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The meaning of December 16
6
War veterans
10
FRIDAY
DECEMBER 13
2013
vol 1 Issu e 33
Nelson Mandela
27
1
CONTENTS
1 Editor’s Note
2 This Week in Pictures
4 Bottled Up
5 Whose Line Is It Anyway?
Head in the sand
Bangladesh since 1971
V-Day depictions
A gift that keeps on giving
Glad to be Bangladeshi
Death of a neighbourhood pup
Decade of Action for Road Safety
Dr Meghna Guhathakurta
Parliamentary election
8 Post-Riposte
A Wee kly Pro ductio n o f
9 Top 10
DhakaTribune
Vo lume 1, Issu e 3 3
D EC EMB ER 13, 2 0 1 3
12 Big Mouth Strikes Again
Editor
Zafar Sobhan
Magazine Editor
Faruq Hasan
13 Photo Story
6 Pick of the Week The meaning of December 16
Weekend Tribune Team
Sumaiya Shams
Faisal Mahmud
Yusuf Banna
Joseph Allchin
Shah Nahian
Phil Humphreys
Adil Sakhawat
Rohini Alamgir
Farhana Urmee
18 Feature
20 Interview
21 Realpolitik
22 Tough Love
23 WT | Leisure
Art Direction/Photography
Syed Latif Hossain
24 Day in the Life of
Cartoon
Syed Rashad Imam Tanmoy
Rio Shuvo
Contributors
Syed Samiul Basher
Naheed Kamal
Syed Latif Hossain
Rajib Dhar
Mahmud Hossain Opu
Dina Sobhan
Ibtisam Ahmed
Production
Masum Billah
Advertising
Shahidan Khurshed
Circulation
Wahid Murad
Email: weekend@dhakatribune.com
Web: www.dhakatribune.com
Cover
Victory Day celebrations
by Syed Latif Hossain
A birdwatcher
Kantajew Temple, Dinajpur
Mandela in the arts
Nelson Mandela
25 The Way Dhaka Was
26 Culture Vulture
27 Obituary
28 Last Word
10 Thought Plot War veterans
Design
Mohammad Mahbub Alam
Colour Specialist
Shekhar Mondal
Kazi Syras Al Mahmood
17 Crime File
EDITOR’S NOTE
Victory Day musings
I
can’t help but get all contemplative
with Victory Day right around the
corner. At the risk of getting all Hamletesque on the readers, our issue this week
has a slightly more introspective tone
and focuses on the progress made by
Bangladesh since independence. Our Pick
of the Week focuses on what December
16 means to the general population.
Farhana Urmee canvases people we work
and live with to get a better sense of
context behind this historical date. Our
Poste Riposte is something more concrete:
we debate on whether the country has
progressed in the last 42 years. Our Photo
Feature is veritable celebration of flags,
and how they serve as an inspiration to
Bangladeshis all over the world. And, of
course, our ever-popular Top 10 lists the
best art, literature and films that have
been inspired by our Liberation War.
If you have had an overdose of Victory
Day readings, check out our Crime File
this week where we spotlight the death
of Tommy the pup, and focus on the sad
state of animal rights in the country.
Culture Vulture and Obituary both focus
on Nelson Mandela and his heritage to
all freedom-lovers globally, while Day in
the Life of follows an ardent birdwatcher.
Relax, reflect and ruminate with your
favourite weekend magazine. n
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
2
THIS WEEK
INTERNATIONAL
US Secretary of Defence Chuck Hagel, right, is greeted by US Ambassador James
B Cunningham, centre, and Gen Joseph F Dunford, left, after arriving on a C-17
military aircraft, on December 7 in Kabul, Afghanistan. Secretary Hagel made a
stop in Afghanistan during his six-day trip to the Middle East
AP/Mark Wilson, Pool
In this December 6, 2012 file photo, Liu Xia, the wife of China’s jailed Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo,
poses with a photo of her and her husband during an interview at her home in Beijing. Five years after his
detention, the US is calling for the release of Chinese Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo and an end to his
wife’s undeclared house arrest.
AP/Ng Han Guan, File
Supporters throw flower petals as Arvind
Kejriwal, centre, leader of India’s Aam Aadmi
Party, or Common Man’s Party, speaks as
they celebrate the party’s performance in
Delhi state assembly elections, in New Delhi,
India, on December 8. The new political
party played spoiler in the race and pushed
Congress into third place, according to early
results. The group, led by former tax official,
hopes next to campaign nationally
AP/Tsering Topgyal
French troops patrol past two Seleka, the
alliance of mostly Muslim rebel groups,
vehicles set on fire by Christian mobs
in Bangui, Central African Republic, on
December 9. Both Christian and Muslim
mobs went on lynching sprees as French
Forces deploy in the capital. At least one
Seleka suspect was stoned to death by the
crowds
AP/Jerome Delay
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
3
NATIONAL
In this December 9 photo, Abdullah Mohammad Taher, a Jamaat-e-Islami leader,
is seen using a car during the hartal called by the 18-Party Alliance
Rajib Dhar/Dhaka Tribune
Relatives of Mostafa Howlader, who succumbed to his injuries after he was hacked by BNP-Jamaat activists on
December 8, bursts into tears at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital on December 10. Mostafa was a witness
against Delwar Hossain Sayedee
Mahmud Hossain Opu/Dhaka Tribune
UN Assistant Secretary-General Oscar
Fernandez-Taranco addresses a short press
briefing at a city hotel on December 10
Mahmud Hossain Opu/Dhaka Tribune
Sanowar Jahan, wife of death row convict
Abdul Quader Molla, shows victory sign as
she leaves Dhaka Central Jail after meeting
her husband on December 10
Dhaka Tribune
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
4
BOTTLED UP
letters to the editor
LETTER
of the week
There will be
peace in our time
P
hillip Humphreys really did a great job laying
out a historical and political context behind the
CHT issue. Although I am not a history or politics
buff, I could follow his thought process pretty easily.
I disagree with the doom mongers and believe that
the CHT issue could be resolved within the next five
years or so, but only through political will of both the
government and the indigenous folks. n
Hamza Alamgir
New DOHS, Dhaka
Combined powers
Enjoyed a great debate about the introduction of a combined
admission process for some universities. I’m glad great educators
like Dr. Zafar Iqbal are behind this, it seems like a fair and equitable
process for all. I’m sure there will be initial resistance from vested
quarters, but in the end I think common sense will prevail.
Nasir Jamal
Lokkhibari, Khulna
A different life
Last week’s pictures about swineherds enthralled me. In today’s
“Digital Age,” it’s somewhat quixotic to find such a group of people
whose lifestyle has not changed in almost half a century. Your
photos definitely captured the diversity of customs that can still be
found in Bangladesh.
