Education Reform and Conflict Prevention–
Perspectives from Pakistan
At
USIP- Washington D.C
June 8, 2007
Baela Raza Jamil
Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi
Centre for Education & Consciousness (ITA- CEC)
Pakistan
This is to be seen as a draft only. Kindly seek permission for citation.
Education Reform and Conflict Prevention– Perspectives from Pakistan
A cursory glance these days at newspapers in Pakistan, gives us a distinct impression of
a society under siege by its own home grown predators. The 10th meeting of the National
Security Council (NSC) held on June 4, 2007 agreed to draw up a multi-pronged
strategy to deal with terrorism and extremism. The NSC expressed deep concerns
about internal security and growing religious extremism with special reference to
‘talibalisation’, and decided to deal ..through a comprehensive strategy.
Be it the managers and students of Lal Masjid, the nurses accused of blasphemy at the
Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences (PIMS), in the Islamabad Capital Territory, be it
violence in Tank district in NWFP, be it the gathering of Talibans 41 kms. from Quetta,
or be it the indiscriminate killings of innocent citizens in Karachi Sindh, there is a
strong sense of rifts within. Groups of ordinary people, youth and adults, are armed and
on the march to assert their political, ‘ideological’ and social positions. Sixty years after
independence, Pakistan with 92% of its 160 million strong population classified as
Muslims (excluding Ahmedis), still fights precariously for religion, identity and
exclusion. Whilst ethnicity and religion are the obvious reasons for conflict on the one
hand, gender, provincial hierarchies and deprivation, diverse education systems, a low
understanding of the ‘other’ and a high degree of acceptable violence against women
and children are sources of conflict which have woven a fragile social fabric. Whilst
peace processes across borders (Afghanistan and India) move at a relatively positive
pace, the peace within lies in shambles. The war within is not with another religious
majority but with ‘interpretors’ and upholders of Islam, in the land of the pure, Pakistan.
This is the current context within which education reform and conflict prevention is to be
discussed. The question is, if this is at all seen as a cross cutting issue in the current
education reform agenda?
Boasting of strong economic growth rates of 6-7%, projected to grow to 7-8% in a
globalized setting, Pakistan’s human resource and peace challenges continue to elude
the economic and politico-military managers. Although poverty, according to the recent
government estimates has been reduced by 9% in 3 years from 33% to 24% (PSLMs
2005/6), vulnerability still affects 26% of the population thereby making 50% of the 160
million citizens vulnerable or poor (Economic Survey 2005-06).
With measured improvements in social sector indicators including education, Pakistan
still lags behind in key indicators of education, be it literacy (53%), gross enrolment rate
for primary level (86%) net enrolment rate (52%). Although gender gaps have reduced in
urban areas but in rural areas the NER/primary is 42% for girls.
According to the Ministry of Women Development, only 19% of females have attained
education up to Matric, 8% up to Intermediate, 5% a Bachelor’s degree and 1.4%
achieved a Master’s degree. 60% of the female adult population is illiterate. Of the 3.3
million out of school children, 2.503 million are girls. 73.6% of primary age girls
attend school, compared with 92.1% of boys. ( White Paper p.28)
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Gender issues in Pakistan can be contextualized through one critical indicator, viz. sex
ratio of men to women which is 108:100 (World Bank 2006). This indicates high gender
inequality and poor access to basic services of health, nutrition, education and
livelihoods. Behind ‘missing women’ in Pakistan (Amartya Sen, 2000), lie a series of
inter-related causes pertaining deeply entrenched patriarchal –feudal traditions and
parallel legal systems exacerbated by the black laws under Zia ul Haq further
undermining women’s social position. These laws have been modified under the
Women’s Protection Bill 2006 but fall short of being repealed. Women’s national
political participation has swelled to 20% in an unprecedented decision by the military
government, which is indeed an opportunity to influence and create possibilities for
change.
Recent Education Census: The Rise of The Hybrid Private Religious Schools:
The recent National Education Census held for the first time in Pakistan in 2005 to cover
all education institutions has provided disaggregated data on non-state education
providers. The Ministry of Education initiated this exercise in collaboration the Federal
Bureau of Statistics (FBS). Its findings include the rise of hybrid private religious chain
of schools such as Al-Khair, READ Foundation, Tameer-e-Millat, Marjan Schools, Raees
ul Aharar. It does not include other fast growing chains such as the Minhaj ul Quran and
so the numbers recorded are under-represented. Nonetheless it gives a sense of the trend.
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Source: NEC 2005.
Of the total 245,682, education institutions with 33 million enrolled, private sector
constitutes 33% and this is a conservative estimate. There is an estimated 12,979 Deeni
Madaris reported with enrolment of 1.54 million students (ibid). What is more
disconcerting is a growing trend in so called secular elite institutions both, secondary and
tertiary level faculty often with the most outstanding academic credentials, propagating
to their students, the empowering qualities of Islam, its transnational appeal to seek
merger with the greater UMMAH ( body of believers) as the penultimate in reclaiming a
glory that any Muslim ought to be seeking. Rituals, clothing, appearance and belief all
rolled into one are a distinct phenomenon on the rise on campuses in the form of beards
and hijabs (Islamic Veil). This trend is yet another emerging reality which endorses
distinct identities, divides the ‘pure and impure’, the chosen ones who belong both to the
‘religion and the world’ (literally Din and Dunya). To many a student this becomes a
preferred path. Thus hybrid institutions are increasing, some more obvious with names
providing clues eg. Raees ul Ahrar or Minhah Ul Quran, whilst others more discrete and
imperceptible.
