Our first assignment in Genetics in Society: Promise or Peril? required us to define “academic writing.” Although our descriptions differed from person to person, there were several themes common to each definition. One of these themes focused on engaging with the works of others. As our class soon found out, a cornerstone of academic writing involves building upon what has already been said. This idea served as the foundation of our three major research assignments during the semester. “Genetic Paradigms: Lost in Translation” was my final major research assignment in Writing 20. When I began that work, I had already had considerable experience with extending, challenging, and critiquing the previous works of academics. Thus, I decided to treat my final paper as a “culminating work” in that it would build upon everything I had done over the course of the semester. My first major writing project concentrated on Peter Conrad’s essay, “Genetics in the News: Dilemmas of a Rising Paradigm.” Through an analysis Ultimately, geneticists as well as the popular media must refine their approaches to contemporary genetics and forever bury genetic determinism as an acceptable biological framework. Genetic Paradigms: Lost in Translation Jeremy Friehling Writing 20 (Spring 2008): Genetics and Society: Promise or Peril? Professor Robin Smith A s a testament to its seemingly limitless potential, the human genome has been deemed the “holy grail” of life. While such a metaphor captures the great promise that genetics holds for mankind, it simultaneously perverts the public’s perception of genetics and its role within the etiological framework of human physiology, behavior, and personality. Perhaps no other phenomenon better epitomizes this perversion than the persistence of genetic reductionism and genetic determinism in the public parlance. Genetic reductionism proposes that all human phenomena can be fundamentally understood from a genetic standpoint, while genetic determinism implies that human beings are the exclusive and immutable product of their genetic makeup (Beckwith 41). Genetic determinism is an oversimplified and outdated concept that bears no practical meaning in the modern scientific community. Contemporary science now generally accepts gene-by-environment interactions as the modern biomedical paradigm that is at the root of the human condition (Alper 36). However, this idea that both heritable and external factors work together to define an individual has yet to gain universal public acceptance. Why has genetic determinism continued to linger in the modern public discourse? Jon Beckwith, a research professor of molecular genetics at Harvard Medical School, believes that geneticists may be at the heart of the problem (55). Historically, geneticists have wielded great power when it comes to the applications of genetics research; however, they have failed to correctly shape public opinion. As a result, they are largely responsible for the prevailing threat of genetic determinism in society. Although Beckwith is justified in his central claim, he fails to acknowledge the importance of the popular media as the key vehicle through which science is translated from the academic community to the lay public. Through an analysis of the history of genetic determinism and the reasons for its persistence in our culture, this work will demonstrate that the interplay of both geneticists and the popular media underlies the longevity of genetic determinism. Ultimately, geneticists as well as the popular media must refine their approaches to contemporary genetics and forever bury genetic determinism as an acceptable biological framework. The origins of genetic determinism can be traced back to the growing interest in heredity that emerged during the mid-late nineteenth century. Perhaps the first appearance of the concept came in 1869 when Francis Galton, a cousin of Charles Darwin, published a book called Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into its Laws and Consequences. In that work, Galton asserted that “achievement” was strongly influenced by heredity because all of the prominent figures of his day had a documented 1 Because the two concepts are interrelated and often utilized interchangeably in contem- 58 porary literature, this work will henceforth refer to both using the umbrella term, genetic determinism. legacy of substantial familial achievement over many generations. Although his work was badly flawed due to a lack of recognition of other significant factors such as wealth, education, and social class, Galton nevertheless laid the foundation for genetic determinism (Reilly 133-4). In the early part of the twentieth century, genetic determinism began to gain momentum among pioneering geneticists in America, Britain, and Germany. Essentially, it provided the necessary framework for the eugenics movement of the time because the prevailing belief among geneticists was that heredity was unchangeable (Beckwith 42). In accordance with eugenics, geneticists of that era sought to increase the proportion of “desirable” traits among the general population via selective marriage whilst eliminating certain “undesirable” traits via mandatory sterilization programs (Carnesale, Lees, and Buder 30). The apex of the eugenics movement in the United States saw the extension of genetic determinism to all sorts of human behavior, ranging from “feeble-mindedness” to an “affinity for seafaring” (Kevles and Hood 7). Unfortunately, the applications of genetic determinism far outpaced the scientific research used to support them. Moreover, according to Jon Beckwith, “Despite their increasing disdain for the scientific arguments of eugenics, geneticists generally failed to speak out publicly” (43). It was not until the rise of Nazi Germany and the subsequent atrocities of Hitler’s “Final Solution” that eugenics, along with genetic determinism, lost support in American culture. Although the concepts became associated with terrible science and inconceivable