Azad Shafiq,
Rampura, Dhaka
Regal Eagle
I’ve been enjoying the legal advice being given by your residential
legal expert. I love how she manages to set a personal tone to all her
answers but at the same time, does not compromise on the legal
accuracy of her responses. Hope you guys keep on publishing her
column.
Sabah Haq
Kulshi, Chittagong
Send us your feedback at: weekend@dhakatribune.com
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
5
WHOSE LINE IS IT ANYWAY?
Head in the sand
Despite the violence brought about by
the opposition parties, law and order is
improving gradually.
Amir Hossain Amu, land minister
We have asked the law
enforcement agencies,
especially the Police, Rab and
Ansar to make preparations
for carrying out combing
operations, which may happen
anytime.
A minister requesting
anonymity
The law enforcers were ready
to tackle any situation. We
might conduct raids, but we
would consider the situation
and some technical issues. If
needed, the law enforcers will
take any action for the greater
interest of the people.
Law enforcers have been put
on high alert and ordered to
put their highest effort to
maintain the law and order
situation.
Rio Shuvo/Dhaka Tribune
Shamsul Haque Tuku,
state minister for home affairs
Hassan Mahmood Khandker,
inspector general of
Bangladesh Police
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
6
Farhana Urmee
is a forgetful
journalist who is very
serious about taking
her notes, because
without those she is
of no worth
PICK OF THE WEEK
The Meaning of December 16
Victory
interpreted
Farhana Urmee finds out how common Bangladeshis
perceive the significance of Victory Day today
With the 42nd
Victory Day right
around the corner,
the question that
arises is: how far
have we come since
the birth of our
country? What does
December 16 mean
to people now? Let’s
take a look at how
Bangladeshis see
Victory Day.
Photos: Dhaka Tribune
Imran Hossain
Flag seller
One of the core elements of national
celebrations is our flag. Ahead of the
national days, hawkers like Imran are
seen carrying a long poll of flags of
different sizes. With a green-and-red
bandana wrapped around his head,
when Imran sells a small flag for Tk10.
He does it with a smile on his face
because he is not just selling a product
– he is relaying patriotism.
He loves this “seasonal” business.
“Mostly young people buy flags
from me during the Victory Day
and Independence Day,” he says. He
mentions winning cricket games as
another huge factor for his business.
Victory in all forms, means a boost in
his business.
Bahadur Shah
Student
Hailing from Chandpur, Bahadur Shah,
who just enrolled into a madrasa in
Mohammadpur, Dhaka, is looking
forward to use the national holiday
to roam around the city with his
friends. When asked what would have
happened if we weren’t independent,
the 14-year-old had a simple answer:
“We would not be able to talk in our
mother language and move freely.”
Ferdousi Priyabhashini
Sculptor, freedom fighter
War veteran Ferdousi Priyobhashini
finds it hard to describe how she feels
about Victory Day, as she sees human
rights being violated even after 42
years of independence. The renowned
sculptor says: “There have been huge
expectations at this point, since it has
been more than four decades since
Bangladesh came into being. Achieving
democracy was not that easy for us – it
took more than 20 years.
“We fought for only nine months in
the war, but it is now taking too long
for us to accomplish political stability,
establish human rights and uphold
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
7
humanity above all.” But she still hopes
for a better future for her motherland.
Dr Syed Manzurul Islam
Professor, Dhaka University
Dr Syed Manzurul Islam believes that
we may have achieved victory, but
the struggle has not ended yet. “We
still have a long way to go to gain the
actual freedom of life – the actual
independence from oppression and
discrimination,” he says.
He further adds: “We are currently
experiencing a turbulent political
state, but we have to be optimistic.
Since people are politically aware in
all walks of life here, we can make
the best use of that awareness. It has
always been the critical situations in
a society that have brought out true
leaders, and undoubtedly, the true
leaders can bring the change.”
Dr Islam also believes that young
people have the responsibility to break
the political deadlock in the country.
“They need to ask questions. If they
can hold on to the spirit of freedom,
they are the ones who will bring us to
victory in the true sense of it,” he says.
Tofael Alam
Rickshaw puller
Tofael Alam has been a rickshaw
puller in the capital for 14 years, and
has noticed the changes in the city
life – especially how its inhabitants
celebrate Victory Day. The 32-year-old
says he has witnessed the city getting
adorned with the flag’s colours and
decorated with lights over the years,
but other than that, Victory Day holds
little significance in his life. “We, the
poor people, are struggling to survive
every day. I know what Victory Day
is, but I cannot find any meaning of
victory in my own life,” he says.
Delwar Hossain
Ansar member
Delwar Hossain is a security enforcer
by profession, working at a shopping
mall in the city. “December does not
seem the month of victory now. People
are too scared to go out; they hardly
feel secure in the troubled state of
our country,” Delwar Hossain says. The
25-year-old, holding a 303 rifle, is also
terrified of the current circumstances
and hardly steps out of his home
without his identity card.
“How can it be independence when
we have to experience such dreadful
situation? How can we be free, if we
have to sit at home unless it is too
urgent to go out during hartals and
blockades?” Delwar asks. But he hopes
to see a normal and peaceful country
in the future.
Syed Tahmeed
Haque
Azizul
Corporate official, Grameen
Phone
Bound by the hectic job heading the
corporate communication department
at Grameen Phone, Syed Tahmeed
Azizul Haque has his own resolutions
for the coming year, keeping the
Victory Day in mind. “I think the
Victory Day should be celebrated with
less recounts of the past and more
planning for the future. If we resolve
to do actual good for the country each
year, progress is inevitable,” he says.
Lubna Marium
Dancer, daughter of a freedom
fighter
Despite all the political unrest and
uncertainties, there are still those who
are optimistic. Lubna Marium wants
to put emphasis on the contribution
everyone can make in their respective
fields. “We have hardly come out
on top in any sector; we have to
accomplish so many things in order to
be truly victorious,” she says.
One of the members of the
singing troupe that travelled around
the country during the Liberation
War (featured in the film Muktir
Gaan), Lubna says she does not want
to see things holistically and get
disappointed by our shortcomings.
“We have a beautiful country, with
beautiful people. Difficulties are there,
but so are the possibilities. We must
uphold the spirit of our victory, work
hard, and be optimistic, and victory will
be persistent.”
Nayan
Street child
Thirteen-year-old Nayan seems to
know a lot about the Liberation War
– he has learned about the nation’s
history at his school Shurobhi, a school
for street children, in Kalyanpur, Dhaka.
“I have a book at home – Muktijuddher
Itihash,” he says, grinning. When asked
what victory means, he replies with
pride: “Victory is killing all the military
officers that came from Pakistan;
victory is defeating all the bad guys.”