Given the above scenario of escalation of conflict within, contestations of religion and
identity, poverty and vulnerability, gender inequity and violence against children, growth
and low social indicators, the agenda for education reform faces multiple challenges. It
is thus important to understand how these issues are framed in a country where the fate
of democracy still lies fundamentally with the praetorian managers of the state and
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economy1, alongwith their chosen alliances. It is in such a context that citizens must seek
space for asserting their rights for entitlements and possibilities of conversations that
break divisive hierarchies of province/land, race, religion, gender, culture, education and
identities.
Whilst it was important to provide a backdrop of the national context , today’s talk will
focus on the recent National Education Policy Review process ( NEPR) and the emerging
discourse within policy making to gauge if there is sufficient space in the emerging
education reform for conflict prevention. A critical concern will be to ascertain, if in fact
conflict prevention is a centre piece or of any thematic significance within the current
education reform process? If not, should it be reclaimed to be integrated as a key
objective of education reforms in Pakistan? .
Part I will focus on the revised ..White Paper and conflict prevention,
Part II will deliberate on what the citizen’s views have been on the subject as a response
to the White Paper.
Part III will propose areas of possible accommodation
Part I
The Ministry of Education began the National Education Policy Review (NEPR) process
soon after the newly ‘elected’ national government was installed by the military
managers in 2004. This initiative is consistent with traditions of policy making in
education where shifts occur as often as the new managers and particularly military
managers step in (Jamil 1999). Important milestone years are : 1959, 1970, 1979, 2001-2
and 2005-7 (in progress). The chronology of policy documents corroborates with the
military rule of Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia ul Haq, Musharraf phase I, and Musharraf
phase II. Exceptions are 1947, 1972, 1992 and 1998-2010 education policies that were
triggered by newly installed civilian governments. The National Education Policy 19982010 has survived the longest for 9 years. The Education Sector Reforms (ESR) Action
Plan 2001/2-2005/6 under phase I of General Musharraf’s government was to
operationalize the 1998 policy. The ESR Action Plan not withstanding, the Minister
Education (ex ISI Chief) was determined to design a New Education Policy and a new
curriculum. A legitimizing national consultative and phased process was adopted. It
resulted in thematic round tables (10), Green Papers ( 23) and White Paper (2 versions)
as a pre-policy document. Currently the Ministry is busy finalizing the policy document
and has officially termed the, “White Paper as not the final policy but an intellectual
exercise”2. The New Education Policy is to be shortly finalized followed by strategy and
implementation plans. However, the pre policy exercise is on yet another fast track
national consultative journey (May –June 2007) to accommodate child labor that had
been left out as an important part of achieving the EFA and MDG targets.
Ayesha Siddiqa’s publication, Military Inc. highlights this aspect of the political economy of Pakistan,
managed by the Military since the 1950s with core concepts of Milbus, …. Endorsed by constitutional and
legal amendments …
2
Official response by the Ministry of Education to the Archbishop of Lahore, President Pakistan Catholic
Bishop’s Conference, on Feb. 26th, 2007 with respect to compulsory Arabic teaching and Islamiyat etc. ..
1
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Education policies and reform documents since 1979 have been more a focus on access
through multiple providers and somewhat on quality, deeply underpinned by ideology.
Barring the ESR Action Plan document, the framing of ideological positions has an
exclusionary stance, neither conflict nor its prevention have never been acknowledged or
given space in the discourse or documents. As suggested by Deane ( 2005) that the 1998 ‘
policy defines citizenship in exclusionary terms’ . Obsessed by ideology and creation of a perfect
Islamic citizen it has led to a complete undermining of diversity, in culture, ethnicity, language and
religion.
The pre policy revised White Paper ‘s layout covers Governance and Management;
Quality; Equity; Access; Relevance; Islamic Education; Linkages with Principal Social
Issues; Education in Emergencies. At the outset the Paper predictably states that :
“Education Policy of every State has an ideological basis.. that provides social
norms expected of a society. While in the West, this ideological basis may be
liberal, conservative or Marxist … in the context of Pakistan, …it is essentially
and historically provided by Islam ..a source of values .. and an essential precondition for social development … ‘the ideological base provided by Islam
permits individuals of all faiths and beliefs to coexist in a largely Islamic polity,
with respect and tolerance for each other’ (p.3) .
It argues that Islam must not continue as ‘a static religious dogma’. The Vision &
Purpose are then stated as follows:
“Recognizing education as a right of the citizen, it is the aim of the State of Pakistan
to provide equal and ample opportunity to all its citizens to realize their full
potential as individuals and citizens through an education that enriches the
individual with values/skills preparing him/her for life, livelihood and nation
building.” (p.4)
Vision for ALL finds more concrete expression under the section entitled Equity (pp. 28
– 35)
7.1 Definition, Scope and Context
The concept of equity goes beyond equality of opportunity, where everyone is treated the
same, to fostering a bias-free environment where individuals benefit equally. It
recognizes that some people require additional and specialized support in order to achieve
equal benefits. Equity in education, therefore, would take into consideration not only
equal access to education of a particular standard, but the contents of curriculum,
instructional and evaluation materials and practices, different ways of learning and views
of knowledge, and everyone having the opportunity to achieve.(ibid.p.28)
….. Poor children, girl students, students from rural areas and students from minorities
are particularly affected by inequalities and inequities in the education system.
