ABSTRACT
1 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
ABSTRACT
Mingling Tongues: Code switching/mixing Practices of North American Bilinguals
By: Stephanie Cerqua, Anthropology/Illinois State University
Faculty Advisors: Dr. Stanlaw, Dr. Alstrum, and Dr. G. Bessa
What motivates North American bilinguals to use both English and Spanish in their daily discourse
while studying abroad in Mexico? There are many driving forces that influence linguistic choice; language
proficiency is only one of the many forces. Group identity, solidarity and ethnicity are the social forces
emphasized here. This paper analyzes the English/Spanish linguistic perspective of this language and culture
contact situation. Through participant observation I document how North American bilinguals use both of
their linguistic repertoires during immersion programs in two different locals: Cuernavaca and Taxco,
Mexico. This paper focuses on code switching/code mixing practices of North American bilingual college
students, and the formation of identity as influenced by language usage. My intent is to bring attention to the
need for research of the English/Spanish linguistic and cultural interchange from both the Hispanic American
and North American perspective. This study demonstrates that many of the sociolinguistic variables involved
in a contact situation are in a constant state of flux: a negotiation between speakers holding a variety of
identities, norms, and rules.
INTRODUCTION
I walked into the courtyard of the school, Universal and I was surrounded by members of my peer group,
North American bilingual college students. I thought making friends would be easy. I walked up to a group of
students (Group #1) and introduced myself. ¿Qué pasa? Me llamo Stephanie. I was greeted with smiling faces
but the smiles slowly faded away when I continued speaking in Spanish. As an anthropologist in the field for
the first time, I quickly became aware of what it felt like to be an outsider. Initially, I was excluded from this
group as a consequence of speaking exclusively in Spanish. I later learned that (Group #1) preferred using
English or a combination of English and Spanish. According to Myer-Scotton (1993: 475), social forces of
specific groups decide what linguistic codes are accepted and deemed appropriate in certain situations. I
propose to examine the usage and patterns of code switching/code mixing used by North American bilingual
college students by conducting a comparative analysis between two different immersion programs in Mexico.
These two immersion programs are also located in two different cities. Universal is the language institute in
Cuernavaca and the Center of Teaching Foreigners (CEPE) (Centro de ensenanza para extranjeros) is located
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
2 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
in Taxco. It is my hypothesis that language usage of these bilinguals varies in the two locations. The bilingual
students from both locations practiced variations of code switching, but code mixing was only practiced in
Taxco. The usage of code switched words and phrases from American slang were used at both locations, but
only by male participants. In addition to the usage of American slang within their Spanish three male
participants in Taxco
also created a list of code mixed words. Overall English was spoken more than Spanish. English or
combinations of English/Spanish were the preferred language codes. The code switched phrases by
participants in Cuernavaca
contained almost complete sentences in English with very few Spanish words inserted into them. This type of
code switching also occurred in Taxco
and also phrases almost entirely in Spanish with very few English words inserted.
This observation was reached after conducting an eight week ethnography in Mexico (June-August 2002),
which entailed participant observation inside and outside the second language classroom setting, and the tape
recording of natural language usage. At both locations North American college students studying Spanish as
their second language were the main focus in this study. In addition to the tape recording of natural language
usage, each student participated in a semi-structured interview. These interviews along with my field notes
establish their social motivations to code switch or code mix. “Code switching is defined as changing from
the use of one language to that of another with in a single speech event. Code switching involves the
movement, whether psychologically or sociologically motivated, from one discrete code (language or dialect)
to another within a communicative event” (Fishman 1989:181). For example, “Wow I am really tired porque
I haven’t slept nada all night.”
Code mixing on the other hand means, “the blending of two separate linguistic systems into one linguistic
system” (Field 1994:87). An example of code mixing is:
Ripoffear- Ripoff/ear
Ripoff-English slang
ear- Spanish suffix and common verb ending
Meaning was attributed by group members within Group #2 (See page #7) - To take advantage of someone
financially
Literature Review
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
3 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Figure #1 (Adapted version from Torras, Maria-Carme and Joseph Gafaranga 2002: 530)
A very helpful analogy to clarify the differences between code switching and code mixing comes from
chemistry. Code switching is similar to the phenomena of suspension where the material is mixed into a
suspended medium wherein the parts eventually separate and settle out of the mixture. Code mixing is
comparable to the phenomena of a solution where a type of bonding occurs that prevents the mixed elements
from separating (Field 1989: 87). Upon the completion of my study, the tape-recorded conversations were
transcribed and analyzed to determine overall patterns of code switching code mixing. In the analysis of these
tapes and the feedback provided by the participants, this study demonstrates that the social forces that
influenced language interchange were group solidarity, acceptance and identity. The main motivations to
switch or mix are: to joke, means of expression, lack of language knowledge, change in members and to
maintain a sense of comfort. This study builds upon the present literature, which uses code switching as a set
of static parameters and shows that many of these sociolinguistic variables are actually in a constant state of
flux: a negotiation of identity between speakers holding a variety of identities, norms, and rules.
Over the last three decades there has been extensive research done on language and culture contact or
interchange. Myers-Scotton, Auer, Stacks, Gumperz, and Poplack are just some of the scholars that have
made great contributions to the literature. Although there is a vast literature on this topic, there are no
uniform definitions of the concepts that explain these situations. Some scholars use a very general definition
for language interaction and label it just as “code switching” or “code mixing” whereas other scholars
breakdown these concepts even further and distinguish what constitutes a mix or a switch. For the purpose of
my study I distinguish between these two concepts since there is such a drastic variation of linguistic
interaction within my data set. Throughout this paper code switching is referred to as CS and code mixing as
CM. Throughout this paper the terms switching and mixing are used to refer to the general interchange
between languages.
