French Missionary Records for the Kangxi Emperor's Glass Workshop
法國傳教士所記載的康熙帝玻璃工作坊
Emily Byrne Curtis
Background
In 1684 missionary Philippe Couplet, S. J. (Bao Yingli, 沈福宗) arrived at Versailles with a
request from the Kangxi emperor (r. 1662-1722) for French Jesuits with skills in the arts and sciences.1
Couplet was accompanied on this voyage by a young Chinese candidate for the priesthood named Shen
Fuzong (沈福宗).2 Shen’sgreen silk tunic and blue brocade vest embroidered with dragons attracted the
attention of the French court, as did his demonstration of eating with chopsticks. Quite naturally, such
an exotic visitor was shown the ‘curiosities’ of Paris. This included a visit to Mr. Hubin, the king’s
enameler (Émailleur du Roy), who was known throughout Europe as being most knowledgeable and a
master of glass and enamel wares. Hubin also conducted experiments on mechanical devices. A few
days after the missionaries’ visit, Mr. Hubin paid a return one to the Jesuit residence in Paris, where he
was shown various Chinese paintings on silk, and Shen gave a lesson in the art of writing Chinese
characters with ink and a brush.3 Without over emphasizing the importance of these activities, it should
be borne in mind that at this time King Louis XIV ( r. 1643-1715) was anxious to establish scientific
and cultural exchanges with China, and to extend his political and commercial interests in that region.
Couplet’s visit brought to the foreground French plans to conduct astronomical and geographical
surveys throughout Asia, and spurred the subsequent sending of qualified missionary-scientists.
Thus, in response to Kangxi’s request, and with the approval of his ministers, the King made a
conscious effort to appoint Jesuits whose technical expertise and scholarly attainments would fulfill the
1
Foss, Theodore N. (1988), ‘A Western Interpretation of China: Jesuit Cartography.’ in East Meets West:The Jesuits in China,
1582-1773, Chicago: Loyola University Press, pp. 209-251. See pp. 219-23; Witek, John W. (1988), ‘Understanding the Chinese:A
comparison of Matteo Ricci and the French Jesuit Mathematicians sent by Louis XIV,’ in East Meets West:The Jesuits in China,
1582-1773, Chicago: Loyola University Press, pp. 209-51. See pp. 72-73.
2
von Collani, Claudia, ed. (2005), Joachim Bouvet, S. J.:Journal des voyages, Taipei, Taiwan: Taipei Ricci Institute, Variétés
Sinologiques New Series 95. See p.5. The original plan was for Couplet to be accompanied by five candidates for the priesthood, but
in the end only Shen Fuzhong went with him to Europe.
3
Dehergne, Joseph (1964), ‘Voyageurs chinois venus a Paris,’ in Monumenta Serica: Journal of Oriental Studies, Tokyo: S. V. D.
Research Institute, vol. 23, pp. 372-397. See pp. 375-6.
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French Missionary Records for the Kangxi Emperor's Glass Workshop
emperor’s expectations. He began by designating Jean de Fontaney, SJ (Hong Ruohan, 洪若翰) as head
of the mission. Fontaney was joined by the Fathers Guy Tachard, SJ (who would remain in Siam),
Joachim Bouvet, SJ (Bai Jin,白晉), Jean-François Gerbillon, SJ (Zhang Cheng,張 誠), Claude Visdelou,
SJ (Liu Ying, 劉應), and Louis Le Comte, SJ (Li Ming, 李明). They embarked for China on 3 March
1685.4 During the voyage east, the missionaries divided their scholarly pursuits. Each man was to
specialize, in order to present an organized and concentrated effort. The make-up of this division may
be inferred from a memoire they submitted to the king’s Minister, the Marquis de Louvois.