evils, they nevertheless left their residual mark on society. It was only a matter of time before the academic community would enter the age of molecular genetics and biotechnology, and genetic determinism would emerge once again. Genetic determinism, despite its nearly unanimous rejection among today’s scholars, continues to permeate the fabric of society. As in the past, the research conducted by geneticists contributes to the sustained acceptance of genetic determinism among the general population. In the wake of the genomics era, scientists are highly motivated to focus their research on genetic factors. In fact, 85% of today’s research budget is assigned to the investigation of biomedical problems that have some sort of genetic basis (Gailiun; Strohman 172). A case in point is the Human Genome Project, a scientific endeavor which successfully mapped out the entire human genome in an effort to better understand human diseases, behaviors, and origins. From 1990-2005, the National Institutes of Health contributed over $3 billion to the Human Genome Project— by far the largest sum ever allocated to a single research effort (Wellcome Trust Sanger Institute). This reductionist approach towards genetics research causes the general public to hone in on the importance of genes, thus contributing to ongoing public faith in genetic determinism. In addition, this method has become so popular that other causal elements, especially those of the external environment, are under-researched and often discounted as significant contributors to the human context (Strohman 171). Moreover, geneticists sometimes present a more subtle view of genetic determinism by proposing that there are limits to the degree of change that can be made to one’s genotype (Beckwith 46). This “limits” approach, which suggests that there is little wiggle room within the greater framework of genetic determinism, embodies the remnants of old deterministic attitudes towards genetics and may represent a reluctance among some geneticists to fully change their views. Furthermore, it lacks a sound scientific basis because the specificity of the limits that are imposed by our genetic makeup remains unknown. In light of this research imbalance, and despite the fact that genetics is still a budding science, leaders in the field have boldly extended genetics to nearly every realm of human life. Public statements made by some geneticists also often mislead the general public. When geneticists publicly refer to their work, they frequently speak in deterministic terms in order to bolster their claims and extend the implications of their results (Melo-Martín 526). In essence, they seek to promote acceptance of this doctrine in society. For example, former director of the Human Genome Project and co-discoverer of the structure of DNA, James Watson, famously stated, “We used to think our fate was in our stars. Now we know, in of Conrad’s work, I learned about how the popular press misrepresents genetics in the news. For my second major writing project, I explored the ways in which another popular source—modern cinema— distorts the public’s perception of genetics. Thus, after completing my first two major writing assignments, I was under the impression that only the media was responsible for the general populace’s lack of genetic acuity. However, prior to beginning my final paper, I read Jon Beckwith’s essay, “Geneticists in Society, Society in Genetics.” In his work, Beckwith placed the blame solely on the shoulders of the scientific community. I found this alternate perspective quite interesting, especially when it was juxtaposed against all of my previous research on the topic. As a result, my goal in “Genetic Paradigms: Lost in Translation” was to synthesize the two competing claims in an effort to show how both geneticists and the news media are responsible for society’s misunderstanding of contemporary genetics. This reductionist approach towards genetics research causes the general public to hone in on the importance of genes, thus contributing to ongoing public faith in genetic determinism. 59 60 large measure, our fate is in our genes” (qtd. in Jaroff 67). Likewise, Paul Berg, a professor emeritus at Stanford University, believes that “many if not most human diseases are clearly the result of inherited mutations.” Even renowned behavioral geneticist Dean Hamer has gone on record saying that everybody’s “core personality [is] hardwired into their bodies since birth, a genetic legacy from their parents surely as the color of their eyes” (6). Such quotations made by prominent geneticists distort the public’s perception of genetics and ignore the significant role that the environment plays in our development as human beings. While statements like those made by Watson, Berg, and Hamer are not representative of the vast majority of geneticists, they resonate in the public discourse, shaping the attitudes of countless people and impressing upon them the myth of genetic determinism. Geneticists must be more conscientious about how they present their results because they may instill questionable ideas about the causal role of genes in human biology. In the words of Jon Beckwith, “It is the nature of science that when a successful new theory or paradigm appears, it is often invoked to explain a wide range of phenomena well beyond the scope of the studies that led to it” (40). Today’s clinical setting reinforces the concept of genetic determinism as well. Because genes are given a unique and privileged status in our society, deterministic attitudes that overestimate the role of genes in human affairs have become quite popular (Oyama 177). This tendency is evident in modern genetic testing. Often, geneticists present the results of genetic testing as definite rather than predictive (MeloMartín 527). Thus, genetic testing reinforces the assumption that genes lead directly to specific diseases and behaviors, which in turn can cause fatalistic outlooks. Genetic fatalism tends to parallel