There are two distinct fields of approach applied to the study of bilingual language use; the
grammatical perspective and the socio-functional perspective. The grammatical perspective analyzes
structural components within utterances whereas the socio-functional perspective analyzes the social
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
4 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
implications demonstrated in a language interchange situation. My study entails the examination of the
sociolinguistic perspective. “Traditionally, the sociolinguists examine key social variables such as the
identity of the speaker (gender, age, occupation, etc.), his or her relations with the other participants in a
conversation (e.g., whether they are friends or distant acquaintances), or the formality of the context” (Wei
2002:162). I explore these elements within in my study, but they do not form the main components within the
analysis of the data. The examination of the sociolinguistic perspective is then subdivided into two main
methodical approaches: organizational explanation and the identity related explanation.
Auer introduced the organizational explanation in 1984. This approach employs the technique of
conversational analysis. “Conversational analysts aim to reveal the evidence of social reality and to pinpoint
the origin of social meaning- how meaning is generated from face-to-face interaction. For those who adapt
the CA approach to code switching, the meaning is not given through the inculcation of values and norms, or
any structural form that pre-exist or underlie individual actions and utterances. Instead it resides in
conversational interaction itself” (Wei
2002:173). “As qualitative approaches, conversational analysis and ethnography share several important
characteristics; insistence on staying close to the raw data, returning again and again to original notes and
recordings on which the analyses are based; commitment to deriving categories directly from the data instead
of using a preconceived classification system for analysis, and faithfulness to the participant's perspective”
(Wilkinson 2002:159).
The “we/they” code by Gumperz and the Markedness model by Myers-Scotton are two key
approaches in the identity-related explanation. Within Gumperz's model the “we” code refers to the language
use within a bilingual community and the “they” code refers to the language use of the whole society, where
the community forms the minority within society. The identification of a linguistic code or codes as
belonging to a particular group of individuals, "our language" creates the division with the "other". In the
interpretation of the meaning of code switching or code mixing, the “we/they” codes portray social distance
or authority (Wei 2002:165). The “we” vs. “they” model describes the formation of group identity and
solidarity.
The markedness model also known as the rational choice model by Carol Myers-Scotton is used to explore
an individual’s motivation to CS or CM. This model is based upon the concept that an individual makes a
rational choice in determining the costs or benefits of the usage of a linguistic code or in some cases
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
5 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
linguistic codes. CS labeled as “unmarked” or "smooth switching" occurs frequently and is considered an
accepted switch between languages. Unmarked language switches conforms to the communities language and
social norms. CS labeled as “marked” draws attention to the switch and effects the social distance between
individuals. Marked switches are in direct opposition of pre-established language and social norms and as a
result social distance is created between the community and the individual who made the marked language
choice. Speakers use their language choice to portray their perception of who they are, "their self"
(Myers-Scotton 1993:478).
Another aspect that is involved in Myers-Scotton’s approach to CS is her employment of the terminology
of the matrix language and the embedded language. The matrix language refers to the language that is more
dominate or more prevalent language in daily discourse. The embedded langue consists of fragmentary
elements form another language that is worked into the matrix language. This terminology aids in the
identification of the portrayal of power in linguistic production.
Examples from other studies that identify reasoning for CS or CM
Myers-Scotton 1993
Degree of proficiency
Domains which each language
is used
Attitudes toward languages and
mixing them
Use of language in their daily
discourse
De fina 1989
To indicate a quote
To target a references to a specific
addressee
in a group
To emphasize, elaborate or clarify
To switch topics or modes
To convey emotional content
Figure #2
Description of Locations
The comparative analysis of these two speech communities, North American bilinguals in Taxco and
Cuernavaca, Mexico, has never been documented. Thus, this study contributes to the literature on language
interchange by providing an examination of the pattern of code switching/code mixing in two new locations.
In 1999 I attended Universal's immersion program for one month. Participating in this program established
my familiarity with the program and also the community of Cuernavaca. Taxco was selected since Illinois
State University (ISU) has a summer program associated with CEPE. Comparing two locations also creates
the opportunity to investigate the effect a geographic location may have on language usage. In order to
examine a possible relationship between geographic location and language usage, it is first necessary to
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
6 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
contextualize the communities of Taxco and Cuernavaca.
Geographically, Taxco is three hours south of Mexico City and is in the state of Guerrero. The
name of the city originates from a Nahuatal word, "Tlachco" and means the place where the ball is played.
The full city name is Taxco of Alarcón
and its current population is around 201,837. The economy is based upon tourism and selling silver jewelry
and other crafts. The strong colonial tie this city has is demonstrated in its architecture. The potential contact
with North American bilingual persons who speak Spanish and English is drastically lessened in this city
because there is only one immersion program in the entire city.
The immersion program at CEPE is divided into five levels of language proficiency. Students take a
placement test that determines their proficiency level. The focus of Level I is communication skills and the
overall basic comprehension of the Spanish language. Level II practices the more complex grammatical
structures and emphasizes the production of oral and written arguments. Students in Level III practice more
compound grammatical structures and focus more on written expression. Level IV practices the most
complex grammatical structures and the correct usage of these structures. The highest level, Level V focuses
on the improvement of linguistic and communicative skills to be comparable to a native speaker. This level
also promotes student’s listening comprehension. Students are exposed to different types of discourse, which
vary in level of difficulty (CEPE web page ).Ninety students in total attended the six-week program here. The
majority of the students were in levels two, three and four. Class size varied between five and fifteen.
Throughout the duration of the program the students remained with the same teacher and classmates. All
students attending this program lived with host families. Students’ interaction with Mexican family members
varied and was limited because the cost of meals was not included in the program. A key time for family
conversation in the everyday lives of Mexicans is La Comida, a meal that takes place in the afternoon.