Fontaney
requested various instruments and books on astronomy; Bouvet, natural history works; Gerbillon, books
on France and Europe, barometers, thermometers, and small gifts for the Mandarins who would
represent them at court. Visdelou asked for dictionaries and Le Comte, books on art, architecture, and
glassmaking (la verrerie).5
The French Jesuits reached Ningbo on 23 July 1687. In February of 1688, they entered Beijing and
by 30 September were able to report that the emperor had received some of their books and prints. The
sovereign had also accepted a small watch, an English telescope, ‘deux petits portraits en mignature’
[enamel], and ‘divers ouvrages de verre’.6 Pleased with these gifts, Kangxi granted permission for the
French Jesuits to remain in China. Bouvet and Gerbillon were chosen to stay at the court in imperial
service, while the others were allowed to do their missionary work in the provinces. Having quickly
learning Manchu and Chinese, Bouvet and Gerbillon were able to interact with the emperor on a
personal basis. Kangxi was particularly interested in the meteorological observations Bouvet had made
with scientific instruments de la façon de Mr. Hubin.7 The emperor’s interest in Western medicine
became even stronger when the French Jesuits cured him of a fever with some quinine. As a reward,
Kangxi granted them their own residence and they chose one within the walls of the Imperial City. This
made them quite independent of the older Portuguese mission whose origins dated back to the time of
Matteo Ricci, SJ (Li Matou, 利瑪竇).8 Louis XIV had attained his goal; his missionaries would look
out for French interests and further the establishment of a Versailles-Beijing axis.
In 1693 Kangxi sent Bouvet from Beijing to Versailles as his imperial envoy with the specific
mission of bringing artisans, especially enamelers, and scientists to China.9 When Bouvet returned
4
5
Witek (1988), note 1, pp. 72-3.
Archives des Missions Etrangeres, Paris, vol. 0479, Chine:Jésuites, pp. 39-40, 1687. François Michel Le Tellier, Marquis du
Louvois.
6
Archives des Missions Etrangeres, Paris, vol. 0479, Chine:Jésuites, p. 89, 30 September 1688.
7
von Collani, note 2, pp. 10-15.
8
For the differences between Portuguese and French Jesuits, see Inter Patres Gallos et Lusita-nos, manuscript preserved in Rome,
Biblioteca Vittorio Emmanuele: Fondo Gesuitico 1256, No. 29.
9
Witek, John W. (1999), ‘Sent to Lisbon, Paris and Rome: Jesuit Envoys of th e Kangxi Emperor,’ in La Missione Cattolica in Cina
tra I secoli XVIII-XIX : Matteo Ripa e il Collegio dei Cinesi, Naples: Instituto Universitario Orientale, Collana “Matteo Ripa” XVI,
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兩岸故宮第三屆學術研討會：十七、十八世紀(1662-1722)中西文化交流
from France with a small contingent of such missionaries, the emperor actually established a quasi
scientific academy in the garden of the Changchun Yuan (暢春園). This was in addition to the
missionaries who worked within the Forbidden City (Zijin Cheng, 紫禁城) at a laboratory they had set
up in the Yangxin Dian (養心殿).10 However, while other missionary activities included working on
clocks, mechanical devices and musical compositions, they had yet to procure one with glassmaking
skills.
Historical Documantation:
We build our carefully formulated hypothesis by examining the research conducted by our
predecessors. The publication in 1977 of Sebald Reil’s exhaustive study of Kilian Stumpf’s life
contained a brief but intriguing section on his glassmaking activities for the Qing court.11 It also
suggested that a further perusal of the archives in Rome might be profitable. For instance, documents
conserved in the Japonica/ Sinica division of the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, contained more
specific information regarding the founding of the imperial glass workshop. They revealed that the
French Jesuits’ correspondence with their superiors in France, had included repeated requests for a
missionary glass maker who would further be able to satisfy the imperial taste for enamel ware. To
cite an example: In his letter dated 30 November 1691, Gerbillon asked for an artisan who knew how to
12
make glass and enamels (qui sache le secret de bien émailler et fait du verre).
presumably pleased with the ensuing developments.