The squint-eyed lad with a name
that means eye in Bangla seems
content amid all the miseries and
difficulties of life, just like the contrast
between his name and his oblique
sight. He looks forward to celebrating
the Victory Day by decorating his house
in the slum with paper flags, decorating
his school and going to picnic with his
schoolmates on the very day, and shout
“Happy Victory Day to everyone!” n
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
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POST-RIPOSTE
Bangladesh since 1971
Have we made progress?
The WT team debate over whether our beloved motherland has made any real
progress after its birth through the Liberation War
Of course we have Faruq Hasan
I
t’s not hard to prove that Bangladesh has made significant progress
since independence in 1971. There are the usual quantifiable
indicators: our per capita income stands at $1,100, which stood
at a paltry $120 in 1971. The country has fared well in the Economic
Vulnerability Index, with a score of 32.4 – another six points or so would
graduate Bangladesh into a mid-income country category. More than
90% of our girls were enrolled in primary school in 2011, slightly more
than boys. Infant mortality has more than halved, from 97 deaths per
thousand live births in 1990 to 37 per thousand in 2010. Over the same
period, child mortality fell by two-thirds and maternal mortality fell
by three-quarters. It now stands at 194 deaths per 100,000 births. In
1990, women could expect to live a year less than men; now they can
expect to live two years more.
But number-crunching aside, Bangladesh has also made significant
progress in “non-quantifiable” factors. People fight about the nuances
in our constitution and election model, as opposed to starting a coup
to throw a military dictator out. A vibrant, fairly independent media
points out the slightest of errors or dishonesty in governance and
private sector. Our NGOs are models for the global development
sector. Even our cricket team has been climbing up the world rankings
in the last few years.
There is no doubt that Bangladesh is a far better, stronger and more
advanced country than it was 42 years ago. Now if we could only get
rid of the general sense of pessimism that seems to prevail in every
single Bangladeshi, we might move forward. n
Cartoons: Rio Shuvo/Dhaka Tribune
Progress is yet to come Shah Nahian
B
angladesh is my home. Despite the horrible public
transport systems, broken roads, poor infrastructures,
etc, I feel proud to be a Bangladeshi. But has Bangladesh
made any progress since our liberation in 1971? Not really.
Abject poverty still rules Bangladesh as income inequality
keeps growing. Corruption and graft rule our politics and
every other sector, and we have been consistently ranked as
one of the most corrupt nations. But most importantly, I don’t
see any change in the mentality of my people; it’s as if we are
used to minimal progress.
Rather than moving forward, Bangladesh has been a
playground to politicians waging war on each other and
robbing the country blind. The people are cornered to a point
that it’s no longer safe to get out of our homes, go to school,
or work because of the tremendous amount of violence being
committed right outside our doors.
Furthermore, the citizens are also slowly being robbed of
their freedom. People can legally be jailed for speaking their
mind against politicians on the internet, the government
can get away with making unreasonable demands like not
stepping down from power during elections, and the list goes
on.
Till the day we can rid Bangladesh of corruption and
violence from its system, and actually focus on educating the
people, building better houses and working on the betterment
and the wellbeing of the country and its people, Bangladesh
will keep on stagnating. The dreams that our freedom fighters
dreamt during 1971 will remain just that: dreams. n
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
TOP 10
Revisiting
history
Yusuf Banna lists the 10 best works done on the
events of 1971, based on the results of a poll run on
social media. To vote in our next poll, please visit
www.facebook.com/DhakaTribune
10
Bangla Desh
The novel does not follow a linear
approach; instead, excerpts from
newspapers, stories, songs, and
poetry weave together to give the
reader and the protagonists an
account of what is going on in the
nine months leading up to Victory
Day.
“My friend came to me/with
sadness in his eyes/He told
me he wanted help/Before his
country dies ...” – the song was
written by George Harrison, who
came forward to help the people
suffering during the war. Bangla
Desh is probably the only nonBangla song about Bangladesh.
9
Amar Bondhu Rashed
Novel by Md Zafar Iqbal
Movie by Morshedul Islam
A touching story of an adolescent
kid turned into freedom fighter,
the book is one of the greatest
example of children’s literature in
Bangla. The film adaptation, made
digitally, used real ammunition.
Despite Morshedul Islam’s honest
efforts, the film could not fully
capture the novel’s essence.
8
Ami Birangona Bolchhi
Nilima Ibrahim
Recited on BTV in the early 90s, this memoir is famous , like its author
Nilima Ibrahim, as the War Heroine depicts her horrific experience at
one of the Pakistani rape camps during the war.
3
Muktir Gaan
Tareque Masud and Catherine Masud
This documentary film, made by the late filmmaker and his wife,
shows real footages of the refugee camps and the war zones of 1971.
It’s a combination of footages by American filmmaker Lear Levin and
archived footages from around the world.
Yusuf Banna is a staff
writer at Weekend
Tribune. He would be
happier if he could
be a full-time poet.
He also dreams of
being a painter and
is envious of those
who are
George Harrison
6
Concert for Bangladesh
in New York
Initiated by George Harrison and
Pandit Ravi Shankar, Concert for
Bangladesh was to aid the waraffected people of Bangladesh
during 1971. The fundraising
concert at the Madison Square
Garden was also joined by Bob
Dylan, Joan Baez, Ringo Starr and
many more. It was one of the most
intense musical events of the 20th
century.
2
Aguner Poroshmoni
Humayun Ahmed
The master storyteller portrayed the
pandemonium of the war in linear narrative
style. It’s about a middle-class family who
gives shelter to a guerrilla commander. The
novel was later adapted into a feature film.
5
Stop Genocide
Matir Moina
A creation of legendary filmmaker
Zahir Raihan, this is one of the
most substantial documentaries
on the Liberation War. Zahir Raihan
aimed to build a global opinion by
showing the atrocities carried out
by the Pakistani army during the
war.
One of the first war movies where
digital filmmaking technology
has been used, this film reflects
the filmmaker’s own childhood
experience during the tension
between the two factions of
Pakistan that eventually led to the
liberation of Bangladesh. It won
the FIPRESCI prize at the 2002
Cannes Film Festival and became
the first Bangladeshi film to go to
the Academy Awards in the Best
Foreign Film category.
Zahir Raihan
4
7
Josna O Jononir Golpo
Humayun Ahmed
9
V-day depictions
Tareque Masud
Ekattorer
Dinguli
Jahanara Imam
A collection of journal
entries by Jahanara Imam
during the Liberation War,
Ekattorer Dinguli is one of
the most published (more
than 30 editions) books and
a widely read non-fiction
in Bangladesh. A real-life
account of the war written
is simple language, it is a
literary masterpiece. n
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
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THOUGHT PLOT
War Veterans
Faisal Mahmud
is a staff reporter at
Weekend Tribune who
specialises in writing
IT and telecom articles
with depth and
analysis
A place that no one knows
Faisal Mahmud pays homage to the Bangladeshi
braves that made our country a true home for
us all
T
he small, dilapidated gates, and the unpretentious fading signboard claiming “Muktijoddha Rogmukti Bisramagar”
(Sanatorium for Freedom Fighters) at College Gate (right across the Sher-e-Bangla Agricultural University), might have
evaded your eyes while battling your way through traffic on the busy Mirpur Road. And yet it has been there for the past
42 years,practically since our independence in 1971, as a testament to the brave men and women who fought for their country.