Equity is further disaggregated to address Gender, Geographical, Economic dimensions
branching out into the parallel delivery systems of education with a focus on private
sector primarily and medium of instruction. The entire discussion and recommendations
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focus on access, somewhat touching on quality and does not substantively address,
content, customs, entitlements, the political economy of equity or otherwise. The
contested question of medium of instruction is classified as an equity issue advocating for
mother tongue teaching up to grade V and allowing local/provincial governments to call
the shots according to local decisions. English is to be introduced from grade 3, and
maths and science are to be taught in English. No where is there an attempt to connect the
multi-lingual capabilities of civilizations dated to 8,000 B.C (Mehargarh/Balochistan) to
establish the purpose of language, its critical constructs and social articulation for
cognitive development, citizenship, democracy, tolerance and progress.
The revised White Paper picks up the ideological thread head on in the document under
section 10 entitled Religious Education (pp. 56-58). Sections are reproduced below:
‘ Religious Education should be easily available to the citizens and there should be no
compulsion for believers in one faith (minorities) to pursue religious education of another
one. Therefore, civil society organizations like Madrassahs should be facilitated and
encouraged to provide prejudice-free religious education to their followers. This right is
also provided by the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which guarantees
freedom of practice of any faith without coercion from any quarter.
Policy Recommendations
1. The quality and access of publicly funded schools should be raised to the level that
there is no compulsion for parents and pupils to be driven to parallel streams of
education; be it private tuition, English medium schools or Madrassahs.
2. Similarly individuals desiring to pursue higher education in Islamic Studies should be
encouraged till such time that these seminaries are providers of education and not as
indoctrination grounds for any divisive or destructive activities.
3. Islamic education in public schools must be seriously overhauled, particularly in the
manner that it is phased through the first 10 years of a child’s education..
4. Between Classes II to V, it should be the purpose of education to inculcate in the
Muslim child the Muslim value system.. This could be done through stories from Quran..
From Class--VII,, more formal instructions in Islamic practices,, which are common to all
Muslim beliefs,, should form the basis of the content in the courses of Islamic Studies..
For Non--Muslims courses in values//morals drawn from recognized sources should
substitute Islamic Studies..
5. Without undermining the need for learning some Quran by rote by Muslims for the
purpose off fulfilling ritualistic obligations,, it must be recognized that the duty of
society and State is to help the individual in acquiring the attitudes and views of life that
the injunctions of Islam require from all Muslims..
6. Courses should not emphasize on procedural details if they are known to be divisive in
character.. This function must be considered an obligation of the family.
7. Courses in religious education should specifically inculcate in the pupils respect and
tolerance for all faiths..’
Issues of conflict and tolerance are picked up again in the section on Sectarianism.
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‘The over blown conflict is diagnosed as a result of indoctrination due to political
agendas. That the conflicts were allowed to fester is solely due to lack of public education
preparing a mindset free of friction and fallacies…. School education must now be
designed to smoothen the turbulences of sectarian differences and develop a rational
character and outlook of inclusion and tolerance.(p.58)
Linkage to Democracy in the White Paper rhetorically elaborates that :
‘…Authoritarianism, whether dogma driven or ambition forced, is the normal public face
of any exponent of power. The State of Pakistan has suffered, the lack of continuity in its
political dispensations and the general immaturity of the political will, stem from the lack
of commitment of the citizen to the cause of democracy. The education system over the
last half a century, has not contributed to a social psyche … to create a tolerant society,
respectful of the beliefs, needs, ambitions, hopes and fears of all. Education has the
capacity to change mindsets and cultivate a democratic attitude.’
Policy recommendations thus include the following:
1. Curricula and textbooks must not foster,, or lead to,, sectarianism.. All divisive
material be weeded out from tithe national curriculum and textbooks.
2. The State must not be partial to one politico--religious interpretation or the other.
Ethics derived from the Quran and Sunnah should essentially form the basis of religious
education and procedures must not overtake substance as the focus of sensitization.
3. Democracy,, as a way of life, be a conscious part of the education as provided
particularly in schools.. It will enable citizens to have an inclusionary outlook to life,
with tolerance for difference of opinion. Thus we will be able to produce citizens
with democratic ideas and beliefs, ensuring its practice..
The revised White Paper does attribute religious conflict and ideological fetish to
Islamisation, but the problematique is not adequately framed in terms of conflict
prevention and respect to diversity.
The language of the White Paper created euphoria amongst the media and some
educators, who soon realized that this too was a veneer at best to appease certain opinion
makers in society.
The expression of what is recommended in the White Paper must logically find
articulation in the National Curriculum which has been a parallel and isolated exercise,
preceding and overtaking the finalization of the policy. An example is the curriculum for
Pakistan Studies Grades IX-X. It is worth mentioning that the Ministry has split the
program for social studies, geography, history, Pakistan Studies three ways. At the
primary level (up to grade V), the subject social studies is on offer, at the middle level
(VI-VIII) history has been finally restored as a subject as well as geography, whilst for
grades IX –X, it is back to Pakistan Studies again. A spokesman for the Ministry added
that since students by grade VIII have done history up to 1947, then logically they do not
need history any more but Pakistan Studies must be the centre of focus afterwards to
remain in touch with what happened in Pakistan since its creation in 1947.
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“ The National Curriculum Pakistan Studies Grades IX-X
This course of Pakistan Studies — which is a multi-disciplinary subject…for the students
of Grades IX and X, ..to enable them not only to understand the factors leading to the
creation of their homeland, but also to appreciate various aspects of its ideology, history,
culture, geography, politics, economy and strategic position in regional and international
affairs. www.moe.gov.pk
OBJECTIVES:
Broadly speaking, the Curriculum of Pakistan Studies is designed to:
1. inculcate a sense of gratitude to Almighty Allah for blessing us with an independent
and sovereign state.