Hence, they were
Kilian Stumpf, SJ (Ji Lian, 紀理安) had come to China with many scientific skills among which
was glassmaking. Aware of this, in 1695 Kangxi summoned him to Beijing and placed him in the
French Jesuits residence.13 This was rather awkward for Stumpf since in accordance with the protocol
associated with the Padroado, he should have gone to live with the Portuguese Jesuits. One, possible
explanation for the emperor’s action is that Kangxi already had in mind for Stumpf to erect a glass
workshop. Stumpf did this on part of the land the emperor had given to the French Jesuits (1694) for the
14
building of their church. Thus, on 17 October 1696, Fontaney not only reported that the ‘glassworks
is being made in our house’ (la verrerie se fait in notre maison), but that he had already mentioned this
in his letter written earlier in the month.
15
This indicates that the glassworks had already been erected
pp. 317- 40.
10
von Collani, note 2, pp. 51-54.
11
Reil, Siebald (1978), Kilian Stumpf 1655-1720: Ein Wurzburger Jesuit am Kaiserhof zu Peking,Aschendorff, Munster, West
Germany, 1978. See pp. 61-3.
12
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 165, f149.
13
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 166,f389, 28 October 1699. Kilian Stumpf. (Anno 1695 issu Imperatoris
Pekinum vocatus et in domo Gallorum collocatus fui ..).
14
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 166, f136, Jean de Fontaney.
15
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 166, 131v.
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French Missionary Records for the Kangxi Emperor's Glass Workshop
and that it was functioning. A subsequent letter is more detailed: ‘The Emperor made a beautiful
glassworks next to our house in a large piece of land that he gave to us and left the care of it to us’
(L’Empereur fait une belle verrerie a coté de notre maison dans un grand terrain qu’ils nous donne et
nous en laisse le soin). Further on, Father Kilian Stumpf is described as being the reason for this turn of
16
events (Le P. Kiliano Stumpf y donné occasion).
Chinese Records:
In 1829 the Nouveau Journal Asiatique published a review of the various plans of Beijing one
could find in western publications.17 The authors, J. Eyričs and J. Klaproth, also referred to several
Chinese works on the subject. With the assistance of some very helpful librarians, I was able to
determine that this imperial glass workshop was mentioned in the 1774 edition of Zhu Yizun's (朱彝尊)
well-known history of Beijing and its environs, the Rixia Jiuwen kao (日下舊聞考), and also in a work
by Wu Changyuan (吳長元, fl. 1770) the Chenyuan shihlueh (宸垣識略), with the latter in the section
devoted to the Imperial City (Huang Cheng, 皇城 ).18 Both texts state that glass is made in a
workshop next to the Catholic Church - the French Jesuits’ one - on Canchikou (蠶池口), the name of
the street along the east side of the complex.
Delighted to have both western and Chinese language documentation for the glassworks, I cited
the passage from Wu’s book in my 1997 essay for Corning’s Journal of Glass Studies, and in the
following year (1998) quoted Zu’s reference in two of my published papers.19
Interestingly enough, a subsequent research project revealed the existence of a Chinese plan for
this glass workshop in the archives of the Maison-Mere of the Congrégation de La Mission, i.e., the
Lazarists, in Paris.20
Recorded in the traditional manner, the Chinese plan of the glass workshop bears an inscription on
the lower right hand corner which reads;‘Complete Plan of the Glass Workshop Twelve rooms (jian,
間)Five surrounding buildings Each inch on the plan equals one foot (chi, 尺) on the ground On the
16
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 166, f136, 31 October 1696.
17
Nouveau Journal Asiatique (1829), La Societé Asiatique:Paris, Tome IV, pp. 356-74.
18
Zhu Yizun (1782), Jingting rixia jiuwen kao, Beijing: Wuying dian, juan 14, 8b; Wu Changyuan (1788), Chenyuan shilueh, Beijing
(?), juan 4, 21a.
Zhu’s work was first printed in 1688 in 42 juan. It was revised and supplemented by order of the Qianlong
emperor (r. 1736-95) in 1774.
19
Curtis, Emily Byrne (1997), ‘Notes on Qing Glassmaking: D’Incarville’s “Catalogue Alphabetique”,’ Journal of Glass Studies,
Corning:NY, The Corning Museum of Glass, vol. 39, pp. 69-79. 1998 a., ‘Chinese Glassmaking: A Fusion of Techniques,’ in New
York Arts of Pacific Asia Show, exhibition catalogue, pp. 22-6.1998 b., ‘Chinese Glass-Making: Tradition and Transformation,’ in
Arts of Asia, November-December, vol. 28, no. 6, pp. 98-107.