Levels
Students
V
5
IV
23
III
30
II
25
I
6
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
7 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
The city of Cuernavaca is less than one hour south of Mexico City and is located in the state of
Morelos. It has a population around 838,706, which is almost three times larger than Taxco. Ceurnavaca is
famous for its second language schools and has over 50 schools that have immersion programs, which is
significant contrast to Taxco. More language schools increases the population of bilingual students which
then increases the possibility of speaking more English than Spanish.
Universal offers many different programs: Regular Spanish, Advanced Spanish, Travel Spanish, and
Professional Spanish. The Regular Spanish program is divided into sixty modules. A placement test
determines the student’s entry point into the module sequence. The main objectives of this program are
teaching basic and compound grammatical structures and emphasizing the practice of communication skills.
At the end of each week students are tested and according to the results will remain in the present level or
advance to the next module in the sequence. The weekly testing also creates the possibility of changing
instructor and classmates. The program duration is determined by the institution associated with each group
of students. Around fifty students were present at the school at any given time (Universal Webpage). Class
size is a very important part to their curriculum and it never exceeds over five students. Small class sizes
increased the student’s opportunity to participate in class activities and practice speaking Spanish more often.
Small class size also made it possible to tape-record in class discussions. All participants in my study
attended the Regular Spanish program for four weeks. All students also lived with host families and
participated in La Comida on a regular basis.
Data Collection
In Taxco, I randomly selected at least two ISU students from each level. Several of these students
were my classmates in previous Spanish classes at ISU. These students then participated in a semi-structured
interview. I conducted such interviews with sixteen students at the school or a local restaurant. I spent two
days in each level observing in class discourse. Large class sizes made it difficult to tape-record during my
sessions of observation, therefore my field notes document language usage in the classroom. I spent a total of
two weeks observing at this location. Outside the classroom I participated in some of the student’s activities:
going to historical sites, restaurants, bars, dance clubs and shopping. My field notes document natural
language of the students at these locations. These field notes in an informal setting were then compared to the
student’s language usage in a more formal setting (during the semi-structured interview). Three males from
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
8 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
this group also participated in a tape-recorded discussion of their usage of language. These participants also
constructed a list of CM words and CS phrases in American slang to Spanish.
As a result of my familiarity of Cuernavaca, I spent six weeks in the community. My friend is a
teacher at Universal and I selected her classroom for observation. She teaches intermediate to the advanced
levels within the module of the Regular Spanish Program. Every teacher conducts his or her classroom
differently and remaining with one instructor provided a constant style of teaching to document an
instructor’s role in the interaction between Spanish and English within the classroom setting. I tape-recorded
over fifty hours of in class conversations. In addition to the recordings in the classroom, students also
participated in semi-structured interviews. I also participated in activities outside the classroom: going to
restaurants, the movies, bars, salsa dance clubs, family meals, and shopping. I also documented two males
using CS phrase from American slang to Spanish within their daily discourse. Once again I made
comparisons between findings from my field notes to what the students said about his or her language usage
within the interviews. What people say they do is not always what they actually do. The comparison between
my field notes, tape conversations in the classroom, and what they said in the interviews documents any
discrepancies.
Data and Analysis
The total population within this study consists of thirty participants and fifteen were selected from each
location. The fifteen participants from Cuernavaca are referred to as Group #1 and the fifteen participants
from Taxco
are known as Group #2. All participants ranged from 18 to 25 years of age. The female to male ratio between
the groups are 11/4 in Taxco and 7/8 in Cuernavaca. The ratio of female to male in Taxco was very high
whereas the ratio was almost equal in Cuernavaca. It is important to note that sub groups or cliques formed at
each location. The participants that formed these cliques and a sense of a group are included within my
analysis. The other participants who were not associated with any particular group also did not express the
same linguistic and social characteristics like those who participated in the construction of a group. The
formation of a group is the essential component that influenced the linguistic production of the participants.
Group #1
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
9 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
The participants of this group are Luke, Mike, Bob, Jenny, Lindsay, and Marienella. All of these
students live in the southwest region of the United States, which is also known as an area that represents a
contact situation. Each student participated in a semi-structured interview and was observed inside and
outside the classroom setting. After taking the entrance exam at the school, the students were placed at the
low-high intermediate level in the school’s module. The four participants Mike, Lindsay, Jenny and Bob are
college students at Texas Lutheran. Even though they were college students at the same school, none of them
knew each other prior to attending the immersion program.
Marienella is from East Los Angeles and is ethnically Mexican/American who describes herself as a
“chicana”. She provides insightful information on the Mexican/American perspective, which is discussed
briefly in this section, but is further explored in the section describing the Mexican/American perspective on
this language interchange. Even though Marienella
was associated with this particular group of students, her point of view on this language contact situation was
quite different than her fellow group members as a result of her ethnicity and her personal experiences with
the Spanish and English language. It must be mentioned that the point of view of Marienella is not
representative of the Mexican/American perspective as a whole. It is also important to note that Marienella,
like many other Mexican/Americans are forced to learn English as a means for survival whereas North
American bilinguals make the choice to learn Spanish.
This group attended the immersion program for a month and was there two weeks prior to my arrival
in Cuernavaca. In addition to the attendance of the immersion program at Universal, they also attended a
program that examined theological aspects within the community. This program is associated with the Center
for Global Education, which is located in Minneapolis at Ausburg College. Group solidarity was already
established before my attempt to communicate with the group. “Our group of eleven has already been
together for two weeks and already had a sense of community that has formed in some sense, so you were a
person that was coming into that community, I am sure that played into my experience with you and others as
well” (Luke).
