1
Britney, the Body, and the Blurring of Popular Cultures: A case study of music videos, gender,
a transcendent celebrity, and health issues
Catherine Sabiston
School of Human Kinetics
210, War Memorial Gym
6081 University Boulevard
University of British Columbia
Vancouver, British Columbia
CANADA
V6T 1Z2
Office: (604) 822-0219
E-Mail: csabiston@shaw.ca
Brian Wilson
School of Human Kinetics
156G Auditorium Annex
1924 West Mall
University of British Columbia
Vancouver, British Columbia
CANADA
V6T 1Z2
Office: (604) 822-3884
FAX: (604) 822-5884
E-Mail: brian.wilson@ubc.ca
Citation:
Sabiston, C. M. & Wilson, B. (2006). Britney, the body, and the blurring of popular cultures. A
case study of music videos, gender, a transcendent celebrity, and health issues (pp 199210). In L. Fuller (Ed.) Sexual Sports Rhetoric: Teaming up gender with the language
of sport. New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan.
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Britney, the Body and the Blurring of Popular Cultures:
A case study of music videos, gender, a transcendent celebrity, and health issues
Catherine Sabiston & Brian Wilson
Abstract
Although rhetoric around the celebrity body has been widely studied in the sociology of sport,
the focus of this work has largely on professional athletes. In this paper we argue that in order to
understand the increasing blurred distinction between popular cultures, and the (potential)
intertextual influences of media messages about the body (e.g., on young people’s perceptions of
the their bodies), it is important to also consider rhetoric around non-athlete celebrity bodies.
Pursing this goal, this paper examines sexual rhetoric around the female body through a case
study of Britney Spears videos. Drawing on political economy and feminist-based perspectives,
the analysis revealed that the images and language of the videos were contradictory in that they
could be read as both articulations of female power and as expressions submissiveness –
although in all cases the ‘ideal’ female body was promoted. The paper concludes with
suggestions for research that examines not only key sites where messages about the body and
gender are distributed, but also relationships between the popular cultures that may work
together to promote these messages.
KEY WORDS: BODY, CELEBRITY, MEDIA, HEALTH, GENDER, MUSIC, POPULAR
CULTURE, YOUTH
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Britney, the Body and the Blurring of Popular Cultures: A Case Study of Music
Videos, Gender, a Transcendent Celebrity, and Health Issues
Introduction
It is well documented that mediated images of the ‘ideal’ female body – the tall, thin, and
attractive body and the more toned and athletic body that is increasingly in vogue – are linked to
body image disturbances and feelings of dissatisfaction with physical appearance for many
females (e.g., Bordo, 1993; Cusumano & Thompson, 1997; Dionne, Davis, Fox, & Gurevich,
1995; Heinberg & Thompson, 1995; Lavine, Sweeney, & Wagner, 1999; Myers & Biocca,
1992).1 Among the many concerns expressed by those who are critical of these types of
portrayals is that very few females are genetically able to achieve the body shapes, sizes and
traits depicted in the media, yet many females continue to internalize and make efforts to attain
these bodies (Markula, 1995). In the same way, these depictions have been critiqued because
they implicitly support the deceiving and problematic belief that there is a relationship between
having the ‘ideal body’ and being healthy, successful and productive (Ingham, 1985). These
consequences and issues are especially important to consider for those living through their
adolescent years, a time when body image is centrally related to physical activity and dieting
behaviours and a time when life-long perceptions of the self and body tend to be established
(Bordo, 1993; Crossen & Raymore, 1997; C. Davis, 1997, Heinberg & Thompson, 1992; Koff &
Kiekofer, 1978; McDermott, 1996).2
Those who study issues to do with young females’ perceptions of their bodies have
focused much attention on the types of media messages that are produced about the body and on
1
These issues are particularly salient in Western cultures where female physical attractiveness tends to be measured
against media-influenced ideals of body shape and size (Hesse-Biber, 1996).
4
the ways that these messages are interpreted. Although scholars have adopted various
approaches to understanding media impacts/effects, common to most literatures has been an
emphasis on the potential influences of portrayals of celebrity icons. For example, those
working from various psychology-based perspectives have drawn links between the use of
constantly thinning models and celebrities in the media and increased incidences of dieting, fears
of physical activity, and excessive fitness behaviours (Fay & Price, 1994; Garner, Garfinkel,
Schwartz, & Thompson, 1980; Heinberg & Thompson, 1992; Joseph, 1982; Myers & Biocca,
1992; Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, & Kelly, 1986; Stice, Schupak-Neuberg, Shaw, & Stein,
1994). Those in critical media studies have argued that sexualized images of females –
celebrities and otherwise – tend to reinforce perceived differences between males and females
and support a view of women as passive, weak, and lacking control (e.g., Duncan, 1990). Other
work in this context more directly links gender issues with perspectives on political economy as
part of examining how media images of celebrity bodies that are often used to promote consumer
products contribute to the maintenance of existing power structures while fueling the perception
that these products can lead to happiness and satisfaction (Duncan, 1994; Finn & Dell, 1999;
Garner et al., 1980; Silverstein et al., 1986).