2. underscore the importance of national integration, cohesion and patriotism.
3. encourage traits of observation, creativity, analysis and reflection in students.
4. promote an understanding of the ideology of Pakistan, the Muslim struggle for
independence and endeavours for establishing a modern welfare Islamic state.
6. inculcate awareness about the multi-cultural heritage of Pakistan so as to enable
the students to better appreciate the socio- cultural diversity of Pakistani society and
get used to the idea of unity in diversity in our national context.
10. lay emphasis on the rights and obligations of the citizens of an independent and
sovereign state.
To operationalize the above, contents and learning outcomes are provided. Chapters I
and Chapter VIII below highlight the disconnect between the White Paper, and the
curriculum objectives vis a vis conflict prevention strategies, textbook production/teacher
training and assessment guidelines in education reforms.
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Note the peripheral ‘role of minorities’ as part of contents and the static learning
objectives on what the Quaid said in August 14, 1947 speech about defining their
status.
Comments on the NEPR
The country context as shared at the outset, is highly de-stabilised due to protracted
exclusions, ideological fetishism, bias and deeply engrained conflicts. This is somehow
not seen as central to the education reforms/policy enterprise. Some issues are
highlighted rather fashionably as rhetoric with no serious follow through. The document
moves towards pragmatic mechanical recommendations for quality, equity access ,and
governance. Issues with respect to non-state providers including private sector, madaris
and language are simply lumped under equity and left in the cold without properly guided
recommendations which link to access, quality, governance, sectarianism and democracy.
Part II
Response from Civil Society
As suggested earlier the education reform this time around has been extraordinarily
consultative, eclectic and process based. At the risk of cynicism, the praetorian guardians
have become wiser to consult and appear to be process based and then do what they must.
It secured legtimisation for a fabricated pseudo democracy, managed by military
managers, seeking to simultaneously include and exclude many groups, where
parliament/assemblies/senate and agencies such as MI (military intelligence) and ISI
(inter-services intelligence) run parallel agendas, sometimes in collusion, and other times
at odds, for their political and economic survival?
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The civil society has not been an innocent bystander or participant in the process of
democratic articulations. Its protests against authoritarianism and assertion of civil rights
are well documented. It is also important to set the record straight chronologically
speaking that the civil society has been on the march well before 9/11. It is generally
assumed as a clichéd framework, that the backdrop for this discourse is 9/11,
fundamentalism, rise of Islamic militancy and its aftermath. The citizens of Pakistan have
been raising the flag for undermining democratic processes, exploitation by unbridled
privatization and withdrawal of state responsibility, rise of religious bigotry and
indiscriminate conflict since 1960s from various platforms. These have included, the
teachers unions, trade unions, the Women’s Action Forum (WAF) against the
Islamization of laws that totally undermine women’s space in society and education with
critique of the curriculum by multiple agencies/experts ( Aurat Foundation, AGHS,
HRCP, SAHE, DCHD, Simorgh, Shirkatgah, ASR, HRCP, Liberal Forum, SDPI, TRC,
Minority groups Etc). A critical consciousness had already been well established in
Pakistan vis a vis human rights violations, gender discrimination, sectarian divides,
blasphemy laws as an overdose of Islam and its narrow interpretations in national
policies, undermining diversity, citizens and gender rights. The 9/11 incident has added
other complex elements in a global setting of violence without borders. .
Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi’s (ITA) Responses to the White Paper
The recent responses to education reform with due acknowledgement were invited by the
Ministry of Education upon releasing the first version of the White Paper in December
2006. They selected reviewers including ITA Public Trust, already engaged in public
policy work at multiple levels. ITA sent its substantive section by section response
requesting that this needs wider consultation as a document and is not acceptable in its
present shape www.itacec.org. The same response was quickly circulated through egroups to wider audiences and networks. It is also noteworthy that the space to influence
was also left wide open. ITA had earlier sent a (draft) Green Paper on Education in
Emergencies which was completely accepted and included in the official list of Green
Papers hosted on the Ministry’s website. www.moe.gov.pk without even ITA’s
knowledge! This was a pleasant surprise indeed.
In a short space of time Jan-Feb 2007 civil society organizations responded separately
and jointly through coalitions and also as comrades, pushing the Ministry to hold a
round of sessions in provinces and Islamabad with experts, media, and private sector on
the white paper and its shortfalls. It was an intensive series of consultations where many
areas were contested for contradictory statements, simplistic approaches, exclusion of
minorities and overemphasis on Islam and religion. ITA’s first systematic 12 page
response to a 80 page document (annex) was registered in the Ministry during the given
time period prior to January 15, 2007 . Selected comments are reproduced below:
1. Vision and Purpose ( p. 4) : Vision and Purpose statements as they are stated
provide a narrow repetitive shopping list. They are not focused long term position
statements (ideals) which address the challenges of 21st century learning, character
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development and inclusive attitudes amidst rich national /cultural diversity, local
contexts and globalisation.
A rights based non-discriminatory, forward looking focus in vision is the need of
the hour.
2. How do we handle the taken for granted assumption that education needs to be
organized on an ideological basis? Is this a fair assumption? As urged in the White
Paper that we want to get away from dogma, then it requires a more secular
humanistic approach and an integration of human values across the learning
processes. If you then interface with grade IX proposed Pakistan Studies National
Curriculum it begins with objectives which are contrary yet again to what the White
Paper proposes. How do we reconcile these operational contradictions between two
vital documents of the Ministry of Education?