The students also shared a lot of time together outside the Universal’s immersion program attending
lectures and religious base communities. Many common threads were woven between these group members;
the goal to understand theological aspects within a Mexican community, growing up in Texas (Luke, Bob,
Jenny, Lindsay and Mike), and also sharing similar future goals. “I hope to teach at a college level at some
point and I would like to teach Cultural Studies or Christian Ethics. I am going to be doing organizing work
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
10 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
in the coming year at the Youth and Ministry for Peace and Justice in the Bronx’ (Luke). “In the future I am
looking at work in the church” (Jenny).
The religious thread was the strongest thread that intertwined all of the members within this group.
The common threads between theses individuals enhanced the quick formation of group solidarity and
identity. After the formation of the group was established linguistic norms took shape. The language norms
accepted by this group was English or a combination of English and Spanish. The combination of the two
languages contained more English elements that Spanish. With all of these aspects combined the opposition
towards me was reinforced at a higher degree as a result of my language choice, to speak exclusively in
Spanish.
What does it mean to become an outsider? How does social identity predetermine language and social
norms? How is power displayed in social interactions? All of these questions became essential components in
my analysis of this group. Before beginning my research I tried to think of what possible consequences could
result due to language choice and how one’s language choice may influence the language choice of another
individual. Even though I took the time to think of possible consequences of my language choice, I did not
know what other people's reaction would be until I entered into conversation with them. Therefore, the
rational choice model of Myers-Scotton
was considered, but was seen as inapplicable model in this situation. I made the decision to speak in Spanish
upon my arrival. I wanted to practice my Spanish and also adapt to or "immerse" myself into the language
choice of the Cuernavacan community.
As a result of my initial experience in the courtyard, I later told the students that I would like to speak
in Spanish in order to practice the language and that they could converse with me in English or Spanish if
they wanted. I thought it was necessary to let the students know that they were by no means obligated to
speak in Spanish with me and that they could choose either language. After a couple of weeks I realized that
the students were actually reaffirming their own sense of community, thus, they were maintaining their
language and social norms of speaking in English as they would in the US. In a sense they were creating a
community with in another community through their linguistic choice.
Power is deeply engrained in linguistic production as a result of historical and political events.
Language dominance is also displayed in the positioning of one language over another. For example,
English/Spanish refers to the fact that English is the preferred and dominant language over Spanish. The
word order that the languages appear also can denote the first language/second language. The notion of the
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
11 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
portrayal of power in interpersonal communication was pointed out by two of the students, Luke and
Lindsay.
“I think that when someone is going to initiate a conversation to people who their first language is English and insists to use
Spanish it is assumed that this person has a strong command on the Spanish language. It sets up a hierarchical relationship; a
relationship where the receiving end of the discourse can feel disempowering. I think that in a way, that when a person who has
strong Spanish language skills who’s first language is English and comes into contact with someone who is not as comfortable with
their Spanish language skills, there is this immediate set up of, I am the teacher and I am in charge and it is a constant trying to
catch up in discourse with that person” (Luke).
“It seems like it wasn’t a fair playing ground because I couldn’t respond to you in that language. That makes you have the power in
that situation, that is not the best way to study a group if you are the observer and you have a higher playing ground, it is the seems
as not immersing yourself in a culture, in a lot of ways it seems like classical anthropology; ways of looking at things and not the
cultural way of looking at things. In classical anthropology the observer has a detached view of things and watching the natives and
later inferring what happens there. Cultural anthropology understands that there is a dichotomy going on when they are watching
and also being watched. The anthropologist’s job is to maintain a balance and always maintain a fair playing ground” (Lindsay).
Both of these statements by the students demonstrate their reaction to my language choice of Spanish
and how it created an unequal balance of power. By no means was it my intention to make them feel inferior
to me as a result of my Spanish language skills compared to theirs. This idea of the unfair playing ground was
created through their lack of confidence in their linguistic production. It was a more of a matter of language
confidence than proficiency since in the classroom they both spoke Spanish fairly easily. My language choice
of Spanish inverted the social roles when generally myself and these students would be seen as equals due to
our capability to converse in English.
Lindsay was one participant in this group who showed the greatest opposition towards my language choice
and my acceptance within their group. She mentions that she couldn't respond to me in Spanish, but in reality
she had the language skills necessary to converse with me. She also relates this power position to the field of
anthropology. She criticized my language choice in regards to the approach to my research. I learned a very
valuable lesson as a result of this incident. I learned how language is a tool of power and how language
choice is a precursor to group affiliation. If I did not choose Spanish as my North American bilingual using
Spanish instead of English when speaking with members of their North American bilingual peer group. I
would have also never experienced what it feels like when you don’t really fit in.
Marienella also mentions the notion of power in linguistic production.
Marienella, the “chicana”, points out that she uses the two languages as a resistance to the dominate
language, English and the dominant American culture. “Spanglish is our language. Whites come from a class
of privilege and have not experienced our situation.” This comment demonstrates that the interchange
between Spanish and English holds different meaning for Mexican/Americans than it does for North
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
12 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
American bilinguals and also denotes the language mixture as a form of resistance.
The Mexican American Perspective
One of the main intents of my research is to demonstrate the need to include both the North American
bilingual perspective and the Mexican/American perspective with in one study on this language contact
situation. It is essential to include both perspectives within one study to heighten the overall comprehension
of this topic. Over the past thirty years there have been many studies on bilingual education, the Southwest
region of the US, also known as the borderlands region and the Chicano movement that explores linguistic
interchange. The Mexican American perspective toward the linguistic interchange between Spanish and
English contains many factors. It is important to note that there is a variety of attitudes toward this language
contact situation and there is no collective view within the Mexican American community. There are some
individuals who think that mixing languages is bad or an indicator of a non-education person. Other
individuals think that mixing Spanish/English is a representation of their mix identity and is referred to as a
source of pride. In my research there is only one participant that is Mexican American and by no means does
her point of view represents the Mexican community as a whole.