20
Curtis, Emily Byrne (2001),‘Plan of the Emperor’s Glassworks’, in Arts Asiatiques, Paris: Annales du musée national des Arts
asiatiques- Guimet et du musée Cernuschi, vol. 56, pp. 81-90.
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兩岸故宮第三屆學術研討會：十七、十八世紀(1662-1722)中西文化交流
northern boundary, Official Street (Guanjie,官街), altogether from east to west 10 zhang, 8 chi On the
southern boundary, the Roman Catholic church (Tianzhutang, 天主堂), from west to east 12
zhang
(丈) 5 chi. On the eastern boundary, the Roman Catholic church (Tianzhutang), 11 zhang, 6 chi On the
western boundary, neighboring resident families, from north to south 26 zhang.’21 The measurements
recorded on the plan for the glassworks' boundaries are in accordance with those mentioned by
Fontaney in the Lettres édifiantes.22
Furthermore, the length of the church, 75 feet (pieds) and its
courtyard (50 feet), correspond closely to the Chinese figures on the notched, outer boundary on the on
the lower left hand corner of the plan. This glassworks was unique in that it was the only such
workshop founded by the Jesuit missionaries; in all other cases they joined existing establishments to
exercise their crafts.
Glassmaking Techniques:
Kilian Stumpf had attended the Jesuit college in Mainz. One of the instructors at this institution
was Christoph Diem, SJ, whose extensive knowledge of glassmaking included a familiarity with the
latest modes to produce crystal and ruby glass. Diem’s most likely source for such information was
probably Johann Rudolph Glauber’s Miraculum mundi (1653). In his text, Gaubler revealed that he had
utilized colloidal gold (gold dispersed as fine particles) to make ruby color glass.23 That this technology
had been transmitted to China has been confirmed by the analytical studies made by Shi Meiguang and
Zhou Fuzheng of specimens of ruby glass in the collection of the Beijing Palace Museum.24 The results
of other investigations have revealed that the red, pink, and purple enamel colors used to decorate
Kangxi period porcelains had also been prepared from ruby glass which contained colloidal particles of
gold.25 This suggests an interaction between the European glass and enamel color technology practiced
at the imperial workshops, and that being used on Chinese porcelain.
Obviously, Stumpf could not have operated the imperial glass workshop by himself, and in 1699
the French Jesuits did arrange for two of the glassworkers (ouvriers miroitiers) Bouvet had brought to
Guangzhou to staff a factory for plate and mirror glass, to be sent to Beijing. One of these artisans was
presented to Kangxi and accepted for employment at the glassworks.26 More importantly, the workshop
21
Translation of Chinese text by John Finlay.
22
Lettres édifiantes et curieuses: écrites des missions étrangerčs (1717-1776) Paris: N. Le Clare, 34 vols. See vol. VII, pp. 61, 231,
234, 248.
23
Werner, Lobil (2008), ‘Itineraries of Glass Innovation: Johann Rudolf Glauber and His Followers,’ in Glass of the Alchemists, NY:
The Corning Museum of Glass, Corning, pp. 71-3.
24
Shi Meiguang and Zhou Fuzheng (1993), ‘Some Chinese Glasses of the Qing Dynasty’, Journal of Glass Studies, Corning, NY:
The Corning Museum of Glass, vol. 35, pp.102-05.
25
Zhang Fukang (1986), ‘Zhongguo Chuantong Diwen Seliao he Youshangcai’ (‘Chinese Traditional Low Fired Glazes and
Overglaze Colors’), in Zhongguo Gudai Taoci Kexue Jishu Chengjiu, Shanghai, p. 343.