Muktijoddha Rogmukti Bisramagar is right there, inviting anyone to come in and witness the scars and the heroism that led to the
creation of Bangladesh.
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
11
mill. But the money that I earned
by doing those jobs could never
alleviate my poverty,” he said.
He said that the government has
restricted 30% quota for the freedom
fighters families in any government
job. “But when my son passed a bank
entrance exam, he was asked to give
Tk300,000 for the job. We are no
beneficiaries of the quota system,”
he said.
The life within
Recreation for these injured freedom
fighters is in disarray since the place
does not have suitable entertainment
facilities. The books in a so-called
library are over 20 years old. One
freedom fighter even complained
A place of their own
1
The sanatorium and the
adjoining blocks were originally
abandoned properties during
the Liberation War. In 1972,
freedom fighters treated and
released from Suhrawardy
Hospital sought shelter there
2
The properties were handed over
to the MuktijoddhaKalyan Trust
later. In 1973, the sanatorium
was turned into a vocational
training centre for freedom
fighters through the joint efforts
of the MuktijoddhaKalyan Trust
and the International Rescue
Committee
3
After the completion of the
project in 1977, the sanatorium
became a place to stay for
permanently disabled freedom
fighters and their family
members from outside of Dhaka
Photos: Chanchal Kamal
The place and the people
Ironically, the ambience inside the
sanatorium almost transports you
back to 1971; the furniture, colour of
the wallsand the broken windows
haven’t changed much in the last
42 years. About 17 permanently
injured freedom fighters still live
there with their families, in five old
buildings, spread over some 5,760sqft of land. “More than 100 people are
living on this small piece of land. It’s
really congested in here. Also there
are frequent water and electricity
problems,” Motiur Rahman, a
septuagenarian war veteran, said.
Motiur fought in sector 8 during
the Liberation War. “I can’t move my
left hand properly for the last 40
odd years. It was badly injured by
a grenade splinter during the war.
I have been living here since the
independence. Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman gave us – some six
or seven freedom fighters – this land
to live on after the war had ended. He
also granted us an allowance of Tk75
per month. Then, during the Ershad
regime, the allowance was increased
twice and we received Tk2,000 per
month. Now, from November of this
year, we are getting Tk16,000 per
month,” he said.
“This is a paltry amount to live
on, as the prices of essentials have
sky-rocketed. But the Liberation
War Trust at least honours us with
something,” he concluded.
Chaitonno Biswas, another war
veteran, has been living here for the
last 42 years. “I lost my left leg while
I was fighting in sector 4. Right after
independence, I started living here,”
he said.
“Life is not easy. We fought
for independence, but we could
never become free of poverty. The
subsequent
governments have
promised us a lot. But the promises
were rarely kept,” he lamented.
Recalling the heroic days of the
wartime, Abdur Rahim Badshah,
another war veteran who fought in
sector 3, said: “That’s the best gift of
our life – liberation – and we fought
for it.” Badshah’s right knee was
badly injured while he was fighting
at Pachdona, Narsingdi, when
his group killed and captured 60
“hanadars” (Pakistani army).
Badshah said after Liberation
War, Bangabandhu had granted
them this place to live in. “I also got
a job at a chocolate factory, and later
during Ershad regime, at a sugar
that they also do not get to know the
current situation of the country, as
newspapers are not readily available.
The sanitation system is also in bad
shape – all bathrooms are in a sorry
state, as sweepers do not clean them
regularly.
The wife of one freedom fighters
said that the problem with electricity
is severe. Also, only few years ago,
they got a water connection from
the civic body. Previously, there used
to be a regular feud among the
families for water.
The only solace for these brave
souls,however,is the stories they
have to share about the war. Every
evening, the freedom fighters sit and
reminisce about the golden days of
the liberation war in 1971.
MdTojammelHaque, 71, has been
partially paralysed for the last 41
years since being struck by bomb
splinters while fighting at Sector 7,
in Rajshahi. He spends all his days in
a wheelchair. “What keeps us alive is
our kinship with the other freedom
fighters,” he said, adding, “We can
only hope that since we sacrificed so
much during the Liberation War, the
government will do something for
our families.”
New hope?
The Ministry of Liberation Affairs
has taken a project to improve the
condition of the lifestyle of these
brave souls. For the last two and half
years, a big project has been going
on in the land on the right side of
their home. It is known that another
20 families of injured freedom
fighters used to live on that 9,000sqft of land. Mohammad Mainul Haq,
another injured freedom fighter,
used to live there.
“The government started this
project in March 2011. We were given
an allowance of extra Tk25,000, on
top of our usual Tk16,000 from the
Liberation War Trust, as house rent to
live elsewhere while the construction
We fought for the
liberation of this country.
I find it heart-breaking
when I see that Razakars
get high positions in the
government. We don’t
want anything from the
government. We just
want to see that the war
criminals get what they
deserve
Said Abdur Rahim Badsha, an
injured war veteran
work has been going on,” he said.
Abu Shahid Billa, another freedom
fighter who used to live here, said
after the completion of the project,
they will be given an apartment
and a shop from the trust in this
14-storey building. “We have already
received the allotment paper. We are
waiting for the handover,” he added.
Moyezuddin Talukder, the project
director, said it is a Tk659.3m project
under the Ministry of the Liberation
War Affairs. “It will tentatively end in
the middle of 2014,” he said.
Talukder said the first five floors
of the building will be commercial.
“Those will have shops. The sixth
floor will have a convention centre
and the top seven floors will have
residential apartments for the
injured liberation war veterans,” he
clarified.
The ministry official said that the
project is an initiative taken by the
government. “Eventually the 17 other
families living on that 5,760sq-ft of
land will also get an apartment and
a shop in this building. On that land,
another project of this type will be
taken,” the official said.
He further expounded that the
present government has taken
several constructive plans for the
freedom fighters. This project is just
one such example of that. n
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
12
Big Mouth strikes again
Naheed Kamal
A gift that keeps on giving
Time to learn new tricks if old ones do not work
Naheed Kamal is
an irreverent and
irreligious feminist.
An old soul of
indeterminate age,
with one too many
opinions and a very
loud voice (for a little
person), she laughs a
lot, mostly at herself.
She lives in Dhaka,
against her best
judgement. Mostly,
Ms Kamal rants, a lot!