Historical events and the struggle of this ethic group against racial discrimination created very strong
views toward the dominant language and culture within the US. The borderlands region has more than a
thousand year old tradition of contact. In 1848 the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo changed the lives of many
Mexicans. This treaty heightened the linguistic contact between Spanish and English and also created tension
between these two ethnic groups within society. History and personal experiences of Mexican Americans
have produced an environment of change and resistance.
The theme of resistance is included in many texts and also within the interview of the participant
Marienella. This interview was originally conducted in Spanish and the comments provided by her have been
translated into English. She describes herself as a chicana and lives in East L.A. The description and the
analysis of this interview explores; her attitude toward the contact situation, the use of her linguistic
repertoire, and the use of Spanglish. She states that she uses Spanglish as a source of pride of her mixed
descent and as an expression of resistance toward dominant American society.
Her definition of Spanglish
is the alteration between Spanish and English within the same sentence or between sentences. Her definition
of Spanglish is very similar to the definition of CS. According to Marienella, “Sometimes I say an entire
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
13 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
sentence in English and finish my point in Spanish in the following sentence. Or sometimes I put Spanish
words in between a whole sentence of English.” For example, Wow I am really tired porque I haven’t slept
nada all night”. In addition to her definition of Spanglish she also points out that it is only appropriate to use
this term if an individual is part of the Mexican/American culture and society. “Spanglish is more than a
linguistic phenomena, it is a phenomenon cultural. It is logical that when you learn another language like
German or Italian or some other language you mix the languages when speaking and writing but Spanglish is
more cultural.” This comment points out that there is a difference when a Mexican/American uses both
languages than when a North American bilingual does. Following her point of view it is incorrect to call the
code switching or code mixing practices of a North American bilingual Spanglish. What should we call code
switching/mixing practiced by North American bilinguals, if we cannot use the term Spanglish?
Within the analysis of linguistic production it is essential to note what code or codes are appropriate with
what people and in what social circumstances. She uses Spanglish with members from her peer group, which
includes her friends and her siblings. In general, she does not use this linguistic code with adults, Caucasians
nor African Americans. During her stay in Mexico she did use Spanglish with her fellow "white" group
members. She explains that in this situation it was o.k. since she was still demonstrating her resistance to the
dominant "white/American society" and she felt accepted within this group of individuals, which made her
know that no judgment was going to be placed onto her. The fear of judgment is a constant social factor that
hinders language choice.
"I think that Spanglish
is more with people of my age group, with friends and in the community that I live in. Perhaps I use it in the
classroom with friends, but also with my classmates because we are equals, experienced the same since we are
Mexcian/American, Chicano or Latino. I do not speak Spanglish with anyone who is obviously white or African
American. I don not speak Spanglish
with my mom or other adults because it is a demonstration of a lack of respect. It is more with people within my peer
group and mostly in informal situations." (Marienella)
During our conversation, I expressed my experience with the use of both languages and the reaction
of Mexican Americans towards my linguistic production. I told her that some people I have encountered were
obviously opposed to it whereas, others welcomed the mixture. Marienella explains that her attitude towards
North American bilinguals using both languages is rather negative due to the lack of cultural or meaning
attributed to it my North American bilinguals. Her attitudes toward these languages were shaped during her
childhood experiences at school.
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
14 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
"Why are you speaking our language? We use it as a form of resistance, of an age, of a town. You are doing it because you know the two
languages. I think that they don't understand or think that you shouldn't do it because yo u do not know how they feel. I think it is different
for us because when we were children in school and we spoke Spanglish, we were seen as bad and not accepted. We had to speak in pure
English. English is a position of privilege when a white person says you are bad. You do not know how it is to be a Mexican. You haven't
experienced this situation of power not feel like us when we speak Spanish. Spanglish is a form of resistance against the norms. You come
from a class of privilege through history, even though you do not present yourself like this. You come form a different position, a position
of privilege, which is different than our social position as a people. I think that is why people were not accepting you." (Marienella).
Her opinion describes the opposition against North American bilinguals using a mixture for the two
languages. Unfortunately
the other studies that are included within this investigation do not explore the reaction of Mexican/Americans
toward North
American bilinguals using a mixture of the languages. As a result of the lack of information on this aspect
within the contact
situation it is impossible to conclude that Mexican/Americans agree or disagree with the use of a language
mixture by North
American bilinguals.
Although there are many studies that explore the Latin American perspective toward this linguistic
interchange, I selected three studies by Field, Toribio and Galindo to the comments made by Marienella.
These studies include participants from Texas and California. The participants in these studies are within the
same age group as the participants within my investigation. These studies also explores the diverse
perspectives toward this subject, who and when it is appropriate to use this linguistics code or codes, and the
meaning attributed to it. The information presented in these studies compliment the information provided my
Marienella.
The research by Field demonstrates that language mixing occurs more frequently among people that have a
familiar relationship: parents, siblings, friends and co-workers (Field 1994:97). The interchange between
linguistic codes occurs when there is a sense of comfort and in a pre-established group composition. Figure
#2 demonstrates that over half of the documented mixing of languages occurred between persons who had a
familiar relationship. In comparison with the comments by Marienella, this study describes that the
participants use a mixture of the languages with parents whereas Marienella does not since she feels it is an
indicator of a lack of respect to one’s elders. Another contrast is in the use of Spanglish with classmates. This
study demonstrates that the students do not use both languages in the classroom. Marienella points out that
she does since they share a common bond of origin. Field does not explore the composition of students with
in the classroom or the possible structure of the curriculum. These two forces might contribute to the fact if
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Spanglish is allowed or prohibited in the classroom setting.