Sociologists of sport and leisure – who in many cases are part of the critical media studies
group noted above – are among the leaders in studying links between media, celebrity, gender,
and the body. As a recent review of the area by Cole (2000) reveals, a wealth of research has
focused on topics in such areas as media, deviance, and sport celebrities (e.g., that describes how
‘acceptable’ and ‘transgressive’ bodies are defined through sport media), and on celebrity bodies,
consumer culture and the fitness industry (e.g., that describes the intended and unintended
2
Body image is defined as attitudes that individuals express concerning their body and physical appearance (Cash &
Pruzinsky, 1990).
5
consequences of the promotion of certain body types). Work by Caroline Davis (1999) on eating
disorders, physical activity and sport is especially pertinent here because she not only recognizes
the biological, psychological and sociological factors that, together, impact young people’s
perceptions of their bodies, but also emphasizes the impacts of media and celebrity images on
youth. For example, Davis draws on a study by Tiggemann and Pickering (1996) to describe
how young females who watch programs that show women in “stereotypically ‘feminine’ roles
(like music videos, soaps, and movies)” tend to be less satisfied with their bodies (Davis, 1999,
p. 92).
Underlying most work on these topics is an acknowledgement that messages about the
body come from various sources (e.g., advertising, movies, fitness videos), are promoted by
various celebrities (Michael Jordan, Magic Johnson, Jane Fonda), and are in many cases
ambiguous (c.f., Andrews, 1996). The singer/actress Madonna is perhaps the most pronounced
example of a celebrity whose active body has been marketed and consumed in diverse and
ambiguous ways. Observing this, scholars in the early and mid 1990s were inspired to consider
how the shifting images and looks of Madonna’s body were both empowering and constraining
for young females (e.g., Kellner, 1995). As Bordo (1993) has noted, Madonna, who was a model
of resistance to the ideal body in her expression of satisfaction with a slightly robust body during
the early stages of her career, eventually altered her body to approximate the thin and athletic
figure (i.e., a figure that was both a symbol of power and an object of desire).
There are instances in the sociology of sport literature where bodies like Madonna’s that
transcend the various popular culture genres (i.e., music and sport) are referred to. However,
there is little research that considers the relevance of, for example, music videos as a way to
advance understandings of celebrity bodies and their impacts on the health of young people.
6
This is surprising considering the many links that popular music culture has with sport – in
performances by bands and singers at events like the NFL’s Superbowl, in the release of albums
by ‘athlete-musicians’ like NBA star Allen Iverson, and in the collaborative promotion of
consumer products by athletes like former NFL and MLB player Bo Jackson and musicians like
Bo Diddley (who shared the spotlight in Nike athletic apparel commercials). David Rowe, one
of the few to focus on connections between sport, leisure and music, has argued that these two
cultural forms require joint attention “not only because of their raw popularity and economic
significance, but also because each is devoted to the body and its pleasures by means of both
participation and spectatorship” (p. 9). Continuing this point, Rowe suggests that sport and
music are each “are key cultural industries of the body, constantly replenishing the stock of
corporeal images which also function as metaphors of social and cultural change” (1995, p. 9).
In the same way, Steve Redhead (1991, 1997) has discussed in some depth the relationships
between the escapist/hedonistic rave dance music cultures and hooligan soccer-fan cultures in the
UK (e.g., similarities between sportswear styles and dance club clothing styles).
When our concern with body, body image, celebrity influence and young females is
considered along with Rowe’s argument that sport and music can be seen acting together to
influence and represent the contemporary cultural landscape, then the lack of existing research
on transcendent active/sporting bodies of female celebrity music icons becomes even more
disconcerting and glaring. This is not to say that no work exists in the area. Kellner’s study of
Madonna remains a powerful departure point and sport sociologist Marg MacNeill (1998) has
provided a compelling analysis of social issues surrounding celebrity fitness videos that feature
actress, singer and model icons Jane Fonda, Cher and Cindy Crawford. Having said this,
Madonna, whose fame and influence was at its peak in the 1980s and early 90s, is by no means
7
the most relevant contemporary example considering the continued evolution of youth and media
cultures leading up to and after the millennium. MacNeill’s (1998) work could also be usefully
extended to include female music-related celebrities (and their bodies) that are most relevant to
the lives of young females post-millennium.
The goal of the following paper is to speak to these various issues about the body, gender,
health, media, celebrity and intertextuality through an analysis of selected representations of and
productions by one of the most well-known and well-publicized of today’s female celebrities –
Britney Spears. Spears, a best-selling musical artist and renowned endorser for Pepsi and for a
Skechers sneaker line, has recently appeared in movies like Crossroads and Goldmember, and is
slated to star in an upcoming “NASCAR-themed” (yet still unnamed) film (King, 2002).
According to Forbes Magazine (2002), Spears is among the most influential females in the past
decade and, according to Stern’s (2002) recent article in the Vancouver Sun, media portrayals of
Britney and others like her are largely to blame for increases in body image disturbances among
young females. The sometimes overzealous claims made by certain journalists notwithstanding,
there is no question that Spears is a media sensation that inspires a variety of reactions from
mainstream press.3,4
On the most obvious level, the following study is pertinent because it will allow for a
discussion and evaluation of some of these claims about media impacts and body image through
an examination of media messages that are at the core of Spears’ influence. In the same way, it
will allow us to address some of the shortcomings in the literature, such as the disparity of work
There is some evidence that confirms allegations like those lodged by Stern, such as Irvine’s (2001) observations
that parents of girls as young as 5 years old claimed that their daughters regularly complained about being
overweight or not possessing the defined abdomens that are portrayed in images of Britney Spears and other
celebrities.