genetic determinism, leading individuals to believe that they cannot alter their genetic fates. For example, studies have shown that individuals found to be at an increased genetic risk for heart disease feel that cardiac illness is inevitable and immutable (Senior, Marteau and Peters 1857). We must remember that, for the most part, we still control our destiny. To forget this key point is to sacrifice hope and submit to genetic omnipotence. In addition, straightforward, deterministic genetic diseases are extremely rare in humans, comprising fewer than 2% of the total disease load in the developed world (Strohman 172). Moreover, the genetic empiri- cism for social, mental, and behavioral characteristics in humans is lacking. Thus, in the case of more complex behaviors, “the genetic reductionist view of human traits has far outrun the scientific evidence [used to support it]” (Beckwith 43). According to emeritus professor of molecular and cellular biology at the University of California, Berkeley, Richard Strohman, there are four levels of genetic complexity that one must consider at the clinical level. Monogenic traits follow single-gene, or Mendelian, inheritance patterns, polygenic traits are characteristics derived from multiple genes, epigenetic traits incorporate gene-bygene interactions, and gene-by-environment interactions encompass the three prior levels of heredity along with environmental interplay (175). Thus, the tremendous complexity in genetics debunks most clinical applications of genetic determinism; monogenic diseases such as Tay-Sach’s and Huntington’s are rare exceptions and, therefore, are not good proxies for the greater picture (Alper 23). In spite of genetic determinism’s entrenchment in the public discourse, contemporary scientific research underscores the shortcomings of this antiquated philosophy. Instead, gene-byenvironment interactions now function as the modern explanatory model for the human context within scholarly circles. The theory behind gene-by-environment interactions seeks to end the long-contested “nature versus nurture” debate by acknowledging the role each side plays in our biology (De Waal 98). Several studies have demonstrated the efficacy of gene-by-environment interactions in the etiology of various conditions. For example, We must remember that, for the most part, we still control our destiny. To forget this key point is to sacrifice hope and submit to genetic omnipotence. one groundbreaking study conducted at Duke University by Drs. Randy Jirtle and Robert Waterland suggested that genetic predispositions can be drastically altered by external factors. The study showed that mice carrying a genetic predisposition to cancer, diabetes, and obesity can develop healthily and normally if only a few simple dietary, not genetic, changes are made (Watters). In humans, asthma has been shown to be the intricate product of geneby-environment interactions. The actions of certain alleles on chromosome 5, which increase one’s susceptibility to developing asthma, are greatly enhanced by exposure to tobacco smoke during infancy. In short, the presence of both the predisposing alleles and the environmental factor of secondhand smoke interact to produce a much greater risk of developing asthma than either component does alone (Koppelman 103). Similarly, depression is a mental illness that has a gene-byenvironment interaction. Certain genetic predispositions can be modified by abusive behavior during childhood such that they have a combined influence on adult-onset depression. The interplay of genetic inheritance and major life stresses greatly increases one’s susceptibility to developing depression, whereas each factor alone is not significant enough to achieve the same result (Bradley, Binder, et al. 190). Many more studies vindicate the hypothesis that gene-by-environment interactions are at the root of many human characteristics and that predisposition is not predestination; but, the science is still in its infancy (Reilly 143). As a result, when genetics arises in public discussions, the complex gene-by-environment model has had to take a back seat to the older, albeit obsolete, explanation of genetic determinism. Although geneticists bear much of the blame for the persistence of genetic determinism in our contemporary culture, one question still remains: who relays the ideas, opinions, and beliefs of the scientific community to the general populace? The answer, quite succinctly, is the popular media. Despite the eugenics legacy of the past as well as the scientific research of the present, the popular media continues to spread the concept of genetic determinism. According to Peter Conrad, a professor of medical sociology at Brandeis University, “Genetic influence is complex, multifaceted, and indirect, yet it is often presented in the news as if a single gene is responsible for a behavior or condition” (66). In his eyes, the popular press is guilty of committing two follies: “finding and losing genes” (62) and conveying the “OGOD” (one gene, one disease) assumption (66). By “finding and losing genes,” Conrad implies that the news media intentionally favors reporting on genetics research that yields positive results while denying coverage to studies that see no effect. Such a practice can leave false impressions on the general public, especially when a promising study that claims a genetic basis for a particular disease or condition is subsequently disproven. For example, behavioral geneticist Dean Hamer claimed to have isolated a “gay” gene in a 1993 study; however, several subsequent studies found no support for his hypothesis (Reilly 148). The press enthusiastically reported on Hamer’s original publication, but it did not give any attention to the later studies that debunked it (Conrad 70). The cultural residues from “finding and losing genes” provide a solid foundation for the persistence of genetic determinism in our society. Furthermore, by conveying the “OGOD” model of genetics, the