Code Switching
Family
Parents
Siblings
46 (19.6%)
76 (33.0%)
122
(26.2%)
Friends
Co-Workers
46 (26.0%)
40 (29.6%)
86 (27.6%)
Classmates
Aquitances
Strangers
Professionals
6 (19.4%)
6 (4.8%)
0
0
12 (6.2%)
Figure #3
Toribio
investigated a community in Santa Barbra and focuses on the responses of four individuals mixing languages
and the reasons why they mix them. This study is very similar to my investigation of the motivation that lies
behind the switch. Although there are only four participants in this particular study, the various perspectives
on this interchange are still expressed. It is important to note that only one individual Guadalupe, associated
her identify to her linguistic production of a mixture of both languages. She also calls herself a “chicana”.
One aspect that this study exemplifies is the association of identify and language mixing with a person who
considers himself or herself a chicano/a.
Reasons to Code Switch/Mix
Yanira
Rosalba
Federico
Guadalupe
yes
yes
no
yes
myself better no
yes
yes
yes
translation
ept
yes
hasis
yes
emotion
yes
no
no
no
no
no
no
yes
no
yes
w a word
15 of 26
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
my identity
16 of 26
no
no
no
yes
Figure #4
Galindo the third author in this analysis compared two bilingual communities in Austin, Texas. The
focus of this study is the participant’s attitudes toward English and Spanish. The participants identify that
there are three varieties of Spanish; a formal or traditional Spanish that is taught in school and is used by
recent Mexican immigrants, adults and parents; an informal or slang Spanish called Caló and is used by
mostly adolescents when talking with friends; am mixed form of Spanish with English words called Tex-Mex
and it is described as incorrect (Galindo 1995:83).
Caló
is one type of Spanish slang. It is interesting to mention that this form is generally associated with males.
Today the social and cultural norms identify Caló
as a form of discourse dominated by males. Females using this form are looked upon negatively by members
of the community (Galindo 1992:6). Even though there are negative attitudes in the community toward
females using this form of discourse, there is evidence of its use by females. The use of Caló and linguistic
varieties promote group solidarity and the creation of the feeling of "us" between the young. Spanish is
associated with foreigners and adults (Galindo 1995:86).
This investigation creates another outlook toward this language contact situation. Tex-Mex is
another word for the interchange between Spanish and English and is used instead of the term Spanglish. The
same linguistic codes are being used in California and Texas, a mixture of Spanish and English, but the
meaning and its' usage varies. In both cases Spanglish and Tex-Mex are used to create the feeling of
community, group identity, and solidarity. All of these studies demonstrate that formal or traditional Spanish
is associated with the older generation whereas slang Spanish or mixed Spanish is correlated with the new
generation. What is the future of Spanish and English if the trends of the new generation are using slang or a
mixture of Spanish/English?
Reasons for Switches Identified by Group #1
- Lack of expression in Spanish or English language
- Change in Members
(Students would switch to Spanish to include their host family members since they did not speak English)
- To maintain a sense of comfort (Returning to speaking English as an escape to the familiar)
-Group Acceptance
(When familiarity between group members is established the switching between Spanish and English or
visa-versa is done without the fear of judgment and the knowledge of acceptance)
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
17 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
-Group Identity and Solidarity
Group #2
This subgroup or clique mainly consisted of three males, also known as the tres amigos (three
friends). One other male participant and two other female participants became only partial members of this
group and did not contribute to the creation of the code mixed words or the code switched phrases of
American slang to Spanish. These individuals were taught CM words and CS phrases by the tres amigos. In
order to cover up the identity of these group members, fictitious names were created by the individuals
themselves. The tres amigos are Lobo (wolf), Trumendo (tremendous) and Pájaro. Prior to attending this
immersion at Taxco, the students had several classes together at ISU, but they did not become friends until
they arrived in Mexico. According to the proficiency test taken at the school, CEPE Lobo was placed in level
V, Tremendo and Pájaro in level III. Beyond the classroom setting these three participants spent a majority of
their free time together and also lived with the same host family.
The majority of their linguistic production consisted of CS sentences mostly in Spanish with very few
English elements. The main reason that they created these CM words or CS phrases from slang and mixed the
languages was to be able to constantly keep a conversation going without having to stop to ask, how do you
say this, ¿Cómo
se dice? Our discussion of their linguistic production highlights several key motivations of their mixing of
Spanish and English, to joke, to maintain their American identity within in a Spanish context, and the
establishment of group solidarity. "Our language signifies enculturation. It is funny when other people do not
understand what we are saying. Our words are funny and we like to teach our language to others" (Lobo). "I
am very comfortable to include a little of my language, slang into my Spanish. For example, Miraste (look)
man or including dude but using the Spanish word guey, no way guey" (Trumendo).
In addition to maintaining or using the manner in which they speak in English, the "F" word was also used
within their Spanish. It is interesting to point out that the use of the Spanish word pinche (fuckin') was used
instead of fuckin' because it was seen as less vulgar or less offensive. When pinche was not used, the English
word freakin was used instead of fuckin'. "Hay (There are) freakin muchas (a lot). Toda (everything) es (is)
pinche. Pinche ducha (shower). No hay (there isn't) pinche agua (water). Pinche bonita (beautiful)" (Lobo,
Tremendo, and Pájaro).
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
18 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Laughter and joking was a constant occurrence between these individuals, which reinforced their identity,
friendship and group formation. The words created by the tres amigos can be organized into three categories;
references to identity, bodily functions and sexuality (View figures 5, 6, 7). These three topics also formed
the basis of many puns when joking. The code mixed words created by the tres amigos all end in “ear”. “It is
easier to conjugate the verb with the ear ending" (Tremendo). The “ear” suffix also appears in the code mixed
words by Latinos (See figure # 8).