4
We are acutely sensitive in this context to the problems associated with journalistic panics about mass media
influences on ‘the impressionable young’ (c.f., Acland, 1995).
3
8
describing relationships between music culture, transcendent celebrities, the body, and health.
This research is (less obviously) notable because, despite her notoriety, Spears is conspicuously
understudied in media and cultural studies literatures. Except for the journalistic discussions of
Britney’s media portrayals and intertextual positioning, we could find no rigorous media analysis
research that critically examined media portrayals of Spears.
In attempting to address these issues, we have organized this chapter as follows. First, a
theoretical framework for examining celebrity bodies, health, leisure, media and popular culture
is outlined. This is followed by the presentation of a case study of the lyrics and images in three
Britney Spears videos/songs, with particular attention to the various emergent messages about
and expressed through the body. The paper concludes with a discussion of the ways that these
study findings pertain to and inform existing literature, and with recommendations for future
work in the area.
Theoretical Considerations
This paper is guided by a political economy influenced view of popular culture that is sensitive
to relationships between bodies and consumer spectacles, and a feminist perspective on mass
media that acknowledges the ways that existing power relations are reinforced through portrayals
of gender that implicitly support dominant/problematic ideologies about the body. Both of these
positions are underscored by a more psychology based understanding of the impacts of celebrity
and ‘ideal body’ portrayals on young people’s perceptions of themselves.
In approaching our analysis of music and music celebrities as they pertain to various
body and sport related culture industries, we were guided by David Whitson and Rick Gruneau’s
(1997) essay “The (Real) Integrated Circus: Political Economy, Popular Culture and Major
League Sport” and David Rowe’s (1995) book Popular Cultures: Rock Music, Sport and the
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Politics of Pleasure. Whitson and Gruneau’s essay powerfully describes the processes by which
leisure and entertainment industries have become increasingly integrated as they attempt to attain
economic advantages (e.g., the AOL-Time-Warner mergers) – advantages most often gained
through the cross-marketing of products, merchandise and brands (e.g., The Disney
Corporation’s purchase of the Mighty Ducks NHL Franchise, the marketing of the film The
Mighty Ducks, and the marketing of related souvenirs and merchandise – c.f., Whitson, 2000).
Similarly pertinent in this context is work by Andrew Wernick (1991) that examined the ways
that various forms of publicity interact and circulate, such that celebrities like Britney Spears
come to be promoted in a range of intended and unintended ways – what Wernick called a
‘vortex of publicity’.
Rowe’s work is a useful extension of this economic argument because he focuses on and
describes the specific ways that music and sport cultures have become increasingly blurred in
recent times – what some have called ‘postmodern’ times (c.f., Rail, 1998). These cultural
features are crucial for understanding not only how big business might benefit from music-sport
relationships, but also the ways that celebrity bodies that promote these integrated industries
have become increasingly indistinct/aligned. As Rowe (1995) explains:
There are now few sports in which the leading players do not attend systematically to presentational codes
in a manner formerly associated with rock and pop stars, while, by the same token, there is an increasing
number of rock and pop icons (including Mick Jagger, Iggy Pop and Madonna) who proclaim their bodily
fitness through rigorous exercise and dietary regimens. In this way, the figure of the sports star has merged
with that of the rock star as embodiments of style, just as rock, pop and sports cultures interact to produce
increasingly short-lived and unpredictably hybrid forms (p. 167).
Taking this one step further are those who study bodies that transcend the conventional
boundaries that tend to exist around, for examples, one’s popular cultural affiliation (e.g., as a
sport or music celebrity ) or one’s racial identity. Douglas Kellner’s (1995) study of Madonna
mentioned earlier is one example of work on a ‘transcendent celebrity’, as is his similar analysis
10
of Michael Jordan (Kellner, 2001), who he describes (like he did with Madonna) as a
contradictory and polysemic signifier, and as a:
figure that mobilizes many fantasies (e.g., athletic greatness, wealth, success, and upward mobility) for the
national and global imaginary, providing a spectacle who embodies many desirable national and global
features and aspirations” [while at the same time, representing the threatening black figure], the negative
fantasy figure of black deviance from white normality (Kellner, 2001, p. 48).
Making specific reference to Jordan’s physicality and bodily presence, Keller (drawing on
Giroux, 1994) went on to suggest that contemporary media is “characterized by a simultaneous
fascination with the accomplishments of the black male body while also fearing the threat it
poses” (Kellner, 2001, p. 48)
Marg MacNeill’s (1988, 1998) essays on gender portrayals and fitness-related
videos/shows likewise extend Rowe’s and Whitson and Gruneau’s work by linking political
economic concerns with feminist-based media analyses of (non-sport) celebrities’ active bodies.