I
f you don’t recall playing Russian
roulette, or whatever name the
game goes by these days, you
would welcome any clarifications
when children end up dead for a
political cause that not even adults
are able to make sense of. So I have
come to conclude that we are playing
Chinese Whispers.
I don’t doubt the good intentions
behind everything Madam, Big Sister,
and their cohorts do (as the song goes,
everything they do, they do it for you)
for us – the people. So, shame on us
for thinking our leaders are out of
touch, when they didn’t mean to harm
anyone. It is the fault of the minions
who failed to grasp directions given
from above, understandable when
the sound system is so crap. I heard
all about it during the telephone
conversation – you really should pay
more attention to matters of national
importance.
Besides, everyone talks on mobile
phones all the time, and no one can be
expected to pay any attention to what
anyone else is saying when there are
so many phones to juggle.
Last week, I learned how law
enforcers have been mercilessly
harassing people to ensure security.
If you happen to be on a rickshaw,
or walking, and are stopped at
“checkpoints,” expect to spend some
time there. But be careful if you see
vehicles bearing local television
channel logos – it might mean you
are to star in your very own reality
TV show with a sad ending. If you
are lucky, you only have to part with
phones and money you have on you; if
not, you may lose much more than you
bargained for.
Now, those “blasted” bombs greet
me on a regular basis when I am out
and about. Usually, I am smug and
safe in the knowledge that I walk
everywhere I need to go. But last
weekend, as I pondered how to get
from my end to the other end to enjoy
rapturous music, I was faced with a
dilemma – very few were willing to go
anywhere.
With the CNG scooters, it is never
comforting to know that the doors
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
are bolted and can only be opened
by the driver, making it a cage, a trap
I can’t escape from unless the driver
lets me out. So I want to be absolutely
sure that the person driving it doesn’t
look too dodgy, dangerous, lecherous
or unsavoury. Ithen hope that he
won’t expect to be paid a ridiculous
amount, and wish it will be possible
to find a suitable vehicle before it gets
too late and the roads empty. On one
such occasion, I was hoping I’d find a
vehicle that would agree to go to the
desired destination, despite the risks
of cocktails of the exploding kind.
I keep telling myself how lucky I am
that I can walk to work and not worry
up!
I do wish the festival-goers had also
shut up. So many people were talking
loudly, it succeeded in ruining the
experience for anyone who wanted
to listen to the music, because even
where I was perched, it sounded
like most people couldn’t care less
about the performance. Not even the
maestros could claim their attention.
Don’t put yourself out because it
is free. Next time, think long and hard
before you decide to attend any event
during which you would rather spend
your time on pointless conversations
about rubbish, because you could
have spared yourself the dangers
How can anyone, or any group, ever represent or
speak for everyone? The “Gonojagoron Moncho”
would be hard to define to all those who came
to Shahbagh, because it defies definition. The
bloggers kicked off something 10 months ago that
began long before we came along, and it certainly
didn’t end ingloriously –as some claim – with the
removable of a tent from the middle of the road
about explosions. But I must also
remind myself that I am not safe from
harm, because if I am caught on the
wrong side of the road and happen to
be standing around in a daze, and start
to resist when they start to round up
the suspects, then I might meet with
the end of those “charged batons.”
And I could be charged with arson, or
unruly behaviour, and trussed up in the
DMCH, or a private clinic somewhere if
I am lucky.
At the music festival that recently
took place, an acquaintance asked if
he should feel guilty about enjoying
himself – I laughed. As with most
people travelling to the Army
Stadium for four nights of magical
performances, a calculated risk was
taken with the knowledge that petrol
bombs may be part of the experience,
the trip home entailed walking the
entire distance. So, if anyone wants to
condemn festival-goers, they can shut
and discomfort of the journey. And
those of us who went for the music
would have been spared the ordeal of
listening to your inane endless chitchat that drowned out the maestros
performing on stage.
The fact that men dressed like
police and army personnel went
around threatening people randomly
for smoking and seizing packets, while
someone instructed them on walkietalkies how to terrorise the cigarette
packs’ owners, made me think that
if everyone started to wield power
over ordinary citizens, it would make
us blind and fear would prevent any
action. But the dangers are real, not
imagined.
If your name were on a hit list, you’d
be wary too. But I still want to believe
that “Such is the irresistible nature of
truth, that all it asks and all it wants is the liberty of appearing.” n
PHOTO STORY
GLAD TO BE BANGLADESHI
13
A symbol of hope
Dhaka Tribune
A PHOTO STORY BY
Street vendors in Dhanmondi look forward to Victory Day and use the flag to decorate their space
A
s Bangladeshis, we often complain
about the state of our country, how
underdeveloped we are, and how nothing
ever works. Invariably though, when
December 16 comes around, we once again
don the reds and greens; we remember
what it truly means to be Bangladeshi,
and why we are glad to be Bangladeshi.
Our flag, the symbol of a nation, once
again becomes the symbol of life, art,
unity, and hope.
This year, Robi Axiata Limited leads
us forward in our celebrations with a
Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
plethora of activities. From the Red and
Green Photography contest with Shahidul
Alam (Drik), to the formation of the
digital glad on the Robi microsite created
by Maverick, and finally the 30thousand
person human flag at the National Parade
Ground on December 16. For Robi, being
Bangladeshi means being proud of the
momentous hurdle we crossed, beating all
odds, and attaining independence. What
does Victory day mean to you? How will
you represent? n
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
14
PHOTO STORY GLAD TO BE BANGLADESHI
Victory day 2012 with Salam, rickshawpuller from Tangail. He starts his day by attaching a flag to his rickshaw which
he salutes “a hundred times, a thousand times” Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
Wall mural depicting the march toward independence on the eve of Victory Day 2012
Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
Rina Igarashi, the curator at the Museum of Asian Art in Fukuoka, checks out flag printed curios on the eve of Vitory
Day, 2012
Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
The Hazaribagh area of the capital decorated with flags on the eve of Victory Day
Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
Strips of colored cloth placed to create a Bangladesh flag backdrop made by school children in anticipation of Victory
Day 2012
Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
15
Students unite under the flag during a protest demonstration in Shahbagh, Dhaka
Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
‘I heart Bangladesh’ is a sentiment that is meant to be shared. I’m spreading the message
of love and patriotism
Guerilla/underground street artist
A tailor in Rajshahi making flags prior to Victory Day 2010
Rajib Dhar/Dhaka Tribune
Representing Bangladesh in unique ways
Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
CRIME FILE
17
Death of a neighbourhood pup
Cruelty at its worst
Adil Sakhawat takes a look into Tommy’s murder
Adil Sakhawat wanted
to be in the army, but
failing that, fights
crime by reporting
on it. Send him
information at
weekend@
dhakatribune.com
Crime
timeline
2012
Witness
Photos: Courtesy
A
year and half ago, a puppy
came to East Rajabazar,
a locality in Farmgate,
Dhaka. Seeing its weakened
state, Evan, Chisty, Rahim and
a few other local boys adopted
the dog. Evan named it Tommy,
and the name stuck. Under the
care of the boys, Tommy grew
healthier, eventually becoming
a “community pet.” He used
to live under the stairs of an
apartment building in Rajabazar,
which was not favoured by the
building’s caretaker Rafiqul Alam
Ripon, who claimed the tenants
complained about the dog. So,
Ripon decided to take the matter
into his own hands. On December
2, he hanged Tommy from a tree
until he was dead. This created
uproar among the local people.
