1 The McDonaldization of British Policing Dr Richard Heslop, Police Sergeant, UK 1 Paper presented to the Police Federation of England Wales Seminar on Police Professionalisation, Leatherhead UK, 23 to 25 February 2011 Introduction In recent years the police service of England and Wales has been subject to a relentless process of centrally driven ‘reform’ and workforce ‘modernisation’ in which the ideas of reform, modernisation, performance and professionalisation are indivisible. Reform of the police, according to HMIC (2004:29), ‘represents a major attempt to modernise the service and raise performance….Modernising the police workforce is about making the service more professional’. This paper, however, is concerned with a paradox about police reform, modernisation and professionalisation. Whilst some aspects of modernisation and reform have led to a pluralized workforce with specialist skills, other aspects of that agenda are leading towards the ‘de-professionalisation’ of the police (Jones 2010). This, it will be argued, particularly applies to warranted officers, who as well as experiencing limits placed on their discretion (Rowe 2007), have, at times, been ‘micro-managed’ (Newburn 2008, Reiner 2010) and become ‘deskilled’ (Berry 2007). More theoretically, the article draws on George Ritzer’s (1993, 2004) ‘McDonaldization’ thesis. The McDonaldization thesis is based on Max Weber’s (1921) ideas on bureaucracy, which are embedded in his broader theory of the rationalization process. Weber conceptualised bureaucracy as the organisational form that maximized the influence of rationality on individual and group behaviors, and which allowed organisations to complete a large number of tasks in a highly efficient and predictable manner. While bureaucracy, in Weber’s view epitomised rationalisation in the 19th and 1 Dr Richard Heslop is a Sergeant in the British police, though the views expressed in this paper are his own. Correspondence to r.heslop@tiscali.co.uk 2 early 20th centuries, for Ritzer, the present day exemplar par excellence of this trend is the popular fast food chain McDonalds: and Ritzer’s neologism of the term McDonaldization captures this trend. Ritzer’s central thesis is that McDonaldization is a pervasive process, affecting not only the fast food industry but also many other sectors of society including the education and criminal justice systems (Ritzer 2004). In an organisational context McDonaldization can be thought of as being the opposite of professionalisation and in this paper I argue that policing is increasingly becoming McDonaldized. Police reform and modernization The McDonaldization of policing needs to seen in the context of a broad set of government led reforms aimed at reforming and ‘modernising’ the police. Principle dimensions of reform and modernisation have included: (1) changes in police governance leading to increased centralisation and control; (2) greater pluralisation of the policing function, specifically but not exclusively, under the concept of the ‘extended policing family’ (McLaughlin & Murji 1995, Carlisle & Loveday 2007, Crawford 2008, Reiner 2010) and; (3) the embedding into the police organisation of new public management principles. New public management and McDonaldization New public management and McDonaldization share many common features (Wilkinson 2006). In brief, new public management is characterized by the application to the public sector of business management thinking, performance and resource management, internal competition and the recruitment and deployment of ‘professional managers’ individuals supposedly possessed of ‘generic’ leadership and management skills (Pollitt 2002, 2003). The extent to which new public management thinking has penetrated the modern police service has been well documented by policing scholars (Carlisle & Loveday 2007, McLaughlin 2007, Savage 2007, Reiner 2010). However, what has not previously been recognised is the way that new public management and other police reforms have coalesced to bring about the McDonaldization of policing. 3 McDonaldization In 1993, the sociologist George Ritzer neologised the term McDonaldization to characterise the highly controlled, bureaucratic and dehumanized nature of contemporary, particularly American, social life. In his own words it is ‘the [bureaucratic] process by which the principles of the fast-food restaurant are coming to dominate more and more sectors of American society as well as the rest of the world’ (Ritzer 2004: 1). As such, the theory is not specific to the analysis of the fast-food industry but is a more general theory of social and organisational change. Consequently, Ritzer’s thesis has become influential and the concept of McDonaldization has been used to depict developments in a variety of different social institutions including schools (Wilkinson 2006), higher education (Hartley 1995) and even religion (Drane 2001). However, to date the concept of McDonaldization has only rarely been employed in the analysis of criminal justice issues (see, for example, Bohm 2006) and not at all within the context of British policing. According to Ritzer, McDonaldized institutions operate in accordance with four main principles: calculability, efficiency, control and predictability. Taken together these four factors can be understood as the basic components of a rational system and have undoubtedly led to benefits for organisations and customers alike, hence the spread of the phenomenon. However, the main problem with McDonaldized systems and a fifth characteristic of the process is the production of irrationalities (or what Ritzer terms the ‘irrationality of rationality’) which threaten to undo its four central principles. A primary purpose of the following sections is to highlight some of the irrationalities of