MacNeill, much like Caroline Davis (1999), remains sensitive to both the ways that power
differentials between males and females are reinforced through mass media depictions of women
and ideal bodies, and moreover, to the ways that young females’ (perceptions of their) bodies in
particular can be disciplined and controlled through these portrayals.
By linking these theoretical arguments with existing (often psychology-based) research
that examines body image and media, our hope is to provide a more comprehensive basis from
which to consider the potential impacts of Britney Spears portrayals. Especially pertinent in this
context are studies that focus on the impacts of music and music videos on young people’s
behaviours and beliefs – studies that, to date, tend to contradict one another (American Academy
of Pediatrics, 1996; Andersen, 1996; Signorielli, 1997). Some researchers optimistically
maintain that music is important to adolescents’ identities because it helps them define important
social and subcultural boundaries. Other researchers are less positive, claiming that music
11
videos contain an excess of inappropriate health behaviours, beliefs and messages that confirm
dominant systems of power (Gow, 1996; Kalof, 1999; McKee & Pardun, 1996; Signorielli,
1997). Along the same lines, Borzekowski, Robinson, and Killen (2000) determined that hours
of watching music videos was related to perceived importance of appearance and weight
concerns among adolescent females, and claimed that frequent music video exposure could be a
risk factor for physiological and psychological health problems in adolescent females. These
finding are consistent with more broadly focused research by Caughey (1994) who described
how celebrities, like those portrayed in videos, are often perceived as idealized images because
they possess qualities and traits that non-celebrities would like to develop or maintain in
themselves – especially traits that appear ‘within reach’, like fit and thin bodies (Goethals, 1986;
Gulas & McKeage, 2000).
Methodology
With the goal of developing a better understanding of the types of messages that young females
are exposed to and discussing potential implication, an in-depth analysis of three Britney Spears’
songs and videos were conducted. These are: Baby one more time (release date: January 1999),
Oops…I did it again (release date: May 2000), and I’m a slave for you (release date: October
2001). Abridged video descriptions appear in Appendix A. All three chosen songs are title
tracks, and the corresponding albums have debuted at the number one spot on The Billboard 200
(mtv.com), a music distribution and ranking index based on popularity and demand. All albums
have also demonstrated international appeal.
Textual analysis techniques were used to conduct the study. The intent was to detect
possible ideological contexts and messages embedded within Britney Spears’ videos. The
research was partially guided by Duncan’s (1990) interpretive/semiotic analysis of sports
12
photographs and Bradby’s (1992) discourse analysis of musical lyrics in some of Madonna’s
songs. There are no attempts to generalize the analyses of these specific videos and lyrics to the
remainder of Britney Spears’ songs, although we suggest that this analysis is suggestive of
possible interpretations of music videos and lyrics and illustrates the use of body discourses in
this form of media.
Results and Analysis
Although a variety of themes emerged from the analysis, three stood out. These related to: (i)
power and control; (ii) identity development; and (iii) gender stereotypes and sexuality. These
are described below.
Visions of Empowerment, Words of Submission: Contradictory Messages about Power and
Control
A range of messages about power and control in the lives of females are entrenched in Britney
Spears’ videos and songs. In some cases, Spears, as the lead female character in the videos and
the lead vocalist for the songs, is shown to be dependant on and submissive to male characters.
This is especially evident in …Baby one more time, which features images and lyrics that are in
synchrony with dominant notions of masculine strength and knowledge. For example, the main
chorus line in the song is “Hit me baby one more time”, a line that suggests in this instance that
Spears wants ‘another chance’ with the absent and now-dominant male character. Spears’
submissiveness is also supported in the video’s camera angles and lighting that emphasize her
loneliness and inferiority, evidenced primarily in scenes where her head is bowed or resting in
her arms with solemn and her saddened eyes are gazing at the audience. Having said this, when
Spears’ sings that she “shouldn’t have let you [i.e., the male character] go,” it seems that an
ambiguous power relationship is being described, and that Spears’ character, while emotional
13
and angst-ridden, was an active decision-maker in the relationship (i.e., is not necessarily ‘out of
control’).
Spears video and song Oops…I did it again, while including implicit allusions to
submissiveness, embodies many themes that support notions of female empowerment and
control. For example, at the beginning of the video, Britney Spears’ descends from a spaceship
to join a cast of dancers/actors/others. Spears appears to be the leader of this group, not only
from her dramatic entry ‘from above’, but also from her attire – a red suit which contrasts the
less prominent attire of the others. Her positioning as the dominant figure is reinforced when she
restrains a male dancer with chains, and when she is shown to be ‘yearned for’ by a male
astronaut to whom Spears appears disinterested. Spears’ aggressive actions and intense facial
expressions similarly support this portrayal of a dominant female figure. However these
messages are to a certain extent mitigated by Spears’ lyrical admission to being out of control.
As she sings, “Can’t you see I’m a fool in so many ways, but to lose all my senses, That is just so
typically me.”
