be represented
in logical form. Two options are available, as
directly
relation
in Nishigauchi
is to treat W/z-elements
(1990, ch. 4). One
as variables at the level of logical representation;
the binding
is captured by coindexing the W/z-elements
and their respective
binders.
The
suggested
other
is
to
assume
that
W/z-elements
are
subject
to move
ments; the binding relation is established between a raised W/z-element
and the variable created by the movement.
In the literature on Chinese
more or less within
the
the
issue
been
has
discussed
W/z-elements,
Li
and
Aoun
of
Wh
the
boundary
interrogative
(see Huang
(1982),
the
to
from
It
would
fruitful
re-examine
the
be
issue
viewpoint of
(1990)).
W/z-elements being unselectively bound variables (see Nishigauchi
(1990)
in
and Kim (1990) for a quantifier raising analysis to the W/z-elements
Japanese
and
Korean).
Notes
*
I am grateful
to Joseph Aoun, Hajime Hoji,
comments.
for their helpful
reviewers
James Huang, Nam-Kil
Kim, Tim Shi, and
I would
also like to thank Sylvia Chen,
Lee, Tim Shi, and Cathy Wei and her family for help with the data. I also thank
Horngyi
at Cornell
on Chinese
in the Third North American
Conference
participants
Linguistics
where part of this paper was presented.
University,
1
Sentences
shenme
with the W/i-word
interpreted
(lc) and (2a), of course, are acceptable
as an interrogative.
For the sake of simplicity,
of the interrogative
the possibility
interpreta
the two
tion will not be represented
unless it is relevant to the discussion.
2 In
there are two /e's: one that immediately
follows
Chinese,
to) the verb (a
(is attached
verbal
le denoting
in sentence-final
and the other
that occurs
position
(a
completion)
the two le's
sentence-final
particle denoting
change of state). Linguists
disagree on whether
are two distinct entities or the same one
(1973), M.-J. Huang
(see, among others, Teng
In the examples
of this paper involving
le, it seems that the indefinite Wh inter
(1987)).
is most
if both /e's are present,
the verbal
le seems to be
accessible
pretation
although
in most cases. Thus, if a distinction
dispensable
licenses an indefinite Wh (see section 3.2). To
le that
it is the sentence-final
is to be made,
the discussion,
however, we will not
simplify
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YEN-HUI
150
LI
AUDREY
it an issue to distinguish
the two /e's. The function of le pertinent
to the licensing of
in section 3.2.
the indefinite Wh will be discussed
3
all W/i-elements
'how' can occur as
except weishenme
Essentially,
'why' and zenme
in this paper. The negation
indefinite Wh in the contexts
discussed
is
context,
however,
more restrictive
than other contexts discussed
in sections
1.2 and 1.3 and again in sections
2 and 3. In the negation
'what' is perfect with an indefinite
context, only shenme
interpreta
make
tion, shei
(i)
'who' being
less acceptable,
Ta
bu
xihuan
he
not
like
(N) 'which (N)' being unacceptable:
shenme.
what
'He does not
(ii)
and nage
like anything.'
?Ta
bu
xihuan
he
not
like
shei.
who
'He does not like anyone.'
(iii)
*Ta
bu
xihuan
he
not
like
'He does
nage
which
(ren).
man
not like anyone.'
are acceptable
In contrast,
all of these W/z-elements
such as the yes/no question context:
(iv)
Ta
xihuan
he
like
shenme
as
indefinite
Wh
in other
contexts,
ma?
what
Q
'Does he like something/anything?'
(v)
Ta
xihuan
he
like
shei ma?
who
O
'Does he like someone/anyone?'
(vi)
Ta
xihuan
he
like
nage
which
(ren) ma?
man Q
'Does he like someone/anyone?'
4
are two negation markers
in Chinese:
two negation markers
bu and mei. These
that they denote: bu indicates a non-completive
in the aspectual meaning
aspect and
one. Since mei
a completive
is in complementary
con
distribution
with
mei,
le, which
n. 2 and section
of an indefinite Wh in some contexts
tributes to the availability
(see
3.2),
negation bu will be used to illustrate the effect of negation.
only the non-completive
5
or before an
The indefinite Wh can occur by itself (indefinite pronoun)
(indefinite
N(P)
see among others L?
In general, a bare indefinite Wh has
adjective/demonstrative,
(1980)).
to an indefinite Wh followed by a generic noun such as ren 'man',
very similar distributions
to the noun,
is added
shiqing
'thing', dongxi
'thing', difang
'place'. If more
description
There
differ
can be different. This is especially
the distribution
true in the negation
context: a
however,
bare Wh or a Wh with a generic N cannot occur
in a complex NP
licensed by negation
outside the NP, but a Wh with amore descriptive N can:
(i) a.