Chisty, one of Tommy’s “owners,”
also notified Obhoyaronno, a
local animal welfare society, and
together, they handed Ripon over
to the police.
First police on site
“We did not know
which police
station covered East
Rajabazar. We first went to Ramna
police station, where the officer on
duty told us to go to Tejgaon police
station. When we went to Tejgaon, the
officer on duty there told us that East
Rajabajar was under Sher-e-Bangla
Nagar police station’s jurisdiction.
So we went to Sher-e-Bangla Nagar
station and filed a general diary. Then
we brought in Tommy’s killer to the
police station, as the police could not
send forces with us.”
Rubaiya Ahmad, founder of
Obhoyaronno
“After Obhoyaronno filed a general
diary with the police station, we kept
the accused in police custody for five
hours. Then we released him. I think
the important lesson from this tragedy
is animals are close to us, and killing
them is tantamount to murder.”
Saiful Islam, sub-inspector, Sher-eBangla Nagar police station
“Ripon killed Tommy by
hanging him with rope
from a tree, in front of
Shonar Tori apartment building, where
the dog used to live. It was shocking
to see the dog getting killed. Ripon
then threw Tommy’s body away in the
dustbin. There should be strict laws
such brutality. As far as I know, there is
a prohibitory order by the Dhaka City
Corporation to not kill animals. But
people are not aware of that.”
Abrar Ahmad, a resident of East
Rajabazar
“Someone who can kill a pet dog with
such brutality can also kill another
human being. I tried to stop Ripon as
Tommy was loved by our community;
even I used to feed Tommy. But Ripon
got angry and yelled at me, saying if I
held him back, he would find another
way to kill the dog.”
Almas Khan, an inhabitant of East
Rajabazar
Prime suspect
“I killed Tommy
myself. I first planned
to poison him, and then planned to
beat him to death. But later, I finally
decided to hang him in front of the
apartment building where Rahim lives,
because I had complained to him about
the dog several times. It got to a point
where my tenants started leaving,
and I was losing valuable money. So I
decided to kill the dog.”
“Ripon told me several times that the
dog annoyed his tenants. Some of
them even moved away because of
that dog. I don’t see anything wrong
with killing the dog.”
Jalilur Rahman, a shopkeeper at East
Rajabajar who help Ripon in killing
Tommy
Reactions
“We foster three dogs in our police
station. Dogs are very loyal; they even
give their lives for their masters. A
human being should not be so cruel
towards any animal.”
Delwar Hossain, sub-inspector, Tejgoan
police station
“I am grateful to the police as they
helped us by holding the killer in
custody. The police could have easily
sent him to jail, but after getting
continuous phone call from Ripon’s
family, I asked them to release
him after five hours. There is an
animal cruelty act in our country,
but no one implements it. However,
several amendments are now being
implemented, and hopefully this will
discourage cruelty to animals as the
act will be stricter for the offender.
I hope people become kinder to
animals and be concerned about their
welfare, because compassion is never
restricted to animals only. If there is
any kind of abuse against animals,
please let us know.”
May
Tommy comes to East
Rajabazar area and is
taken under the local
boys’ wings
July
Tommy gets better
after being nurtured
by the boys
2013
December 2
5pm
Ripon kills Tommy
by hanging him to
death, and dumps his
body in the wastebin
December 3
12:30am
Rahim informs
Obhoyaronno about
the brutality through
Facebook
December 4
4pm
Obhoyaronno calls a
meeting at the site
4:30pm
Obhoyaronno files
a general diary with
Sher-e-Bangla Nagar
police station
5:15pm
Obhoyaronno and
the owners of Tommy
hand Ripon over to
police
5:30-9:30pm
Ripon is held in police
custody
Rubaiya Ahmad, founder of
Obhoyaronno n
Rafiqul Islam Ripon, Tommy’s killer
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
18
Rohini Alamgir likes
looking into the
details of seemingly
simple matters. She
is constantly working
on her autobiography
because she thinks
her life is worth
reading about
FEATURE
Decade of Action for Road Safety
Turning a new
Rohini Alamgir looks forward to an accident-free Bangladesh
I
magine a boy aged 12 years old,
wearing the generic grey shorts
and white short-sleeved shirt that
comprise most private school uniforms.
It’s the end of the school day, and he is
excited to go home: so excited that he
runs to cross the street and gets run
over by a big, black car. Now imagine
a father, stressed from work, running
out during his lunch hour to go pick
up his child from school and drop
him home. He pushes through rushhour traffic, worried that he’s running
late, and picks up the speed. He needs
to get back to work, but wants to be
there for his son. He receives a text
message, and takes a quick glance. His
car collides with something and skids.
He flails for control, and finally wins.
He pulls over and runs back. There’s
a body on the street. A little boy – his
little boy. Now stop imagining. This is
a true story.
Research into the madness
An urban planning research done by
BRAC and BUET states that a wellconstructed city should have roads
covering 25% of developed land. In
Bangladesh, the roads take up around
Big stock
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
19
corner
12.5% of the city space. However, in
comparison to developed countries,
statistics show that Bangladesh
actually has fewer numbers of
motor vehicles covering each square
kilometre of roads. Why, then, do road
accidents occur much more frequently
in Bangladesh?
Fighting the odds
“There are several factors as to why
traffic accidents take place,” says
AKM Khairuzzaman, the programme
manager of BRAC Road Safety
Programme, “The primary factor is
the hostile driving environment.”
Behavioural analysts at BRAC have
determined
that
pedestrians,
passengers and drivers share a
common preference to travel faster,
and thereby arrive at their destinations
quicker.
In essence, everyone goes out
hoping that “the odds are forever in
their favour,” and the everyday street
hunger games of Bangladesh begin.
Desperate to reach their destinations,
Bangladeshis have developed a
tendency to manoeuvre themselves
carelessly and recklessly. The result:
grievous road accidents.
Numbers behind the tragedy
Road traffic accidents claim around
4,000 lives and injure another 5,000
every year in Bangladesh. Data
collected and cross-matched between
several
government
authorities
and private NGOs, like BRAC, place
the death toll from road accidents
at between 10,000 and 12,000 per
annum; 60% of those accidents involve
buses and trucks. Financially speaking,
these accidents cost Bangladesh about
Tk66bn per year, around 1-3% of our
country’s GDP, while traffic injuries
cost around Tk58bn, according to the
World Report on Road Traffic Injury
Prevention, 2004.