The portrayal of Spears as an empowered female is less conditional in her most recent
video for the song I’m a slave for you. Her more assertive positioning is most evident from the
predominantly eye-level angles that are used throughout the video – angles which, according to
Duncan (1990), are indicative of an individual’s superiority and dominance. She is also depicted
as having control over the male characters in the sequences (e.g., male characters appear
awestruck as they gaze at her; Spears is lifted above others in the dance sequence). Once again
though, the lyrics – which articulate Spears’ dependence on the male character that is depicted in
the song – contradict the video’s images of female power. The following repeated and
emphasized sequence is most relevant in this context:
I’m a slave for you.
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I cannot hold it; I cannot control it.
I’m a slave for you.
I won’t deny it; I’m not trying to hide it.
In offering these interpretations, we acknowledge Bradby’s (1992) suggestion that the
lyrical messages in pop songs like these are less important (i.e., less spectacular, less noticeable)
conveyors of meaning than the corresponding visual images. In this sense, the predominance of
visual images of Britney Spears as in control could be interpreted as ‘more relevant’ than the
often lyrically-based messages of disempowerment. At the same time, and responding to
Duncan’s (1990) argument that visual images are often politically motivated signifying systems
that preserve patriarchy and other traditional forms of social relations, we suggest that these
videos contain images that could be viewed as somewhat counter-hegemonic in that they might
be empowering for young females who see Spears as a figure in control. This point is tempered,
though, by the fact that Spears’ identity is so often defined by her (shifting and contradictory)
relationships to men, a point that somewhat dilutes this pro-feminist reading of the message. For
example, the words for the song …Baby one more time, imply that there are extreme
consequences associated with being alone. Relevant lyrics such as “my loneliness is killing me”
and “When I’m not with you I lose my mind” complement a general malaise that Spears
expresses about being alone following a failed romantic relationship with the male she refers to
throughout the song.
From Innocence to Independence, From Schoolgirl to Diva: Britney’s Mediated Identity
Development
According to Synnott (1993), the body is the prime symbol and determinant of identity. It is
evident from the evolution of Britney Spears’ songs and videos that her body and physical
characteristics are the principal mechanisms through which her identity and development are
inferred, displayed, and celebrated – just as athletes’ relationship with and understanding of their
15
bodies tend to shape their identity (Hargreaves, 1994). More specifically, Spears’ songs and
videos provide evidence of her mediated identity crisis, her apparent struggle between and
development from adolescence and adulthood – a struggle and development most evident from
changes in her physical appearance and in the construction and maintenance of her body.
The inexperienced and innocent mediated image/identity of Spears is conveyed in the
lyrics and poses in her first video, …Baby one more time. The lyrical reference to “baby”
appears to have largely romantic connotations (e.g., “Oh baby, baby, I shouldn’t have let you
go”), yet the video-contexts – in school-related areas, such as a classroom, courtyard, and
gymnasium – suggest a youthfulness and innocence.
In contrast, the song from Spears’ subsequent album, Oops…I did it again, shows her to
be both an agent and product of change. There is more emphasis on her robust body and
physical characteristics that imply an older female adolescent (see Appendix B and C). The
suggestion that the Spears character in the video is more romantically experienced than before
(or than the audience thinks she is) is especially evident from the lyrics in the song’s chorus:
Oops!...I did it again
I played with your heart, got lost in the game
Oh baby, baby
Oops!...You think I’m in love
That I’m sent from above
I’m not that innocent
The final line of the chorus is emphasized through a combination of higher volume lyrics and a
close-up of Spears’ face. Prominent images of a powerful and seductive Spears dressed in red
overshadow less remarkable images of Britney in youthful and (deceivingly) innocent-looking
white clothing (images that flank the ‘Britney-in-red’ image). This is a somewhat unstable
mediated identity, although the dominant reading of a powerful, more ‘grown-up’ Spears seems
clear.
16
In her more recent work, Spears implies and expresses a frustration with being perceived
as an adolescent instead of the young adult she wants/appears to be. For example, the lyrics to
I’m a slave for you include a request for independence (“All the people look at me like I’m a
little girl, well, did you think it would be okay for me step into this world”). Accompanying
these kinds of lyrics are images of Spears with adult-like body features and physical
characteristics (e.g., her thin and developed muscular body in revealing clothing, styled hair, and
an abundance of cosmetics). These images are easily counterpoised against portrayals of Spears
from her first album, in which she is not apparently wearing makeup and her hair, which is much
darker than the present bleach-blonde appearance, is in pigtails (see Appendix D). There is an
obvious and intentional visual identity shift over time that is evident not only visually, but to a
certain extent explained lyrically.
The Millennium’s Madonna?: Challenging and Confirming Gender Stereotypes and Bodily
Displays
Although existing research has demonstrated that females in popular culture are usually
displayed in stereotypical, feminine-appropriate roles and poses (Bordo, 1993; L. Davis, 1997;
Duncan, 1990), Kellner’s study of Madonna highlights the contradictory character of some
contemporary portrayals, and, more pertinently, emphasizes the idea that any interpretation of
dominant and sexualized images of women need to be understood in relation to the values and
beliefs of the media analyst. As he explains:
How one evaluates Madonna depends on one’s specific politics and morality, and someone who cultivates
an aesthetic of shock and excess, as does Madonna, is certain to offend and become the target of
criticism…[Yet, Madonna’s] breaking of rules has progressive elements in that it goes against dominant
gender, sex, fashion and racial hierarchies and her message is that identity is something that everyone can
and must construct for themselves is appealing. Yet, by constructing identity largely in terms of fashion
and image, Madonna plays into precisely the imperatives of the fashion and consumer industries which
offer a “new you” and a solution to all your problems through purchasing products, services, and buying
into regimes of beauty and fashion (Kellner, 1995, p. 291).