3. Linkages with Principal Social Issues (pp. 53-55)
Too little of everything and not inclusive ..
No mention of:
 inter-faith harmony ..valuing diversity
 inter provincial harmony;
 youth linkages and inter-cultural dialogues across the country;
 possibility of learning provincial local languages in high schools
 environmental education as part of primary health care, science or simply as a
separate subject…? Not clear
 Inclusive education or special education
4. Equity (pp.25 -32)
Equity definition needs to be reworked. Equity is rightly beyond equality but it is about
transferring capabilities and entitlements to citizens in absolute terms.
5. Minorities : Pakistan has almost 13 million of its population including “Ahmadis”,
Christians, and Hindus who are officially categorized as ‘minorities’. Their contributions
to this country continue to be significant as is their citizenship, but their concerns are not
systematically addressed in all sections ( quality; equity; access; relevance, linkages to
principal social issues, sectarianism ). They have not been included in the NEPR process
and their voices not heard. Moreover, 3-4 million Hindus that live in Pakistan as a
silenced and hushed minority need to be integrated as do the Kailash, Zikrees and Bahais.
We need to ensure that the Minorities who are solid citizens are given, due dignity,
basic enabling services including education and social space as their fundamental
right. This is a sober omission if we are claiming a‘moderate enlightened Pakistan’.
ITA’s organized response was simultaneoulsy forwarded to advocacy networks of civil
society organizations, the provincial departments of education, human rights groups, the
minority groups (mostly Christian) and the development partners etc. The Ministry
conceded by mid January 2007, that there is need to revise the document for which Feb.
15, 2007 would be the last date.
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Response by the Christian Community
ITA’s role as an advocate was further mobilized when it was invited to the Bishops
Conference in January 2007 to speak about curriculum reform. The audience was
provided access to and insights into how to critically evaluate emerging policy narratives
that are bound to influence future generations. Soon after a meeting was organized at the
Ministry’s NEPR section with a formal delegation of the Christian Minority groups, who
challenged the Ministry for their exclusion from the consultative process. They mounted
a campaign registering their protest on many sections of the White Paper and the National
Curriculum that went to the highest national authorities as well as human rights
committees in Geneva. The government responded by saying that the White Paper is only
an ‘intellectual exercise’ the real stuff is yet to come (Feb. 22, 2007) and in that due
consideration will be given to their recommendations.
1.
The letter by Lawrence John Saldanha Chairperson, Archbishop of Lahore ,
President, Pakistan Catholic Bishops’ Conference addressed to the Federal Minister on
January 22, 200 7 highlighted the following concerns … (annex)
“ Honorable Mr. Qazi
a)
It is a matter of deep concern for us that according to the White Paper, Islamic
studies with Arabic as essential part will be taught from classes 3 to 12.
b)
The Church based and civil society organizations, having vast experience in
education, were ignored in review of the curriculum and policies. A structured
participation of educationists could incorporate the input from the religious minorities.
After deliberations on all important aspects concerning education, we the Church
leadership, would like to invite the attention of the government through the following
recommendations:
1. Prejudices and biases on the account of religion, sect and gender in the curriculum
have to be removed for quality education as well as quality citizenry. In a multireligious society (Pakistan) curriculum should focus on Universal human values
and the religious education can be the responsibility of the family and the
respective religious community institutions.
2. We understand that it is also difficult for the government to arrange for religious
education of student each minority community according to their respective
faiths, which is otherwise their right under the UN Convention on the Rights of
the Child signed by Pakistan (1990). Practically, the scheme of Islamic Studies as
a compulsory subject and the choice of Ethics for non-Muslim students, isolates
and enhances discrimination against the minorities. Technically speaking, the
subject of Ethics is no choice for religious minorities because of non availability
of text books and teachers. Moreover, other religions in this subject are taught
from Islamic point of view.
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Therefore we recommend in strongest terms that religious studies should be only
given at College and University levels as optional subject but not as a compulsory
subject. Moreover the lessons must show equal respect to all religions, or, a
reference to one religion should be avoided in all subjects.
…
We hope that the education ministry would take the above-mentioned concerns into
consideration in framing the Education and Curriculum policies, in the larger interest of
better Pakistan” .
2. Letter by the National Commission on Justice and Peace (NCJP) on April 25, 2007 to
the UN Special Repporteur on Right to Education,Geneva recommended that :
This policy is objectionable because; it isolates students from religious minorities and
enhanced discrimination against them on the basis of religions. The inclusion of the
religion as compulsory part of the curriculum in past 30 years has enhanced religious
intolerance and fanaticisms. We urge that the government should be persuaded to:



Make religious studies an optional subject for the Degree classes only because the
faith teaching is primarily the responsibility of the family and respective religious
community,
The subject of Ethics for non-Muslim students is no option as it is based on Islamic
point of view of other religions. We recommend value education based on universal
human rights and one human family according to UDHR,
Make the curriculum free of religious biases
We request you to make use of your office and intervene in the situation by writing and
urging the authorities in Pakistan to consider the above mentioned recommendations.
…
Peter Jacob, Executive Secretary, National Commission for Justice and Peace
The pressure continued to mount from other organizations and consortiums.
National Coalition for Education (NCE) ..A consortium approach
The National Coalition for Education (NCE) in Pakistan and its provincial partners
mounted their campaigns against the lacunaes as did other experts and CSOs. The
combined critique was then presented to the Ministry of Education’s Policy and Planning
Wing for consideration.
