SUPPORT FOR FASCISM 1919 – 22
Support for Mussolini’s Fascists varied during this period. The initial 1919 ideas may have had
socialist elements, but were not put into any organised manifesto or programme. The original
followers, attending the meeting in March, were a loose grouping of ex-soldiers (arditi), dissatisfied
socialists, futurists (see Boxer and notes) and others.
The Fascists tried to enter politics very quickly, but found that their lack of a consistent or organised
base of support cost them. Even in Milan, supposedly their heartland, they picked up only 2% of the
vote, and not one deputy was elected to parliament. They found that the left-wing elements of their
ideas did much to frighten some voters, whilst not taking support away from the PSI (Italian
Socialists). The image of the Fascists was poor, appearing to be a random selection of misfits to many.
As a result, Mussolini used the fact that Fascism had no fixed ideology, and 1920 saw a move towards
the right. The Fascist National Congress of May 1920 sought to play down the anti-capitalist and antiChurch elements of policy, and instead adopted a business-friendly approach. Many had been scared by
the actions of the Biennio Rosso (Two Red Years), and felt threatened: these groups included
- The ‘Petty Bourgeoisie’ (Lower Middle Classes)
- Industrialists / the urban elite
- Landowners & Small Farmers.
Why Did These Groups Join The Fascists?
Petty Bourgeoisie
The first group to be examined will be the petty bourgeoisie. These people had been especially
traumatised by the threat of left-wing action, as they felt very vulnerable to attack. The following
diagram (from Hite & Hinton, Fascist Italy) summarises many of their fears:
Essentially, many of these people believed that their position was fragile, and that the government was
unable or unwilling to protect them. They had no intention of finding themselves back amongst the
working classes, but felt that should the left-wing workers’ groups gain influence they would be the
first (and easiest) target for them.
Industrialists / Urban Elite
The aims of the Biennio Rosso still held an attraction for many. 1920 saw the start of draft bills,
proposing that the workers should gain control of the factories. Naturally, those who already owned
them were fiercely opposed to these moves, and looked for organisations willing to help them. The
Fascists provided a good ally, and were willing to use their organised violence to support campaigns
against union leaders in return for funding.
1920, as a result, saw the Fascists drop many of their radical aims. Calls for increased economic
productivity, attacks on left-wing groups and the re-imposition of law & order (in contrast to the left’s
actions) appealed to the urban elite, who wanted to see an immediate end to the strikes and “closed
shops” (union-only workforce) of 1919-20. The Fascists’ use of violence and killing (2,000 opponents
killed 1920 – 22) may seem brutal, but for many it contrasted positively with the concessions given by
the Liberal Government.
Landowners & Small Farmers
The post-war years had seen major activity over the issue of land ownership. The Socialist Land
Leagues, having seized over 1,000,000 hectares of land in Italy, had laid down an obvious threat to the
establishment: the support of many Catholic institutions in this made the search for help more
desperate. The Agrari (Rural elite) had seen enough, and wanted this to end immediately. As the
government gave permanent occupation rights to illegal land occupiers in 1920, so this urge grew.
The small farmers were also hit by this, and talk of collectivised farms added to their sensitivity. Once
again, the issue of organised labour, the forced hiring of workers (not always required) and the
continual improvement in their wages spread alarm.
Other Groups
At a time of rising unemployment, the actions and discipline of the Fascist black shirts offered a means
of escaping the tedium of the dole queue. Many students and youths were attracted by this opportunity,
and the Fascists were a very young party: of their 35 Deputies in parliament (1921), 4 were under 29
(therefore technically illegal): 14 were 30 – 40 years of age. Some petty criminals also joined the
movement, seeking a respectable outlet for their actions.
Effect of Change in Policies on Support
The Fascists certainly saw their popularity improve after their move towards the right. From being an
obscure movement, based mainly in the big cities, their organisation gained in support. By 1922, they
had 500,000 members, with 250,000 Black Shirts being used to put down opponents. According to the
historian Cassels, “by 1922 there was hardly any segment of the establishment unwilling to co-operate
with Fascism”. Despite this, they were still some way off being the most popular party in Italy: 1921
saw them only secure 7% of the vote and 35 seats in parliament.
Fascism was a largely rural phenomenon at this stage: in Spring 1921, the Rome Fascio (local Fascist
group) had only 1,480 members, and Turin 581. Meanwhile, the Ferrara group (under the Ras Balbo)
had 7,000, and Bologna 5,000. This leads us to the question:
How Did Such a Small Party Defeat Its Opponents?
Firstly, the potential opponents to Fascism were fiercely opposed to each other. The internal splits of
the PSI have already been looked at, but as well as this the Liberals and the Catholic Party (PPI or
Popolari) had internal divisions. The Liberals had factions, each wanting a different prominent member
of the party (Giolitti, Salandra, Facta & Orlando) to gain supremacy. The Popolari, meanwhile, was an
umbrella organisation for the Catholic Church. As such, it had a wide range of political stances in its
ranks, from those in favour of the establishment to those who had helped the Socialists with their
seizure of land. As a result, the opponents of Fascism were involved in internal disputes.
In addition to this, the parties themselves were in conflict with each other. The Socialists did not like
the Catholic Church, which they saw as part of the oppressive establishment. Equally, they felt that the
Liberal government of Italy was only too willing to co-operate with the Conservatives at the expense of
workers. The massive splits on the left added to these problems of co-ordination, with little agreement
over the next step to take. Despite the massive gains of 1920, with the PSI taking 26 out of 69
provinces and 1921 where the PSI became Italy’s largest party, they were in no position to act as a
unifying force. Meanwhile, through their calculated mixture of violence and respectability, the Fascists
presented themselves as the only alternative to chaos and another Bolshevik revolution.