17
Kellner’s argument is relevant to Britney Spears’ video portrayals – portrayals that could
be viewed, on one hand, as challenges to traditional female roles and, on the other hand, as
contributors to a media environment that is dominated by images of ‘ideal’ young female bodies.
Evidence for the more conservative interpretation could be found in the video portrayals of a
sexualized Spears’ body that was emphasized through her form-fitting attire such as spandex
sports bras, faux leather suits, mini skirts and tight jeans (see Appendix B). Still, the …Baby one
more time video is an example of a text that allows for multiple and contradictory interpretations.
In the video, Spears appears to be involved in a subversive and symbolic ‘play’ with images and
values traditionally associated with the typical rigid private school girl’s uniform. That is to say,
girls in the video are shown wearing white dress shirts unbuttoned and tucked up to reveal flat
abdomens and cleavage that are typical features of the ideal female body. In these scenes, the
unusually high socks appear more like high boots – an obviously sexually suggestive and
arguably pornographic image. Although these images could be read in various ways, an obvious
reading is that these images reinforce the view of pop music videos as texts where young women
are shown to be objects of desire and where desirable ideal bodies are on display. The consistent
portrayal of Spears in suggestive and form-fitting clothing, and in both dominating and
submissive sexualized poses in all her videos within these videos supports this view (see
Appendix B, C, and D). An alternative reading though, akin to Kellner’s reading of Madonna as
‘progressive’, is that institutions and societal structures (for which the private school is a
metaphor) that tend to be governed by traditional and conservative rule systems that are often
restrictive and potentially oppressive for (young) females are being challenged and subverted
through these images.
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In the same way, this ‘floating’ portrayal of Spears as, on one hand, dominant and
deviant, and on the other hand submissive, is confirmed in Oops…I did it again and I’m a slave
for you (see Appendix B & C). In these videos, changes in outfits tend to emphasize contrasts in
Spears’ often-changing bodily persona. For example, a shift from a red full-body spandex dress
to a white shirt and skirt within Oops…I did it again alludes to Spears movement from a position
of dominance to one of submission (Appendix C). This transition is also reflected in her poses
and actions. While wearing the red suit, Spears is shown from an eye-level camera angle dancing
and, as part of the dance, projecting a closed fist in front of her – atypical portrayals of
femininity. While wearing white, she is shown lying down in a sexually explicit, almost
pornographic pose while her long blonde hair surrounds her body. These poses are imaged from
above, inferring disempowerment and inferiority (Duncan, 1990). The lyrics in the song are
consistent with this alternation between a passive and submissive Spears (“I’m dreaming away,
Wishing that heros, they truly exist, I cry, watching the days, can’t you see I’m a fool in so many
ways…), and a powerful and manipulative one (“Oops, I did it again, I played with your heart”).
Discussion
The most striking findings that emerged from this study were that messages embedded in the
Britney Spears videos were often contradictory, that portrayals of Spears evolved over the three
videos (from the earliest video to the latest), and most pertinently, that images of the ‘ideal body’
were in all cases present and emphasized – although at times gender stereotypes were mildly
subverted.
In relating these findings to previous work on celebrity icons and political economy (e.g.,
Gruneau and Whitson, Wernick and Rowe), it is important to reiterate that the images studied
here exist within a much broader context of Spears portrayals. Most notable here are the images
19
of Spears that have emerged from her association with Pepsi. That the studied videos in some
way resemble her Pepsi commercials (in which she is also shown leading dance sequences and
wearing revealing and form-fitting clothing) is itself significant because it reinforces existing
links between Spears’ music-promotion activities and the brands/companies she represents. In
the same way, the compelling images of Spears’ body and clothing and the spectacular nature of
the videos she appears within – images and messages that are a large part of her appeal to a range
of audiences – are of benefit to Spears-related enterprises. As noted earlier, it is this appeal that
made Spears such an attractive celebrity to be associated with for NASCAR, a sport and
entertainment business that is trying to not only heighten the sport’s allure to existing fans who
find Spears desirable as a sexual object/image, but also to young people who, because of Spears’
association, might ‘give NASCAR-entertainment a chance’. At the same time, by creating links
with Spears’ image and, at least inadvertently, with the music industry she is a part of (and, in
turn, with the publicity she receives through other sponsors), the ‘vortex of publicity’ that
Wernick (1991) referred to is created and fuelled.
In the same way, Spears’ association with sport through NASCAR and through the
promotion of her active/sporting/alluring body is an example of what Rowe described as the
economically profitable and culturally ‘blurred’ relationship between the sport and music
popular culture arenas. What is somewhat novel here is that the relationship is not only
purposeful but unavoidable, a point which, we think, is a mild update to Rowe’s work on sport
and music that was conducted at time when ‘seams’ between rock music and sport (in the 1980s
and early 1990s) were more noticeable.