A method to the madness
BRAC research shows that this kind
of unscrupulous driving is often
propagated by financial necessity.
Truck and bus drivers are placed under
duress to produce a certain amount of
profit by making a specified number of
trips within a given time frame. Since
Did you know?
n
WHO published data in April
2011 that places road traffic
accident-related deaths in
Bangladesh at 21,218, or 2.22%
of total deaths
Studies by Bangladeshi NGOs
show that only 42% of heavy
vehicle drivers know basic
traffic rules and only 41% obey
traffic rules
n
There are 1.4 million
operational drivers in
Bangladesh with fake, or
without any licence at all
n
The ratio of tests carried out
every day by a testing officer is
143:1
n
The Bangladeshi government,
as part of its sixth Five-Year
Plan, aims to reduce road
fatalities by 25% by 2015
n
most truck and bus drivers operate
under a contract basis, the failure to
meet these deadlines could mean less
or no money for them. The schedules
they are given to operate within do not
take into account the traffic signal and
jam delays, the time it takes for ferries
to cross rivers, and any of the various
other factors that can affect each
journey. Desperate to protect their
jobs, drivers go faster and become
more careless.
Poverty a factor
But if only it could be as black and
white as rich people taking advantage
of poor people. Here, there are many
shades of grey. Studies show that
at least half of the affected families
of road traffic accident victims are
below the poverty line, and nearly
70% of road fatalities take place in
rural sections of main highways, while
metropolitan cities incur about 20%.
It then becomes a situation where
rich people exploit the poor, and they
then turn upon themselves. The loser
is always the less fortunate. BUET
presents another plot twist, as their
studies show 219 “black spots” on ten
major highways that cause the most
number of accidents, which can all be
attributed to serious engineering and
designing faults.
Back to school for drivers
Motiur Rahman, an automobile
engineer, explains it well: “There is a
lack of basic training and instruction
for drivers, the lack of knowledge of
road traffic laws on the part of both
the pedestrians and the drivers, the
lack of concern for others using the
road, the roads themselves. The list
goes on. Defying traffic laws, driving
on the wrong side of the street,
absence of proper, legible road signs
and the failure of law enforcement
to actually enact road traffic laws
are all contributing factors as well.
Then there’s the over speeding, over
loading, and over taking.” While it is
clear that many in Bangladesh have
identified exact reasons for the road
traffic accidents, what is being done to
reduce the numbers?
The 4-E approach
In 2011, the United Nations (UN)
declared the “Decade of Action for
Road Safety 2011-2020,” bringing
together international communities
under this banner to work together
to prevent deaths and injuries
occurring on the roads. Among many
other NGOs and research centres,
like Nirapad Sarak Chai and Work for
Better Bangladesh, BRAC and BUET
Accident Research Institute (ARI) have
been actively advocating policies and
campaigning on grassroots levels to
help stop this tirade of casualties.
They have proposed a 4E approach:
education, engineering, enforcement
and environment.
Since 2011, BRAC Driving School
(BDS) has implemented a programme
titled Shurokkha, where their target
is to bring in the truck and bus
drivers (ranging at around 250,000
people) from the various companies
and reinstruct them in driving. This
programme seeks to strengthen
not only their driving and technical
abilities, but also enrols them in
gender sensitisation classes as well as
teaching them etiquette and manners.
In addition, BDS has also brought in
special road safety goggles that, when
worn, shows a driver how impaired
his/her vision would be when under
the influence.
Along with these safe driving
technique lessons, BRAC Advocacy for
Social Change is also spearheading
a Safe Road Code, which proposes to
contain a Road User Code of Conduct
for pedestrians, similar to what they
use in the UK. The only stone left
unturned is the enforcement, and that
lies in the hands of our government
and the police departments.
The cost of our future
However, as Apurba Kumar Saha, the
manager of Technical Road Safety at
BRAC, states, “Raising awareness and
pushing policies will only take us so far.
What lies at the heart of this problem
is eradicating poverty, and finding
equilibrium for our imbalanced
rush towards development,” and he
couldn’t be more right. We can build
the roads and pave them, we can
teach the drivers and the pedestrians,
but what we need to change are not
processes or minds. The change we
need lies in the strongly ingrained
need to move forward and do better at
whatever the cost. We need for people
to realise that the cost at the present
moment: 70% of accident victims in
Bangladesh are within the age group
of 16-40 years. The cost is our future. n
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
20
INTERVIEW
Meghna Guhathakurta
We live in interesting times
Adil Sakhawat wanted
to be in the army, but
failing that, fights
crime by reporting
on it. Send him
information at
weekend@
dhakatribune.com
Adil Sakhawat talks politics, economics and women’s rights with one of the
leading activists in Bangladesh
Your father, Jyotirmoy Guhathakurta,
was a Bangali intellectual who was
killed on the night of March 25 during
the Dhaka University massacre by
the Pakistani army. The judgement
of his killer is currently ongoing.
What is your take on the war crime
tribunal? What should our younger
generation’s take away from this be?
For a long time, the martyrs’ families
and the country have been demanding
the judgement of war criminals.
War criminals, or criminals against
humanity, should be punished and
the young generation of Bangladesh
topic of discussion. Countries in the
Middle East have already lost their
economic power and their dictatorship;
USA is becoming a country like China.
All these factors have affected the
political situation of Bangladesh. Our
neighbouring country India is already
a high-income country and it is said
Bangladesh is going to be a middleincome country in the next five years.
So it is clear that India is now a regional
power and that makes it the right time
for the Bangladesh government to
strengthen its diplomatic body.
The woman behind it all
Meghna Guhathakurta, PhD is currently the executive director of Research
Initiatives, Bangladesh (RIB) and post-doctoral fellow of a collaborative capacitybuilding project between Dhaka University and ISS. She helps to supervise
and coordinate action research among the very marginalised communities
in Bangladesh. Among them are the Dalits (the untouchables), the Bagdis
(fisherfolks), and lesser known Adivasis (indigenous people) such as the Mundas,
Bunos and Bedays (the river gypsies and snake charmers). Drawing on her
background in human rights and feminist thought and practice, she is engaged
in coordinating action research on Gender, Lives and Livelihood: Women in
Marginalized Communities in the Eco-regions of the Sundarbans (mangrove
forests). She also works intimately with indigenous advocacy groups for capacity
building in the CHT and the Northern plainlands of Bangladesh.
She served as member of Netherlands Development Research Council
(RAWOO) from 1996 to 2002 when she chaired the sub-committee on postconflict development. She is also a member of South Asian Peoples Commission
on Rights of Minorities, a commission formed by the organisation, South Asians
for Human Rights (SAHR).