26
Curtis, Emily Byrne (2009), Glass Exchange between Europe and China, 1550-1800: Diplomatic, Mercantile and Technological
93
French Missionary Records for the Kangxi Emperor's Glass Workshop
was staffed with talented Chinese craftsmen whom Stumpf mentions as having trained in his
‘glassmaking art.’27 This may be substantiated from an account written by Lodovico Antonio Appiani,
CM (Bi Tianxiang,畢天祥). Appiani observed that one of the rooms in the imperial glassworks was ‘full
of young artisans, who were carving floral patterns on the glasswares’ (.... che con un hordegno a' ruota
scolpiscono fiori sopra il vetro).28 Some of these craftsmen would have been instructed in the more
advanced techniques for blowing glass which were necessary for the creation of larger vessels and more
intricate work. And indeed, Unverzagt’s account of a visit to this ‘glass manufactory’ relates that it was
known ‘for the blowing of pretty glass.’29 We can obtain some additional information about glass
production at the imperial workshop by examining both Chinese and missionary records. According to
Wang Shizen (王士禎) by 1703 the imperial glassworks was producing glass snuff bottles in shades of
red, purple, yellow, white, black, and green.30 Three years later, on 9 March (1706) Bernardino della
Chiesa, OFM (Yi Daren,伊大仁) sent a letter from Beijing to his colleague in Nanjing. One of the
additions in the left hand margin reads, ‘I am sending you a snuff bottle made in Beijing of glass with
its own tobacco’ (...li mando la una tabachiera fatta in Pekino di vetro con il suo tobacco).31
Gifts of imperial glass wares:
Turning our attention to the archives of Propaganda Fide, we find a highly important entry in the
diary kept by Andrea Candela, a member of the first Papal legation to China. The Papal party had been
invited to attend a great fireworks display, during which the Kangxi emperor sent to the legate, Carlo
Tomasso Maillard de Tournon (Duo Luo, 多羅) 'an enameled glass snuff bottle of His Majesty's own
use' ('una tabaccherina di vetro smaltata di uso di S.. Mta...).32 As corroboration of this incident dated
to 24 or 25 February 1706, the enamel glass snuff bottle was recorded in an inventory of the legate's
personal effects, taken by Candela on 27 April 1713 (Una tabaccherina di vetro smaltata, dato a S. Em.
dall' Imper.. di China).33 It may be noted further that as recorded in the imperial archives, in the ninth
month of 1716 Kangxi bestowed a ruby color glass snuff bottle with polychrome enamel decoration
Interactions, England: Surrey, Ashgate Publishing Limited, pp. 41-4.
27
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 168, 53v, 11 January 1704. (...meus in arte vitraria discipulus est).
28
Archivio Storico de Propaganda Fide, Scritture riferite nei Congressi, Indie Orientali Cina, vol. 11 f462v.
An entry for the
glassworks in the 1899 edition of the Da Qing huidian shili (大 清 會 典 事 例) mentions ‘grinding rooms for the fine working on
the material’. (juan 1173, pp.674-75).
29
Unverzagt, Georg Johann (1725), Die Gesandschaft Ihro Käyseri. Maiest. von Gross-Russland an den sinesischen Kāyser, Lubeck:
Bey Johann Christian Schmidt, p. 94. Unverzagt was a member of the embassy from Czar Peter the Great (r. 1682-1725) which
arrived in Beijing in 1721.
30
Wang Shizhen (1705), Xiangzu biji zixu (香 祖 筆 記), Beijing (?), juan 7, 9b.169, f54, 3 September 1706.
31
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 169, f54, 3 September 1706.
32
Archivio Storico de Propaganda Fide, Scritture riferite nei Congressi, Indie Orientali Cina, vol. 9, 267v.
33
Archivio Storico de Propaganda Fide: Scritture riferite nei Congressi, Indie Orientali Cina, vol. 12, f344.