References to Identity
Gringear
gring/ear
gringo--Spanish word that
is
used instead of the term
American
ear-Spanish suffix
Meaning-To Americanize
Mexicanizar
mexican/izar
Meaning-To Mexicanize
Gringolandia
gringo/land/ia
gringo-Spanish word
land-English word
ia-Spansih suffix
Meaning- USA
Jewcana
Jew/cana
Jew-English word for
an
ethnic group
cana-Origiantes from
the
Spanish word chicana
Meaning-cheap
Mexican
Figure #5
References to Bodily Functions
Burpear
burp/ear
Meaning-To burp
Hershey Squirter
Hershey Squirt/er
Meaning-diarrhea
Shitear
shit/ear
Meaning-To take a shit
hace un dumpo
hace un dump/o
Meaning-To take a
dump
Corrientes
Osear
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
19 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Is actually an adjective in
Spansih
which means, running,
current or
stream
Meaning-diaherrea
os/ear
Oso- is the Spanish
word
for bear
ear-spansih suffix
Pissear
piss/ear
Meaning- To take a piss
Meaning-To relieve
oneself in the woods
Toma un leeko
Meaning To take
a leek
Figure #6
References to Sexuality
Spankear
spank/ear
Meaning-To masterbate
Wackear
Wack/ear
Meaning-To masterbate
Bonear
Bone/ar
Bangear
Bang/ear
Meaning-To bang (to have
sex)
Meaning-To bone (to have sex)
Cogible
coger-Spanish word, that has a
vulgar
meaning in mexico, to fuck
ible-English suffix
Hitear en
hitear en
Meaning- to hit on
Casa de gatas
directly translated this phrase
means
house of cats
Meaning-Brothel
Chupar alfombra
directly translated this phrase
means to suck carpet
Flirtear
flirt/ear
Meaning-To flirt
Taco de pezcado
directly translated this
phrase
means fish taco
Meaning- Female genital
Tocateta
toca/teta
Tocar- Spanish word that
means
to touch
Meaning- To molest
Muffdivear
Muff/dive/ar
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
20 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Meaning- Carper muncher, a term
used to refer to a lesbian
Meaning- To perform oral
sex on a female
Figure # 7
These code mixed words were created and later taught to other individuals within the group from ISU. The
notion of the creation of subgroups or cliques was also identified by the tres amigos. "It is very American to
form cliques. The girls in our group seem very competitive and there wasn't strong bonds of friendship
established" (Pájaro). With the creation of their group a new language, as they put it was created. On the
surface it appears that there are differences in linguistic production according to the sex of an individual.
Taking this notion a step further it would reaffirm stereotypical gender norms. These stereotypes
promote the ideas that the males are the transgressors whereas the females are the boundary setters. In this
case the males are the transgressors since they are being creative with the usage of a mixture of the two
languages and the females are maintaining the boundaries by maintaining the language norm of using English
as they would in the US.
The sex of an individual does not determine or influence linguistic production; rather it is the association with
a group that influences language usage. The lack of a sense of group or community was never established
among the females, which then influenced their linguistic production.
It must also be noted that the females with in the ISU spoke more English than Spanish and some
individuals were offended by the tres amigos speaking in Spanish. The tres amigos had trouble understanding
why the most of the girls did not want to extend their usage of Spanish from the classroom setting. "It is very
strange, if you only speak Spanish in class. You aren't going to learn anything. Many speak Spanish for fifty
minutes and the minute they leave the classroom they start speaking English" (Lobo).
Code mixed Words
Group #3
Rushear
rush/ear
rush-English word
ear-Spanish suffix
Meaning-To rush
Latinos
Printear
print/ear
print-English
word
ear-Spanish
suffix
Meaning- To
print
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
21 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Complainear
complain/ear
Meaning- To
complain
Drinquear
drinque/ar
Relaxear
relax/ear
Wachear
wach/ear
Meaning-To
watch
Meaning-To relax
Meaning-To drink
Figure #8 (Code mixed words by Latinos were taking from Dicionario de Espanglis por Ivan Stevens)
Code Switched Words from Slang
Group #3 from Taxco
Paz afuera / Peace out
Boys from Cuernavaca
El pimpo/ pimp
American slang term
Latinos
Eso no está cute
Meaning- That's not
nice
Escuela viaja / Old school
Leventar el techo / Raise the
roof
a populat phrase in American
slang
Eh' cuse me, pero no
Tus rules / You rule
found in many R&B songs
Meaning-No way Jose
Don't even think about
it
Todo bien / All good
Ella tiene espalda /Baby got
back
a popular phrase in American
slang
found in many R&B songs
Está chilleando / I'm chillin
chill/ear
chill-Enlgish word
ear-Spansih suffix
Hasta la bye, bye
Dulce/ Sweet
Meaning-See ya later
No duda /No doubt
Pain in the Nalgas
Meaning-Pain in the
butt
Fresca / Cool
Mi malo / My bad
Derecha en / Right on
Figure #9 (The code switch phrase of slang were taking from the March issue of the Magazine called Latina)
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
22 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
On the surface it appears that North American Bilingual college student’s code mix or code switch words
form slang in the same manner that Latinos code mix and code switch words (View Figure #8, #9). On the
linguistic level there is an obvious great lexical similarity. For instance the usage of the “ear” suffix and the
tendency to code switch phrases of slang.
In contrast on the cultural level there is an array of possible social motivations to switch or mix codes.
The CS or CM practiced by Mexican Americans is referred to as Spanglish or Tex-Mex, which are
exemplified in these examples, but here is no general consensus of the motivations behind the switching or
mixing between Spanish and English by individuals of Mexican American origin. The motivations mentioned
within this study are documented in Figure #4. The motivation to mix the languages as a means to represent
their mixed identity was only documented by two participants, Marienella and Gaudalupe. In regards to a
comparison between the motivations of Mexican Americans to North American bilinguals brings to question
the cultural implications, which are caused by code mixing/switching. Is code switching/mixing a culturally
significant variable?