SDPI:
Organizations such as SDPI were commissioned to do a shadow report on the
performance of the 1998-2010 policy called ‘A Citizen’s Review of the National
Education Policy 1998-2010 ‘ to influence the NEPR and White Paper. This document is
primarily focused on access and quality, leaving little room for addressing issues of
diversity, tolerance and conflict prevention. Out of the 13 chapters, it is only in chapters
3 & 4 on “ A Vision for Education in Pakistan: Aims , Objectives” and “ A Critical
Evaluation of the National l Education Policy” , that some of these concerns are
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addressed and not raised again in the ensuing chapters except fleetingly in chapter 5
under Equity.
Under the chapter titled : A Critical Review of the National Education Policy 19982010 it says that the two most troubling elements are isolated ..
1. The NEP promotes the Islamization of Education, society and state
a. Section 1.7 of NEP declares goal of the policy to be “ Placing the entire
system of education on a sound Islamic Foundation’.
b. 2.1 first objective of education as ‘ to help build a sound Islamic society’.
c. 3.4.7 the Policy declares: “teachers shall be considered focal pontes of
dissemination of information on fundamental principles of Islam
d. 3.3.9 proposes ‘expunging material repugnant to Islamic Teachings and
values ’
e. 3.1.7 articulates..that in an Islamic state there should be no difference
between deen and dunya and tha tall disciplines would become Islamiyat
(Islamic Studies)
f. 3.3.7 & 3.3. 10 mention the term Ideology of Pakistan ..to be taught to
trainee teachers
This is in sharp contrast to Quaid-e-Azam’s vision for education in Dec. 1947
2) The conceptual framework of the NEP undermines the possibility of an
enlightened education. For example it asserts that “ the only justification for
our existence is our total commitment to Islam as our sole identity” .
(SDPI, 2007 pp. 23-25)
SDPI had previously undertaken the critique of the intolerant biased curriculum The
Subtle Subversion in 2002/3, which provided yet another reason to undertake a thorough
curriculum review which had already been initiated by the Ministry of Education.
AKU-IED
As part of its ongoing work on influencing policy through research the Department of
Citizenship Rights and Education has been undertaking research and analysing past
policies. For the 1998-2010 policy it clearly states that :
Jinnah envisaged Pakistan as a democracy in which all citizens are equal
members of the state and the purpose of education, the development of all citizens
of Pakistan. This policy (1998) views Pakistan as an Islamic state and defines
citizenship in exclusionary terms. Moreover, while both view the purpose of
education as the creation of productive and useful worker citizens, Jinnah also
emphasizes character education to prepare responsible and service-oriented
citizens. .. If Pakistan wants to create a democratic society, she must develop a
sense of belonging among her citizens by emphasizing unity in diversity and
treating all equitably as Jinnah envisioned. She will then be able to demand and
receive contributions to development and prosperity from all her citizens (
Deane, 2005 http://www.citized.info ©2005 citizED)
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There is a great deal of ground work as well as integration of concept of
citizenship, conflict and human rights education that has been undertaken in the
textbooks of Sindh which was officially commissioned to AKU-IED by the Sindh
Textbook Board.
Part III
Recommendations and Way Forward
1.
Conflict is not a phenomenon restricted to the underdeveloped or developing
countries The recent Global Peace Index (GPI) puts US on 96 and Pakistan on 116, with
the latter is number 8th from the bottom. Pakistan, a country not at war officially is
clearly without peace and a cause for concern to all of us as citizens. “ This is a wake up
call for leaders around the world’.. What is even more worrying that US is just 20
rankings behind whilst Srilanka is 115th and India 109th. The study commissioned by
the Economist Intelligence Unit. Peace, reminds the readers that peace is not “ just the
absence of war; it's the absence of violence…Countries need to become more peaceful to
solve the major challenges that the world faces - from climate change to overpopulation
and sustainability,".. Mr. McConaghy. http://www.prnewswire.com/cgi-bin/stories.pl
The Dawn Thursday May 31, 2007 p. 16
It is important to mobilize positive experiences on conceptual frameworks and practical
tools for conflict prevention, from other countries suffering from discrete and obvious
conflicts. This needs to be explored for adaptation to the Pakistan context. Currently
Pakistan is not confronting the complex issue with an ostrich like mentality, thinking it is
only the creation of a duty bound Islamic Man that is a problem!
2.
Pakistan has witnessed an iterative reform process at the macro and sector level
since 1999. The reform program has been initiated on account of a genuine prolonged
need for social and economic changes as well as for legitimacy of the praetorian rule
and its various versions of citizenship alliances at local and national levels. Democratic
processes and institution building continue to be undermined in Pakistan. This has
become a norm since the first decade of independence. Education in many ways is the
centre piece of reversing the efforts to work towards a democratic learning environment.
However, there is currently no real focus on these issues and themes in any practical area
of education reforms and earlier policies. This realization has to spread and
appropriate actions taken to make the challenge of democracy, its norms and
attitudes a part of policy and curriculum reforms, classroom practice to help ,
change the culture of schools, departments and ministry of education.
2.i A section needs to be added both in the Policy and in the National Curriculum
guidelines for each subject on Diversity, Democracy, Citizenship and Conflict
management /resolution as a cross cutting theme that runs powerfully across
Governance, Management, Quality, Equity and Access.
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3.
The National Education Census 2005, has already established that there is 33-35
% provision by non-state providers including madaris and the share of non-state
providers is a rising statistic urging government to review its own position as a provider,
financier and facilitator of education as a public good. The NEC provides an insight and
direction as to how the issue of provision and diversity needs to be tackled through
ensuring standards and principles of operation, rather than by adversarial stance on who
is the provider? A total of 245,682 institutions were surveyed out of which 164,579 are
in public sector and 81,103 are in private sector. Of the total 1.5 million teachers almost 700,000
are in the private sector.