94
兩岸故宮第三屆學術研討會：十七、十八世紀(1662-1722)中西文化交流
upon the Governor of Guangxi province.34 This successful production of enamel wares by Chinese
artisans was duly noted by the French Jesuit, Jean Baptiste Gravereau (Ni Tianjie, 倪天爵). Gravereau
was an expert enameler. Upon his arrival at Kangxi's court in 1719, he is reported to have been
somewhat surprised to find that craftsmen at the imperial workshops had been been making enamel
wares – by his estimate - for some five to six years. 35 Yang Boda brought to our attention
documentation in the Suzhou fuzhi (蘇州府志) for the presentation by Kangxi in 1705 to the military
governor of Jiangsu of two blue vases speckled with gold.36 From this description we may deduce that
the glassworks had apparently adopted the Muranese practice of decorating its wares with ground
aventurine glass or powder grains. The glass paste used to make this variety was called pasta setllaria
(starred paste) due to the many glittery points; small sheet-like crystals of metallic copper which
appeared throughout the mixture which was formed by cooling the pot by slowly by reducing the kiln’s
firing temperature, and carefully sealing the pot. Despite the fact that the glass batch was hard to make
and nearly impossible to work by blowing, its popularity endured at court, and missionary
correspondence attests to desirability of, and attempts to make aventurine glass at the imperial
workshop. To this may be added the activity at Yinti's (胤禔) private glass foundary. Yinti was Kangxi's
eldest son and from a highly informative letter in the French Jesuit archives we learn of this prince's
endeavor to make aventurine glass, and that his glass wares were considered to be so exceptional, that
examples of them were being sent to France.37 Perhaps the most complete record for Kangxi period
glass may be found in a list appended to a letter preserved in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.38
Written by Jean-François Foucquet, SJ (Fu Shengze,傅聖澤), it describes in detail the gifts Kangxi was
sending to the King of Portugal in 1721. The circumstances were as follows: Foucquet was one of the
scientists Bouvet had brought with him as part of his previously mentioned mission of 1693. Initially
assigned to mission stations in Fujian and Jiangxi Provinces, in 1711 Foucquet was called to Beijing
by the emperor, who wanted him to assist Bouvet in studying the I Jing (易經). He was soon asked to
explain principles of astronomy and mathematics to the sovereign. However, Foucquet’s subsequent
refusal to accept the common Jesuit position of accommodating traditional Chinese ritual customs, and
his non-acceptance of a confrere as his superior, led to his recall to France in 1720. Seeking to clarify
34
A memorial dated the 11th day of the 9th month 1716 mentions the bestowal by Kangxi of an enameled red glass snuff bottle.
(Guongzhong dang Kangxi chao zou zhe (宮中檔康熙朝奏摺, Secret Palace Memorials of the Kangxi Period), Taipei: National
Palace Museum, 1976, vol. 6, p. 603.
35
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Japonica/Sinica 199 I, 250v, 16 October 1720.
36
Feng Guifen... et al., 蘇州府志, Suzhou fu zhi, [Jiangsu]: Jiangsu shu ju [1883?], juan 1, 33a. Yang Boda (1991), ‘An Account of
Qing Dynasty Glassmaking,’ in Scientific Research in Early Chinese Glass, ed. Robert H. Brill and John H. Martin, Corning: The
Corning Museum of Glass, p. 140, and Curtis, note 26, p. 61.
37
See, Archivio Storico de Propaganda Fide, Scritture Origianali della Congregazione Particolare dell’Inde e Cina, v. 26, f559, about
1713. Archives Jésuites de la Province de Paris, Vanves, Brotier 149, f72, 12 November 1738.
38
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Collezione Borgia, Cinese, 511.6. Catalogue des presents envoies Par L’Empereur de La Chine au Roy de Portugal, f122.
95
French Missionary Records for the Kangxi Emperor's Glass Workshop
his position to the Holy See, Foucquet went on to Rome, where he remained for the rest of his life, and
his papers were eventually acquired by the Vatican archives.39
The list of gifts for the King of Portugal contains 39 entries, including lanterns, books, papers,
enamel wares, porcelain, tea, ginseng, glass, and pearls. Among the entries for the glasswares we
find:‘ Two plates of red glass. Eight small glass cups with flower [pattern] the color of blue sky after
rain (yuguo tianqing, 雨過天晴 ). One chest. Ten small sky-blue (tianlan,天藍) plates. Ten medium
[size] plates the color of celestial red (de couleur rouge celeste). There are also Five cups [which are]
white inside and gilt on the outside. Two pots the color of blue sky after rain, adorned with flower
[pattern] and decorated with figures, in the Chinese style. Dragons, etc..Two plates the color of blue sky
after rain. Two plates of white glass ornamented with flowers. Two cups of white glass with lids [and]
ornamented with designs of flowers’ Noteworthy is Fouquet’s careful distinction between glass of a
sky-blue tone and that ‘the color of ‘blue sky after rain’. The latter description was probably derived
from that of the mysterious Chai stoneware made during the reign of Emperor Shizong (世宗, r.