Conclusion
This ethnographic study documents current events within language contact situations and demonstrates that
linguistic production is not set in stone, but rather it is in a constant state of flux. The inclusion of the
perspectives of Mexican/Americans and the North American bilinguals within one study brings us closer to
attaining the full comprehension of what happens in the middle ground between two languages and two
cultures. Language contact situations are the breeding grounds for linguistic and cultural interchange. These
situations are crossing barriers and constructing new concepts of social and linguistic norms.
The main motivations of North American bilinguals to code switch or code mix during immersion
programs in Taxco and Cuernavaca, Mexico
are; to joke, to maintain a sense of comfort, to establish and reaffirm group identity, solidarity and ethnicity.
Two main parallels may be drawn between the code mixing/switching practices of North American bilinguals
and Mexican/Americans due to the identification of a mixture of Spanish and English to members of their
peer group, and on the fact that both groups are constructing similar code mixed words and code switched
phrases. Group identity, solidarity and ethnicity are the social forces that give meaning to any linguistic code.
Meaning in this case comes from the tongue of the beholder. The mingling of tongues between group
members during a communicative event creates the possibility of crossing and creating new linguistic
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
23 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
avenues. Only the future will tell where these paths will lead our linguistic repertoires.
References
Auer, Peter
1998 Codeswitching in Conversation: Language, interaction and identity. New York: Routledge.
Clachar, Arlene
2000 Redressing ethnic conflict through morphosyntactic “creativity in code-mixing”. Language and
Communication 20:311327.
D’Introno, Francesco, Ana Teresa Fiallo, Karen Ram, and Debra Sicilia
1991 Condiciones gramaticales sobre la alternancia. Hispana 74:399-408.
Field, Fred
1994 Caught in the Middle: The Case of Pocho
and the mixed language continuum. General Linguistics 34(2):84-105.
Fishman, Joshua A.
1989 Language & Ethnicity in Minority Sociolinguistic Perspective. Philadelphia: Multilingual Matters.
Flores, Lauro
2001 De fronteras e hibridismos: identidad y culturas chicanas. Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos.
613-614:113-122.
Galindo, Letticia D.
1995 Language Attitudes Toward: Spanish and English Varieties, Chicano Perspective. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences. 17(1):77-99.
Holmes, Janet and Miriam Meyerhoff
1999
The Community of practice: Theories and methodologies in language and gender research. Language
in Society
28:173-183.
Macaro, Ernesto
2000 Analysing Student Teachers’ Codeswitching in Foreign Language Classrooms: Theories and Decision
Making. The
Modern Language Journal 85:531-548.
Montes-Alcalá, Cecilia
1998 Written Codeswitching: Powerful Bilingual Images. In Codeswitcing Worldwide. Rodolfo Jacobson,
ed. Berlin: Mounton de Gruyter.
Muysken, Meter
1999 Bilingual Speech: A Typology of Code Mixing.UK Cambridge University Press.
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
24 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Muysken, P, and Lesley Millroy, eds.
1995 One Speaker two languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres.
Myers-Scotton, Carol
2001 Calculating speakers: Codeswitching in a rational choice model. Languages in
Society 30:1-28.
1998 Codes and Consequences: Choosing Linguistic Varieties. New York: Oxford
University Press.
1995 Social Motivations for Codeswitching: Evidence from Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
1993 Common and uncommon ground: Social and structural factors in codeswitcing. Language in Society
22:475-503.
Ramirez, Arnulfo G.
1992 Lenguages en contacto: el español frente al inglés. La Torre Ano III 399-413.
1991 Sociolinguistica del espanol-ingles en contacto entre adolescentes hispanos de Estados Unidos.
Hispana 74:1057-1067.
Rampton, Ben
2002 Ritual and forgein language practices at school. Language in Society 31:491-525.
Roca, Ana, and John M. Lipski
1993 Spanish in the United States: Linguistic Contact and Diversity. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Santa Ana, Otto, and Claudia Parodi
1998 Modeling
the speech community: Configuration and variable types in Mexican Spanish setting. Language in Society
27:
23-51.
Silva-Corvalan, Carmen
1990 Contempory Trends in Hispanic and Luso-Brazilian Linguistics: Part 2: Current Issues in Studies of
Language Contact.
Hispania 73:162-176.
Simon, Diana-Lee
1998 Towards a New Understanding of Codeswitching in the Foreign Language Classroom. In
Codeswitcing Worldwide. Rodolfo, Jacobson, ed. Berlin: Mounton de Gruyter.
Thomason, Sarah G.
2001 Language Contact: An Introduction.Washington, D.C: Georgetown University Press.
Toribio, Almeida Jacqueline
2002
Spanish-English code-switching among US Latinos. International Journal of the Sociology of
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
25 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
Language: Linguistic Choices by Individuals, Organizations and Speech Communities 158:89-119.
Torras, Maria-Carme, and Joseph, Gafaranga
2002
Social identities and language alteration in non-formal institutional bilingual talk Trilingual service
encounters in
Barcelona. Language in Society 31:357-548.
Torres, Hector A.
2001 The Ethnographic Component in Chicano/a Literary Discourse. Aztlan 25(1):156-166.
Torres, Lourdes
2002 Bilingual discourse markers in Puerto Rican Spanish. Language in Society 31(1):65-81.
Urciuoli, Bonnie
1995 Language and border. Annual Review of Anthropology 24:525-546.
Wei, Li
2002 “What do you want me to say?’ On the Conversation Analysis approach to bilingual interaction.
Language in Society
31:159-180.
Wilkinson, Sharon
2002
The Omnipresent classroom during summer study abroad in conversation with their hosts. The
Modern Language
Journal. 157-173.
11/13/2007 7:54 AM
ABSTRACT
26 of 26
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
11/13/2007 7:54 AM