popular press ignores the tremendous complexity associated with modern genomics and, instead, drives home the ideology of genetic determinism. For example, a headline from the Wall Street Journal proclaiming, “Scientists Say They’ve Found Gene That Causes Breast Cancer,” portrays breast cancer, an illness with an intricate genetic and environmental etiology, as a purely genetic disease unaffected by external factors (Waldholz B7). Even the language used by the popular press in this example expresses a sense of optimism that contributes to the overall hype surrounding genetics research in the news. Despite the fact that the press employs well-educated journalists with strong scientific backgrounds, it encourages oversimplified scientific reporting that will sell stories. In essence, the news media has shrewdly created a pathway whereby genetics research from the academic community is filtered, shaped, and tailored according to the press’ needs prior to its dissemination to the general public. In addition to the genetic-determinist propaganda championed by the print media, modern cinema often espouses simplistic models of genetics science. Science fiction films, while an integral forum for popular discussions about real scientific issues, overexaggerate the potential modern science has for mankind. With respect to genetics, movies throughout the twentieth century have conveyed the idea that genetic determinism is a scientific reality (Kirby 193). For example, the 1997 science fiction thriller Gattaca portrayed In essence, the news media has shrewdly created a pathway whereby genetics research from the academic community is filtered, shaped, and tailored according to the press’ needs prior to its dissemination to the general public. 61 a futuristic world in which society has accepted the gene as an omnipotent force in human biology. Set in the not-too-distant future, Gattaca portrays a world in which society has evolved a caste system based not on race or gender, but rather on an individual’s genotype. Those who are genetically enhanced at birth enjoy better health, cultural 62 acceptance, and career prospects during the course of their lives, while those who are genetically “inferior” endure the hardships of society’s bottom rung (Gattaca). Likewise, in their book, The DNA Mystique, sociologists Dorothy Nelkin and Susan Lindee identify that “popular culture is a business, and the appeal of any product — be it a television sitcom, advertising campaign, or newspaper story — depends on its resonance with consumer experience and popular belief” (13). Science fiction films that address genetics issues are no exception in that they often misrepresent the facts in order to make the story more interesting and accessible to the general audience. They tend to perpetuate genetic determinism as a biological paradigm because it is appealing, broadly understood, and widely appreciated among the general public (Rose 49). In fact, one of the primary reasons for the continued acceptance of genetic determinism among the general public involves the inherent simplicity that is associated with genetic determinism. Genetics provides much more solid quantitative and verifiable results than, say, the complex epidemiological studies needed to document gene-by-environment interactions (Beckwith 41). People find solace in the simplicity of genetic determinism because they can rationalize their current state of affairs by shifting the blame from themselves to their “immutable” genes. Furthermore, due to the legacy of the “nature versus nurture” debate, a conflict which seeks to determine whether genetics or the environment is the primary factor behind human disease, behavior, and personality, “we still love to phrase everything in terms of one influence over the other, rather than both [genetic and environmental influences]” (De Waal 95). Due to the modern surge in genetics research coupled with our “sound-bite” culture, today’s society loves to frame human characteristics solely in terms of genetic influences. And, despite primatologist Frans De Waal’s claim that “no one is in a better position than the scientists themselves to warn against distortions and to explain the complexities” (99), geneticists choose to remain silent and distance themselves from the public dialogue, thus allowing the popular media to continue to manipulate public opinion. The scientific community maintains that “science is a neutral pursuit where scientists have no role in entering into discussions of social issues, even when there is a scientific component to the discussions” (Beckwith 51). It remains clear that geneticists, in conjunction with the popular media, have been behind the prevailing specter of genetic determinism in the public parlance. Consequently, each has failed to assume its moral responsibility to help transition the public from the simple, dogmatic concept of genetic determinism to the more complex and multifaceted framework of gene-by-environment interactions. In the future, geneticists as well as the popular media must assume accountability for their actions and ensure that the general public is properly educated about genetic complexity. Education is the key to welcoming the age of genomics into our modern social order. Furthermore, it is apparent that genetic determinism is an archaic philosophy that has not only survived the research that debunks it but has also outpaced the research that supports it. Although some geneticists believe that “arguing against genetic determinism is like battling the undead” (Oyama 192), geneticists must work together with the popular media to vanquish the haunting myth. As Jon Beckwith advises, “... the lessons of history mandate a greater participation in public debates over the importance of genes and a greater involvement in public education by scientists” (54). It is never too late to remedy what has been lost in translation and bridge the gap between science and society. 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