921-59), and suggest an awareness of Chinese aesthetic preferences at the missionary directed imperial
glassworks.40
An enigma:
In the penultimate year of his reign (1721), the Kangxi emperor also sent gifts to the Pope in Rome,
and to the Czar of Russia. The records for the Pope’s gifts only specify the inclusion of , 136 pieces of
glass, with no further information given.41 A document in the Russian State Archives is more detailed.
From it we learn that among other items, the emperor sent 82 pieces of glass. Mostly in the form of
cups, the list also includes jugs, containers, and bottles. Their colors are given as white, yellow, azure,
blue, and green.42 When the entries from these three lists are combined, we find a total of some 260
pieces of glass in shades of white, red, yellow, green, and blue. Some are adorned with floral patterns,
others with designs of figures and dragons, gilt decor is applied. Chinese records include mention of
purple glass and indicate the addition of aventurine-type flecks to the glass batch. There is a noticeable
disconnect between the glasswares mentioned in historical records and those given a Kangxi period
attribution. This is quite apparent in the glass wares Xue Lu carefully assembled and illustrated in her
39
See Witek, John W. (1982), Controversial Ideas in China and in Europe: A Biography of Jean-François Foucquet, S. J. (1665-1741),
Rome: Biblioteca Instituti Historici S. I., vol. XLIII.
40
See Curtis, Emily Byrne (1999), ‘Foucquet’s List: Translation and Comments on the Color “Blue Sky after Rain”, Journal of Glass
Studies, Corning, NY: The Corning Museum of Art, vol. 41, pp. 147-51.
41
42
Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Italy: Florence, Mss Palatini 1115.
Curtis, Emily Byrne (2009), ‘Chinese Glass: “A Present to His Czarish Majesty”,’ Journal of Glass Studies, Corning, NY: The
Corning Museum of Art, vol. 51, pp. 138-43.
96
兩岸故宮第三屆學術研討會：十七、十八世紀(1662-1722)中西文化交流
thesis on the subject.43 Those dated to the Kangxi period are for the most part of plain glass and in poor
condition, as if to suggest that in its initial stage, the imperial glassworks was not capable of finer work.
Kangxi would not have sent to various rulers glass of an inferior quality, particularly given that he had
numerous examples of European glass to use for comparison. We need only to remind ourselves of the
emperor’s much cited interview with Gao Shiqi (高士奇) in 1703. Kangxi had summoned Gao to his
study in Yangxi Dian (養心殿) and showed him ‘new articles of glassware [from his imperial workshop]
of excellent quality and artistic design, and went on to state that these wares were ‘superior to the
Western product.’44 Even allowing for a certain amount of imperial hyperbole, Gao recorded the glass
vessels he had seen in highly favorable terms. The lack of comparable wares for this period has been a
huge problem for researchers, and one that may not be easily resolved. One possible solution is to
continue examining historical documentation for further indications as to the types and appearance of
the glass made during Kangxi’s reign, and hope that these records will lead to a better understanding of
Qing dynasty (1644-1911) glass.
43
Xue Lu (Shelly) MA. BA (Hons) (2009), ‘The investigation into the development of glass as an expressive medium in China
through direct contact with Western methods of making, decoration and forming.’ A thesis submitted in partial fullfilment of the
requirement of the University of Wolverhampton for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
44
Gao Shihzhi (1923), ‘Pengshan miji' (篷山密記)
in Guxue Huikan, Shanghai: Guocui xuebao she, Deng Shi, comp., juan 2, 4b.
97
French Missionary Records for the Kangxi Emperor's Glass Workshop