Deeni Madaris : It is the first time that Deeni Madaris have been individually enumerated
through a census. Out of 12,979 Deeni Madaris, 12,153 Madaris provided the information and
the enrolment is recorded as 1,549,242. ( NEC 2005, Executive Summary)
It is important to remind ourselves the context and scale and to look beyond the obvious to other
sources of ‘talibanisation in mainstream education systems.. at all levels of the spectrum. That is
infact more dangerous.. and committed.
Given the context of scale and size and multiplicity of provision a strategy needs to be
defined which is far more balanced in terms of support so that non-elite private sector is
not ignored.
Why must madrassahs be mainstreamed and modernized only. Why not other institutions
around the country that are in shambles and encourage dissent and disaffection in the first
place when parents make choices to remove a child from a regular school and send to a
madrassah instead. There needs to be a uniform policy for minimum standards across the
country as suggested by the White Paper to provide government and non-government
schools alike with incentives for deserving institutions and households.
There is a need for a disaggregated view of school systems including madaris to see what
is being taught and how it is being taught. How can the principles of citizenship,
diversity, tolerance and creative engagement be fostered in diverse delivery systems?
A strategy needs to be in place to access not just govt. schools but also private sector
schools/colleges and teachers as well who make a critical difference. The diverse
provision is an opportunity to influence many more groups rather than focus only on the
government or only on the madaris.
4.
How can techniques of conversations about conflict and peace, and conflict
prevention initiatives at the school and local levels be disseminated to mobilize the little
histories and experiences instead of grand but distant narratives? This will create
multiple and proactive spaces for appreciating and respecting diversity or the resources
within?
This is yet another technique of building bridges and healing, highlighted in Ashghar
and Chabra’s technique illustrated by this beautiful couplet in emerging narratives (2002)
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“There was a person, who made a circle to keep me out,
So I made a circle to include us both.”
(quoted in Asghar and Chabra, 2002)
Many of us completely agree with the advocates that there is a need to shift from being
adversaries to complementing partners, whereby ‘peace and development and human
happiness (my addition) are intertwined. This is mutually ..reinforcing each other at
multiple levels’. (Ashgar & Chabra , 2002). We need to have this grounded in clear
conceptual and practical steps. Many materials have been generated that need to be
mobilized towards these efforfs.
4.i.
It is time to recruit teachers, students and social activists as social entrepreneurs in
the business of conflict prevention. They can act as strong catalysts towards this
endeavour by integrating skills of listening, appreciating diverse backgrounds, histories
and providing space to ‘difference’.
4.ii. The Govt. of Pakistan has encouraged participation of non-state providers/CSOs in
helping it meet its targets and programs. ITA is working with over 7000 teachers
/educators including those that are being trained at the Plymoth State University (80
educators) and it is important to see them as agents of change in this area. Many other
organizations are also undertaking similar work.
5.
We need to design tools for a peace and conflict audit in our national curriculum,
its objectives, textbooks, pedagogy and assessment systems.
6.
Tariq Rehman in his opinion piece on the language policy in the Dawn (June 5,
2007) aptly says that “ Maybe, we can start a new language policy of providing justice to
all, by writing new texts in Urdu and other national languages — texts which promote
peace rather than war, tolerance rather than intolerance and the idea of rights rather than
the views of male and class superiority. Then perhaps we can take the risk of promoting a
more just policy on the medium of instruction” .(Rahman, Dawn June 5, 2007). Writing
many and appropriate texts is most critical to effect lasting change.
Conflict Prevention through holistic education strategies is central to the challenge of
survival, evolution and well being of our society and our global community. I strongly
believe that we have the will, the tools and we can do it collaboratively. We need to band
together for a global agenda and action towards human security !
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Bibliography
Asghar, A & M. Chabra (2002) Development As Peace: A Vision Of Hope In The
India-Pakistan Conflict, Paper Published In The Journal Of Peacebuilding And
Development, 2002.
Asghar, A & M. Chabra (2002) Emerging Narratives On The Indo-Pak Conflict: A
Women’s Intiative In The Direction Of Peace, Paper Published In The Journal Of
Peacebuilding And Development, 2002.
Candland, C. (2007) Pakistan’s Recent Experience in Reforming Islamic Education
(2005) Citizenship Education In Pakistani Schools: Problems And
Possibilities, e. journal, Correspondence: BERNADETTE L. DEAN, Aga Khan University,
Dean B.
Institute for Educational Development, IED-PDC, 1-5/B-VII, F.B. Area, Karimabad, P.O. Box
13688, Karachi-75950, Pakistan
Fair, C. Christine (2006) Islamic Education in Pakistan, USIP.
Jacob, P (2007) Press Release, June 1, 2007. National Commission for Justice and Peace
(NCJP), Pakistan.
Jalal, A ( 1991
) State of Martial Rule, Lahore: Vanguard Books, Pakistan edition
Jalal, A (1995) Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia: A comparative historical
perspective, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Jamil. B. (2007) Unpublished M.phil Thesis on Privatization and Equity : A case study
of Pakistan Urban Secondary Schools. Institute of Education, University of London.
Jamil B.Raza (2006), Decentralization & Devolution in Pakistan: Educational
Implications of the Praetorian Interpretation. Published in: Education Decentralization:
Asian Experiences and Conceptual Contributions, (Ed. Bjork. C), Springer, USA.