McPolicing. Calculability Let us begin with calculability. Ritzer suggests that calculability – the emphasis on counting and quantifying – is the linchpin that supports all the other aspects of McDonaldization. In fast-food restaurants everything is measured precisely: so many burgers have to come from a kilogram of meat, the French-fries must be of a certain thickness and the bags must never be too full or too empty. It is easy to see how 4 seemingly neutral measures, meant to ensure standardization, eventually lead to the reduction of the processes of production to a game of numbers. It has been well documented how, in recent years, the police in being subjected to increased public scrutiny and as part of the ‘performance’ strand of new public management, have become obsessed with quantifying (Carlisle & Loveday 2007) and everything from crime rates, to public confidence and more latterly ‘value for money’ 2 are constantly measured. Whilst some improvements have been observed, ultimately bureaucratic chaos (Berry 2009) and other unintended consequences have resulted (Carlisle & Loveday 2007). Much of this has been driven by central target setters, particularly the Home Office, and aided and abetted by bodies such as HMIC who thereafter monitor performance under what the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ 2009) termed the ‘police inspection industry’. For Carlisle & Loveday (ibid: 18) this preoccupation with calculability ‘represents a return to the Taylorian values of the industrial past’ and has even led to what they term the ‘sovietisation’ of police work. Whilst the type and range of performance targets come and go, it is the extent to which the ‘counting culture’ has been embedded into British policing which is signalled here. The newest generation of police employees, those recruited in the last decade or so, have experienced little else than the quantitative performance target regime, which has become the main method of evaluating success (CSJ 2009). Of course, it is not only recent police employees who have been socialised into the counting culture. Police leadership in Britain has long been the focus of criticism and this has been used to legitimatise programmes of central intervention and reform (Golding & Savage 2008, Reiner 2010). Though paradoxically, it can be argued that aspects of reform of the police have led to the ‘demise’ of police leadership as the function of the leader is reduced to that of managing the attainment of centrally set goals (Carlisle & Loveday 2007). 2 See HMIC ‘Report Card’ at http://www.hmic.gov.uk/Pages/home.aspx .Accessed 22/06/2011. 5 Efficiency The second principle is efficiency, or the optimum method of getting from one point to another for the lowest cost. Knowing the way McDonald's and a growing number of other businesses operate, it is hardly necessary to expand on this. In the fast-food industry efficiency is imperative as the term ‘fast’ implies and each and every process of the business is organized to ensure that everything happens at the right time and the right place. To the degree that incidents/cases move through the myriad specialist departments of the police organization (HMIC 2010) like an ‘assembly-line’, aspects of modern policing practice are not unlike a fast-food production line. Also under threat of extinction is the ‘omnicompetent’ police officer (Jones 2010) who historically would, and importantly could, deal with most incidents from start to finish. In the recent inspection report Valuing the Police, HMIC (2010) explained how in a single burglary investigation, from the point of reporting through to suspect arrest , charge and court appearance there were at least 30 different people involved in the investigative, administrative and preparation process. Whilst this approach might work for the production of widgets, in the context of a public service organization it is more likely to produce the following irrationalities. First, as HMIC noted, the recent growth of specialist units has, in many places, led to a reduction in the number of warranted officers available to the public. Second, police effectiveness can also be undermined by the potential lack of ‘ownership’ of cases. Put differently, if 30 individuals are involved in a burglary investigation then whose case is it? The omnipotent officer was not only omnicompetent in terms of their skill base, but they were also usually the single point of contact (SPOC) for a member of the public. This leads on to the third potential problem, that skills are easy to lose and difficult to regain. Unsurprisingly then, Jan Berry, the former Chair of the Police Federation and special government advisor on police bureaucracy has argued that the entire police service had been ‘systematically deskilled’. 3 3 Key note speech delivered to the 2007 Annual Police Federation Conference. 6 Predictability Predictability is tied to the imposition of ‘discipline, order, systematisation, formalisation, routine, consistency and methodological operation’ (Ritzer 1993: 83). It is apparent that predictability is closely tied to the dimension of calculability. In fast-food restaurants, the food, as well as being fast, is absolutely standard and predictable. For consumers, predictability provides peace of mind (Ritzer, 2004). For the most part, members of the British public expect their expect bureaucracies and institutions to operate smoothly, predictably, and in accordance with certain standardized rules and procedures. These bureaucracies and institutions include insurance companies, banks and the police. Of course, in many ways police work is far from predictable (Waddington 1999), though in order to attempt to achieve predictability the police service has, for many years, sought to standardize procedures, services, and administrative techniques. It is contended, however, that in the last two decades with the introduction of new public management thinking, far greater emphasis has been placed on these areas and once again this has produced irrationalities. Not least are the well documented concerns that the police service is becoming ever more bureaucratic and risk averse (Flanagan 2008, Berry 2009). Recently HMIC criticised police leaders for producing ‘industrial quantities’ of guidance documents. 