*Wo
bu
xihuan
I
not
like
'Idon't
b.
like cakes made
*Wo
bu
xihuan
I
not
like
'Idon't
[[shenme
what
like cakes
zuo
make
de]
DE
dangao].
cake
of something/anything.'
[[shenme
what
ren
zuo
man
make
that someone/anyone
de]
DE
dangao].
cake
makes.'
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CHINESE
INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
Wo
(ii)
bu
not
I
'I don't
xihuan
you
have
[[shenme
what
like
like cakes
ming
fame
Ni
xihuan
you like
[[shenme
what
b.
Ni
xihuan
you
a.
Yaoshi
if
Yaoshi
if
you
have
xihuan
you
like
de]
DE
dangao].
cake
makes.'
in other
such
contexts,
as the question
ma?
dangao]
cake
de]
DE
0
makes?'
ming
fame
[[shenme
what
that someone
ni
xihuan
you
like
'If you like cakes
zuo
make
de
ren
zuo
DE
man
make
de]
DE
dangao]
cake
ma?
Q
that some famous person makes?'
ni
'If you like cakes
b.
zuo
make
[[shenme
what
like
'Do you like cakes
(iv)
ren
man
that someone
'Do you like cakes
ren
man
famous person
that some/any
not exist
The contrast between
(i) and (ii) does
context in (iii) and the conditional
context in (iv):
(iii) a.
de
DE
151
ren
zuo
man
make
makes..
. .'
you
have
ming
fame
[[shenme
what
that some famous
de]
DE
de
DE
person makes..
dangao].
cake
ren
zuo
man make
. .
de]
DE
dangao]
cake
..'
See n. 3 for other contrasts.
6
Lii (1980) states that an indefinite Wh mostly occurs in object position.
7
the question morpheme
More
the licensor can be the negation morpheme,
specifically,
or the conditional morpheme
or an abstract question morpheme
if ma is not present),
(ma,
we may assume with Progovac
is either a
that the licensor
'if. Alternatively,
(1988)
occurs in
a
or
which
null
the
operator
negative-like
operator
negation
negation
context)
(in
clause.
clause or a conditional
the Specifier of COMP of an interrogative
8
the
le affects
in notes 2 and 4 and will be further discussed
As discussed
shortly,
of an indefinite Wh. To tease out the different
factors, we use examples
acceptability
without
le here.
9
as an interroga
The sentence with know is acceptable with the W/z-element
interpreted
in this instance) but not as an indefinite
tive (an indirect question
'some, any'.
10
selected by
in the (SPEC of) COMP
The licensor may be the verb itself or an element
the verb, following Progovac's
(1988) analysis for adversity predicates.
1]
the truth value
discusses
to the licensing of negative polarity
Pertinent
items, Progovac
the relevant truth value
being entailed or implied. As shown in this and the next section,
We will not distinguish
them, since such distinctions
may also be asserted or presupposed.
do not affect the licensing of the indefinite Wh.
12
in he must be looking at something
A reviewer pointed out that the English modal must
in Estara
and the future tense in Spanish
viendo algo 'he must be looking at something'
have the same "circumstantial"
interpretation.
13
more marginally,
the progressive
aspect seems to have the same circumstan
Although
tial function
(i)
as in
(iii):
Tarnen
they
taolun
discuss
*They discussed
shenme.
what
something.'
'What did they discuss?'
(ii)
Tarnen
they
taolun
le shenme
discuss
what
'They have discussed
le.
something.'
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YEN-HUI
152
?Tarnen
(iii)
they
zheng
zai
taolun
right
at
discuss
'They are discussing
For
however,
speakers,
is preferred here:
tentativeness
Tarnen
(iv)
zai
taolun
right
at
discuss
'They seem
14
J. Huang
contexts:
wo
I
guo
pass
to be discussing
qu mai
xiang
want
go
lai
come
chi
dian
eat
a-bit
chi
dian
eat
a-bit
shenme
what
de
yangzi.
DE
appearance
denoting
cases
potential
uncertainty
or
of
the extended
lai kan.
to
book
(with whatever
shenme
some
shu
shenme
what
read
title)
to read.'
ba!
what
Particle
'Come eat a bit (of whatever
(iii)
expressions
out
pointed
yiben
one
buy
of
something.'
like to buy a book
'Iwould
(ii)
shenme
what
communication)
(personal
(i)
something.'
zheng
they
shenme.
what
the cooccurrence
some
LI
AUDREY
is edible).'
zai
zou
ba!
then
go
Particle
'Please eat a little something
before
you
leave.'