Ministry of Education, (2007) A White Paper – revised : Document to Debate & Finalize
the National Education Policy
Ministry of Education, (2006) The National Education Census. In collaboration with the
Federal Bureau Of Statistics (FBS)
Ministry of Education (1998) The National Education Policy 1998-2010
Ministry of Education (2003) Education Sector Reforms Action Plan 2001/2-2005/6
Nayyar A.H & Ahmad Salim (2007) A Citizens Review of the National Education Policy
1998-2010, Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), Pakistan.
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Nayyar A.H & Ahmad Salim (2003) The Subtle Subversion: The State of Curricula and
Textbooks in Pakistan – Urdu, English, Social Studies and Civics. Sustainable
Development Policy Institute (SDPI), Islamabad.
Rahman, T (2003), Pluralism and Intolerance in Pakistani Society Attitudes of Pakistani
Students towards the Religious Other, Presented at the conference on pluralism at the
Aga Khan University – Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilization. October 25, 2003.
Siddiqa A. (2007) Military Inc. Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy. Oxford University
Press. Pakistan
Syed A. Farooq Akbar (2007) Connecting the dots… Integration of Teachers
Perspectives in Policy Development and Implementation. ABES with the collaboration of
the Commonwealth Education Fund (CEF) .
The Daily Times (2007)
USIP, Religion and Peacekeeping Developing a Peace Education Curriculum with
Pakistan Madassas. April 9-13, Islamabad , Pakistan.
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Annex
Curriculum Framework-NCERT
The National System of Education will be based on a national curricular framework,
which contains a common core along with other components that are flexible. The
common core will include the history of India’s freedom movement, the constitutional
obligations and other content essential to nurture national identity. These elements will
cut across subject areas and will be designed to promote values such as India’s common
cultural heritage, egalitarianism, democracy and secularism, equality of sexes, protection
of environment, removal of social barriers, observance of small family norm and
inculcation of scientific temper. All educational programmes will be carried on in strict
conformity with secular values. India has always worked for peace and understanding
between nations, treating the whole world as one family. True to this hoary tradition,
education has to strengthen this world-view and motivate the younger generations for
international cooperation and peaceful co-existence. This aspect cannot be neglected. To
promote equality, it will be necessary to provide for equal opportunity for all, not only in
access but also in the conditions of success. Besides, awareness of the inherent equality
of all will be created through the core curriculum. The purpose is to remove prejudices
and complexes transmitted through the social environment and the accident of birth.
National Policy on Education, 1986
Living in harmony within oneself and with one’s natural and social environment is a
basic human need. Sound development of an individual’s personality can take place only
in an ethos marked by peace. A disturbed natural and psycho-social environment often
leads to stress in human relations, triggering intolerance and
conflict. We live in an age of unprecedented violence— local, national, regional and
global. Education often plays a passive, or even insidious role, allowing young
minds to be indoctrinated into a culture of intolerance, which denies the fundamental
importance of human sentiments and the noble truths discovered by different
civilisations. Building a culture of peace is an incontestable goal of education. Education
to be meaningful should empower individuals to choose peace as a way of life and enable
them to become managers rather than passive spectators of conflict. Peace as an
integrative perspective of the school curriculum has the potential of becoming an
enterprise for healing and revitalising the nation. As a nation we have been able to sustain
a robust democratic polity. The vision of democracy articulated by the Secondary
Education Commission
(1952) is worth recalling:
Citizenship in a democracy involves many intellectual, social and moral qualities…a
democratic citizen should have the understanding and the intellectual integrity to sift
truth from falsehood, facts from propaganda and to reject the dangerous
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appeal of fanaticism and prejudice … should neither reject the old because it is old nor
accept the new because it is new, but dispassionately examine both and courageously
reject what arrests the forces of justice and progress…..
For us to foster democracy as a way of life rather than only a system of governance, the
values enshrined in the Constitution assume paramount significance.
• The Constitution of India guarantees equality of status and opportunity to all citizens.
Continued exclusion of vast numbers of children from education and the disparities
caused through private and public school systems challenge the efforts towards achieving
equality. Education should function as an instrument of social transformation and an
egalitarian social order.
• Justice—social, economic and political—to all citizens is integral to strengthening
democracy.
• Liberty of thought and action is a fundamental value embedded in our Constitution.
Democracy requires as well as creates a kind of citizen who pursues her own
autonomously chosen ends and respects others’ right to do so as well.
• A citizen needs to internalise the principles of equality, justice and liberty to promote
fraternity among all.
• India is a secular democratic state, which means that all faiths are respected, but at the
same time the Indian state has no preference for any particular faith. The felt need, today,
is to inculcate among children a respect for all people regardless of their religious beliefs.
India is a multicultural society made up of numerous regional and local cultures. People’s
religious beliefs, ways of life and their understanding of social relationships
are quite distinct from one another. All the groups have equal rights to co-exist and
flourish, and the education system needs to respond to the cultural pluralism inherent in
our society. To strengthen our cultural heritage and national identity, the
curriculum should enable the younger generation to reinterpret and re-evaluate the
past with reference to new priorities and emerging outlooks of a changing societal
context. Understanding human evolution should make it clear that the existence of
distinctness in our country is a tribute to the special spirit of our country, which
allowed it to flourish. The cultural diversity of this land should continue to be
treasured as our special attribute. This should not be considered a result of mere
tolerance. Creation of a citizenry conscious of their rights and duties, and
commitment to the principles embodied in our Constitution is a prerequisite in this
context.
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