4 However, was this a case of the kettle calling the pot black? As suggested earlier, examined in a wider political context HMIC is a key player in the ‘police inspection industry’ which is itself part of what Power (1997) termed the ‘audit society’. In terms of policing and bureaucracy, it may well be that HMIC are part of the problem (CSJ 2009). Control Predictability also clearly overlaps with the fourth dimension of McDonaldization: control, which means that many aspects of production and consumptions are governed by strict rules and an emphasis on one way of doing things. According to Ritzer (2004:15), ‘the people who work in McDonaldized organisations are also controlled to a 4 Sir Dennis O’Connor, HM Chief Inspector of Constabulary, speech to the APA-ACPO Conference 1 July 2010. 7 high degree…They are trained to do a limited number of things in precisely the way they are told to do them’. With its emphasis on hierarchical power relations, delegation, rules and regulations the police service is in many ways a classic bureaucracy. However, this has been tempered by the fact that police officers have traditionally operated with a high degree of discretion. This is a staple of many of the classic ethnographic studies of police work (see, for example, Banton 1964, Manning 1977) and Waddington (1999: 38) even went as far to suggest that the elimination of police discretion is ‘virtually unimaginable’. Although there is still much that we can learn from a reading of the classic policing literature (Loftus 2009), the received account of extensive police discretion has not been empirically verified recently. Indeed, whilst it would be an overstatement to argue that the unimaginable has happened, there is evidence to suggest that officers are increasing being ‘micro-managed’ (Newburn 2008, Reiner 2010) and as such, police discretion is being limited (Rowe 2007, Flanagan 2008, Berry 2009). The irrationality of rationality Finally then, as indicated above, Ritzer identified advantages to McDonaldization, without which the phenomena would not have become so widespread. It has made McDonaldized intuitions bureaucratic and rational in a Weberian sense and has also made them more profitable. However, rational systems inevitably spawn irrational consequences and, as Ritzer states, ‘paradoxically, the irrationality of rationality can be thought of as the fifth dimension of McDonaldization’ (2004: 17). In the case of the fastfood industry, irrationalities include environmental degradation, waste, as well as long queues in restaurants. McDonaldized institutions can be inefficient because of excess bureaucracy and other problems (ibid p 27). They can produce poor quality work and a decline in employee effort because of the emphasis on quantification. Indeed, irrational systems mirror the four dimensions of the rational systems (i.e. they are inefficient, unpredictable, not subject to calculation, or control). 8 Conclusion and discussion The British police service remains a politicised bureaucracy and, as such, the study of the police institution has to be situated within a broader framework of political economy (Reiner 2010). Like many other public sector institutions, the police service has, in recent years, been subject to significant government led reform and modernization, a key feature of which has witnessed the introduction into policing of new public management techniques. The purpose here has been to use Ritzer’s concept of McDonaldization as a further heuristic device to examine developments in contemporary British policing. The introduction of the new public management has resulted in the police service increasingly becoming McDonaldized with a disproportionate stress on narrowly-defined efficiency, an obsession with calculability and measurement and the power of the controlling mechanisms needed for imposition and enforcement. This has brought with it a number of unintended consequences or ‘irrationalities’ including an increase in bureaucracy, a reduction in police discretion and deskilling. As such, rather than leading towards increased professionalisation this has arguably brought about ‘de-professionalisation’. Neyroud review of leadership and training However, with the election in 2010 of a Conservative led coalition government in Britain there have been tentative signs that things could be moving in a different direction. According to the Home Office (2010: 19), it is now the intention to ‘…free the police from central control by removing government targets …reducing bureaucracy and supporting professional responsibility’. Moreover, in August 2010 Peter Neyroud, former Chief Executive of the National Policing Improvements Agency (NPIA) was commissioned by the Home Office to conduct a fundamental review of police leadership and training in the UK and his subsequent report was published in April 2011 (Neyroud 2011). Looked at from one perspective the Neyroud Report is merely the latest in a long list of externally driven initiatives aimed at professionalising policing Home Office 2004, HMIC 2004). However, Peter Neyroud is a respected former Chief Constable and his report contains genuinely radical recommendations to move policing ‘from being a 9 service that acts professionally to becoming a professional service’ (ibid, p 11). 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