"has the effect of soliciting
of sentences with ba, which
and (iii) are examples
to which
to the statement
or agreement
ba is
of the hearer with
respect
and Thompson
(ii) and (iii)
(1981, 307)). Instead-of being direct commands,
statements which are less assertive and more tentative.
or uncertainty.
An indefinite
'would like to' in (i) indicates tentativeness
Similarly, xiang
Wh thus is licensed.
15
It
in the matrix clause in (i) need not be a counterexample.
The indefinite Wh occurring
Sentences
(ii)
the approval
attached"
(Li
are suggestive
must both be present
in the
For instance, W/z-elements
is subject to specific constraints.
in the matrix
clause must have the
and matrix
clauses and the W/z-element
conditional
same referent as the one in the conditional
clause:
ta
(Yaoshi)
(i)
shuo
shenme,
heif say
'Zhangsan
(Yaoshi)
if
(ii)
'Zhangsan
*
(iii)
The
(Yaoshi)
if
Zhangsan
says whatever
must be
The two W/z-elements
ren can be used interchangeably
Zhangsan
jiu
will
shuo
say
shenme.
what
he says.'
identical in form. Thus, even though shei
inmost cases, they cannot in this particular
ta
xihuan
he
like
shei,
who
likes whoever
ta
xihuan
he
like
jiu
then
jiu
then
xihuan
like
pattern:
shei.
who
he likes.'
shei,
who
use of an identical
"anaphoric"
in English:
sentences"
Zhangsan
Zhangsan
xihuan
'who' and shenme
Zhangsan
Zhangsan
W/z-element
like
in the matrix
ren.
shenme
what
man
clause may
be
related
"donkey
(iv)
If a man
owns
a donkey,
he beats
it.
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to
INDEFINITE Wh IN MANDARIN
16
CHINESE
153
In note
that the licensor of an indefinite Wh is the sentence-final
le.
(2), it is suggested
literature has not been clear concerning
of the sentence-final
le in the
the position
clausal structure. If the structure is as suggested
in the text, we must assume
that negation
to the VP containing V and its complements
are
and modals
adjoins
(see Ernst
(1991))
verbs (see Lin and Tang
(1991 )).
17
In Chinese,
ne only occurs at the end of a matrix
the overt W/z-question
morpheme
clause:
The
(i)
Ta
zhidao
he
know
ne?
shenme
what
Q
'What does he know?'
(ii)
*Ta
he
xiang-zhidao
wonder
ni
mai
you
buy
shenme
what
ne.
Q
the question morpheme
occurs
in sentence-final
it will be
position
(COMP),
in sentence-initial
of representing
hiarachical
for the convenience
represented
position
relations linearly.
18
It does not matter
here whether
the linking between
the interrogative
operator
(the
or
and the W/z-element
is derived by movement
question morphme)
(see Huang
(1982))
Although
rules (see Aoun and Li (1990)).
interpretation
19
In all these examples,
as an interrogative
the indefinite Wh can be interpreted
if it is
linked to the question
the intermediate
indefinite Wh -licensor. This
operator,
neglecting
to the definition of Minimality
conforms
in (39).
20 A
reviewer suggested
that the Minimality
effect stated in (39) may be replaced by the
must be linked to a question
if one is available.
simple claim that W/z-elements
operator
This alternative,
not account
of an indefinite Wh in
would
for the availability
however,
(41-42).
21
Tang
to the Blocking
that number
effect for some
features contribute
(1989) notes
to the Blocking
effect
speakers. Person features are part of the phi features that contribute
inHuang and Tang
(1988).
22
It is impossible
to tell whether
or not, since the
in (i) is acceptable
the representation
of
will
derived from (ii): all W/z-elements
interpretation
(i) is identical to the interpretation
have the non-interrogative
indefinite interpretation.
(i)
-QOP
(ii)
-OOP
i_;
i
... -OOP
... whl
. . .wh2
.. . -OOP
... whl
. . . wh2
i
i
23
This constraint may have much
to do with the basic meaning
of a W/z-element
which
leaves its referent open
(non-referential).
24
The
and indefinite
as existential
Wh
in fact can both be interpreted
interrogative
et al.
to
in contrast
quantifiers
(see Karttunen
(1977) and Fiengo
(1988), among others),
the universal quantification
interpretation when the licensor is dou 'all' or ye 'also'.
25
Ye licenses a W/z-element
in the same way as dou. According
to Lee (1986),
dou
to the left that it c-commands.
licenses a W/z-element
for a different
See Chiu
(1990)
account. No matter what the analysis of dou/ye
is, it is clear that dou and ye
licensing
Wh would
structural
from
licensing a non-interrogative
require a different
configuration
the other indefinite Wh licensors.
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154
YEN-HUI
LI
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Lin