Extending these arguments in ways that inform the more feminist-oriented analyses of
MacNeill and Kellner, we suggest that our findings provide a basis from which to suggest that
20
Spears’ positioning as a feminist figure who holds power and is often ‘in control’ is questionable.
That is to say, while Spears was often shown to be a figure that could be adulated and respected
for her accomplishments (e.g., as a charismatic presence within the video and as a successful
female performing artist and business person more generally), because her identity was so much
defined by her ideal physique and through her romantic relationships with males, her profeminist positioning was diminished. This contradiction is reflected in Spears’ recently
established relationship with the television hit show Buffy the Vampire Slayer – a show on which
Spears will be playing a villainous-vampire for 6 episodes in the upcoming season. Buffy,
played by Sarah Michelle Gellar, has been similarly viewed as a paradoxical figure in relation to
feminist discourses. The SkyNews commentary on the Britney-Buffy relationship that states
“millions will tune in to see the two of them fighting in their trademark figure-hugging outfits”
(Sky News, 2002) confirms Spears’ intertextual positioning as sometimes powerful, but always
defined by her ever-emphasized body.
Perhaps most notable in this context is how Spears (as she appears in the studied videos)
compares to the mediated Madonna who she is so often measured against. Like Madonna,
Spears’ videos embody various, often conflicting symbols and meanings – which include an
inconsistent interplay between music and lyrics:
[Madonna’s] performances on her music videos highlight the meaning of the words, or use images to
undercut or subvert the meanings of the lyrics – as she chooses. Her music videos are often complex
modernist systems of meaning, demanding interpretation and allowing multivalent readings. Madonna is a
meaning machine and her performances articulate her ideology, vision and messages. Indeed, one level of
meaning perpetually conveyed in her music videos and performances is that Madonna herself is a superstar,
that Madonna is cool, that Madonna rules (Kellner, 1995, p. 288).
Unlike Spears, though, Madonna’s transgression is far more consistent and radical (and original)
than anything Spears has approached. Madonna has challenged conventional codes of popular
music while Spears is almost unwaveringly ‘pop’. It would be, for example, a stretch to call
21
Spears’ shift from the semi-innocent schoolgirl to diva-temptress nonconformist or experimental
when it does not seem to challenge conventional understandings of femininity beyond showing a
sometimes powerful and sometimes submissive young female in a variety of always seductive
poses. Madonna, on the other hand, was rarely submissive in the way that Spears has been
shown to be, and moreover, was renowned for challenging conservative views on race, sex, class
gender and religion (Kellner, 1995, p. 291) – although the efficacy of these challenges remains in
question, since she seemed to be both promoting and undercutting feminist discourses according
to some commentators. In the end though, Madonna and Spears are similar in that they are
contradictory figures within feminist discourses that are, above all, marketing-machines and
body icons. In the same way, the music videos which feature images of Madonna and Spears
(subversive images and otherwise), are nevertheless commodity forms “which are, after all, at
bottom, advertisements for songs” (Kellner, 1995, p. 292).
Our findings also speak to existing claims by some researchers that health-related
behaviours and attitudes that are portrayed in music videos are possible conveyors of meaning
for young people (American Academy of Pediatrics, 1996). We are referring here to the largely
psychology-based body of research that includes evidence of links between exposure to music
videos and extremes of violence and sexism (Peterson & Pfost, 1989; Seidman, 1992; Vincent,
Davis, & Boruszkowski, 1987), substance abuse (Durant, Rome, Rich et al., 1995; Robinson,
Chen, & Killen, 1998), suicide (Stack, Gundlach, & Reeves, 1994), inappropriate sexual
behaviour (Klein, Brown, Childers, et al., 1993), feminine disempowerment (Reid & Finchilescu,
1995) and weight and body image disturbances (Borzekowski et al., 2000).
Before proceeding with this theme, it is important to acknowledge that critical media
scholars often take issue with researchers that claim ‘media effects’, arguing that studies in this
22
tradition tend not to adequately account for the social positioning of the audience being studied,
the multiple cultural influences that might impact audience interpretations, and the ability of
viewers to understand and use media messages in novel and resistant ways (c.f., Brown, &
Schulze, 1990; Lewis, 1991; Wilson & Sparks, 1996, 1999). Lewis (1997), for example, has
been critical of some of this work because he felt it disguises ‘television’s many subtleties
beneath a façade of arithmetic precision” (Lewis, 1997, p. 89). Confirming some of Lewis’
concerns, we found existing work focused on the consequences of exposure to the ideal body
has, for the most part, been reported based on surveys and questionnaires pertaining
predominantly to advertising (i.e., Cusumano & Thomspon, 1997; Heinberg & Thompson, 1995;
Lavine et al., 1999; Myers & Biocca, 1992). Our suggestions here about the potential impacts of
Britney Spears videos and songs on young females should be understood with these points in
mind, since our analysis was guided by both an understanding that the relationship between
media and youth is an interactive one, as well as a recognition that mass media are certainly
capable of influencing attitudes and consumer habits (Wilson and Sparks, 1996, 1999).5
These qualifications notwithstanding, we strongly assert that constructions/portrayals of
Britney Spears are contributors to a media environment that privileges and promotes the ideal
female body. That is to say, even if Spears’ videos are ‘read’ as pro-feminist texts, where Spears
portrayals as powerful and in-control are revered for their potential to empower and inspire
young female viewers, it is still unquestionable that Spears remains defined by her body and its
presentation. Although we certainly cannot claim from these focused findings that mediated
images of Spears ‘lead to’ body image disturbances, we will unhesitatingly assert that these
images reflect societal preoccupations with the female body, as has been argued in work on
5
Debates about the power of the audience, the power of the media text and the value of audience
research/ethnography have been played in articles and books by authors like Allor (1988), Cobley (1994), Grossberg
23
media, gender, the body and sport (Cole, 2000). In this way, our case study of Spears could be
viewed as a departure point for research like Wertheim, Mee, & Paxton’s (1999), who are
interested in the relationship between an environment where there are high numbers of images
and agents that are promoting and reflecting preoccupations with the feminine body, and the
tendency for adolescents to view these depictions as ‘normal’ or ‘ideal’.
Recommendations and Conclusions
From the above findings and commentaries emerge a variety of departure points for future
research and practical action. On the broadest level, this study highlighted the need to focus
more research attention on the diverse and vast media environment that young people maneuver
within. This means not only identifying key sites where messages about the body and gender are
distributed, but also relationships between the popular cultures that work together to promote
these messages (especially the music and sport relationship). In the same way, it is crucial to be
attentive to the mechanisms through which these cultures are linked and the strategic ways that
these messages are promoted (e.g., through celebrity endorsers like tennis player Anna
Kournakova and Britney Spears).
Acknowledging that textual analysis is limited as a method for understanding the
potential impacts of media on audiences, we also strongly suggest that future research be
conducted that focuses on the meanings that young females give to ‘ideal body’ portrayals like
those studied here. That is to say, through audience studies that provide a more detailed and
nuanced sense of young peoples’ experiences within the type of media environment we have
outlined in this paper, a better understanding of media impacts can be discerned. The hope is
that this enhanced sensitivity to relationships between media consumption and everyday life will
(1988), Lewis (1991), Lull (1988), Seaman (1992) and Seiter et al. (1989).
24
be helpful for health educators who encourage adolescent females to recognize themselves in
ways that have less to do with physical appearance.
25
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Appendix A: Abridged Video Descriptions
…Baby One More Time: The video is set at a high school. Britney Spears, the lead female character, is at the
centre of a series of group dance segments in the hallway of the school, outside in a courtyard, and in the
gymnasium. These group scenes are blended with shots of Britney appearing solemn and lonely as she sits next to
school lockers, in a convertible automobile, and on bleachers in the gymnasium. Only in the gymnasium-set scenes
is the audience presented with shots/glimpses of the male character who is referred to throughout the lyrics. Spears
appears to be yearning for the male, who is sitting on the bleachers, bouncing a basketball and appearing ambivalent
to Spears. The final scene of the video shows Spears sitting in class at school. The implication is that Spears has
daydreamed the entire ‘video’.
Oops…I Did it Again: The video is set on a planet in outer space. A male astronaut is shown observing a spaceship
land. When the ship lands, the music begins and Spears, the lead character, begins to descend on a platform inside
the spaceship. A series of group dance sequences begin. The dancing is fast-paced and very rigid. Accompanying
these dance scenes are scenes of Spears lying on a platform surrounded by others who are all rhythmically moving
their arms and legs. Cutting away from these scenes, Spears in then shown flipping through the air from the
spaceship to land in front of the astronaut. In the same sequence, the astronaut is shown giving Spears a small gift -which she does not appear to appreciate. She returns to the spaceship – at which time the focus is on the astronaut
who, despite Spears’ ambivalent response to the gift, appears elated to have had the opportunity to speak with
Britney. The dance and platform scenes continue, interspersed with camera shots of the astronaut who is dancing.
At the same time, a male computer programmer on earth, who has seen what was going on through a camera, is also
dancing in his chair. The video concludes with shot of Spears lying on the platform with outstretched arms and legs,
wearing a cropped white form-fitting shirt and white mini-skirt.
I’m a Slave For You: In the opening scenes of the video, Britney Spears is shown standing on a balcony of a rundown high-rise building overlooking a city. The sun is rising behind some distant buildings. Inside the building
where Spears is located are several individuals who are all either walking around, dancing, or sitting on the floor
sweating surrounded by empty water bottles. The video progresses through sequences of Britney Spears dancing in
front of a mirror, on the balcony, and walking through the halls singing. At one point, she enters a room and
becomes the leader of a dance segment, where the emphasis on her dance moves and body is strengthened by
frequent images of single males starring at her with amazement and admiration. Spears is also shown to be
persistently touching and admiring her own body. The video follows through a series of group and single dance
scenes, interspersed with sequences showing the female dancers being caressed by male dancers. Interjected into
the dance scenes are with snapshots of a DJ and the dancers sweating profusely. The video climaxes when an
individual holds a lighter to the indoor safety sprinkler to set it off. The final scenes show a rainstorm outside that is
greeted by the dancers – all of whom rush onto the balcony to join a single male character. The video end with
Spears stepping away and turning towards the door.