Meghna Guhathakurta graduated in international relations from Dhaka
University. In 1990, she was awarded a PhD in politics from the University of
York, the UK.
should react to this positively because
that war gave us our identity as
Bangladeshis. The genocide in our
history affects every Bangladeshi, even
today. And now the war crime tribunal
is punishing those criminals. I suggest
that the young generation should learn
this history and then confusion will
not exist among them. Internationally,
the death penalty is not supported.
I am also against death penalty, but
not when it comes to a case of a war
criminal. The government can cancel
death penalty for regular criminals.
What do you think about our
country’s current political situation?
When the war started in 1971, the
alliance powers were the US and
Pakistan on one side, and India and
the Soviet Union on the other. When
Bangladesh became an independent
country, and the Soviet Union was
broken down, Bangladesh became a
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
The political turmoil results in the
destruction of religious institutes.
Why do these political actions always
work against the minorities?
These types of attacks started in 2001.
I think there is an economic reason
behind this, and land is the main factor.
During the British rule, the minorities’
assets were protected by different
types of acts. But now, our neo-liberal
government cannot preserve the
minorities’ rights. That is why the
indigenous people are yet to become
normal citizens like us. All eyes are
now on the assets of the indigenous
peoples and attacks on minorities and
religious institutes are the result. As
land becomes one kind of currency in
Bangladesh, all eyes naturally turn to
the assets of the indigenous people.
Quamrul Abedin
You have worked with the CHT issues.
Santu Larma said a few days ago
that if the peace agreement is not
implemented soon, the situation
there will once again become
unsustainable. What do you think
about this?
No, I don’t think so. The CHT people
now want to enter mainstream society
and prove themselves as educated
people, so it is unlikely that an
unsustainable situation will happen
again. What is now needed is to revise
the peace agreement again and to give
them sustainability and a fair voice.
You have worked with marginalised
people. What would you say was their
biggest problem in Bangladesh?
There is much social discrimination
that keeps them from feeling like a
part of our society. Now what they
have to do is raise their voice. So I work
to raise awareness among them about
the Right to Information Act in order to
make them know their rights and help
them raise their voice for themselves.
There are so many NGOs working to
develop the socioeconomic situation
of Bangladesh. How effective are they
really?
The
government
officials
are
corrupted. Some NGOs really work, and
the government sometimes depends
on them. I mean, we have the largest
numbers of NGOs than any other
country. And because of our NGOs, the
health and education sectors are more
developed than our neighbouring
countries. The question should really
be: how much development work has
been done without the help of these
NGOs and foreign powers?
How far have our women come
in terms of empowerment in the
business and political sectors?
In political sector, our women are
severely lacking, even though the
prime minister, the opposition leader
and many ministers are women. It is
must for all political parties to keep
33% women in their central committee.
But it is a great achievement that, from
the grassroots level, many women are
now participating in local elections.
Our male politicians are also creating
problems in the way the women to do
politics. Sometimes, it is observed that
many meetings are held at night time,
so the women cannot participate.
Higher-level positions in Bangladesh
in both politics and business are still
primarily male-dominated. Outside of
these, there are many other sectors
in which women are developing and
empowering themselves.
What are you working on at present?
I am working with Gender in Election
– it is mainly research. I work with the
women who want to participate in
elections and am mapping out why
their participation is low during the
elections. This is in collaboration with
UN Women and the British Embassy. n
REALPOLITIK
21
Parliamentary election
To have and to hold
Phil Humphreys speaks to Iftekharuzzaman, the executive director of Transparency
International Bangladesh, about the constant struggle to seize and retain power in
Bangladeshi politics
What are your best and worst
hopes for the polls in January?
This is a very unfortunate situation
that we are in. Time is running out - if
it has not already - for a negotiated
settlement on an election-time
government between the two
major political parties. The fate of
both democracy and the people
of this country are held hostage in
the hands of the two leaders, and
only they can resolve this through
negotiation. But as of now, I see very
little indication of a genuine interest
in dialogue. There has been a lot of
talk about dialogue, the telephone
calls and all kinds of theatrics, but
nothing substantive. There may have
been some initiatives behind the
scenes, possibly catalysed by friendly
diplomatic and international sources
including the United Nations and so
on, but one doesn’t know and I feel
embarrassed as a Bangladeshi that our
national problem has to be addressed
by international initiatives.
There can be four possible
scenarios for the election, all
hypothetical:
Golden dream
As an optimist I still think there is
scope for a negotiated settlement,
an agreement on an election-time
government. And if that happens then
you see whatever reform is needed
from the Election Commission and an
election is held with the participation
of all political parties who have the
right to do so, and who want to do so.
In that case a smooth transition takes
place and a reasonably international
acceptable election takes place and we
have the democratic process ensured.
That is like the ‘golden dream’, but it
looks very unlikely unfortunately.
Good dream
The second scenario is still a dream;
a positive. It says that for whatever
reason or incentive, the BNP and
its allies decide to take part in the
election even if they do not agree on
the election-time government. Again
this is a hypothetical scenario but I
am not ruling out this option because
for many, especially the BNP leaders,
it is their time. People in Bangladesh
always vote against the incumbents,
all the recent polls show that they
have a better chance of winning
the election so why not? And with
the international monitoring of the
election, media and society activity,
and international initiatives, they
might consider that this is possible.
So if they do take part in the election
then once again we have a good
dream scenario where elections are
held and a smooth transfer takes
place. The losing party in that case
will be unhappy and say that they will
not accept the election, but that is the
political culture in Bangladesh.
Bad dream
So now I come to the third scenario
which is a bad dream. The government
pushes ahead with the election but
the BNP and their allies don’t take
part. Just as they have declared, and
have been demonstrating for, they
try to prevent that election, which
means that the next few weeks before
the so-called election may be much
more violent and with much more
bloodshed. In spite of that, since the
government has the law enforcement
and the administration under its
control, they might push ahead and
hold the election. In that case, the
result is obvious, and then there will
be a very big question mark about the
credibility of that election in the eyes
of the people of this country and in the
eyes of the international community.
Recalling the past experience of this
nation, we might then be in an openended stage of political uncertainty; it
can be a few weeks, or a few months
or whatever. There may be a need for
another election in whatever form,
and so there is the third scenario in the
form of a bad dream.
Nightmare
At the core of all this, corruption is a
big factor because winning an election
in Bangladesh means making profit.
Election politics is an investment in
Bangladesh, like it is in many countries
of the world, but here it is a total gain
so people consider that the people’s
mandate is a mandate to make profit
out of the investment that they have
made, so official government and
official politics is considered as an
office of profit. As a result, the big
government institutions become the
monopolised territory of the ruling
party or coalition.
What happens if there is no
return on that investment?
From the opposite end, if you lose
the election you think that you have
lost everything so you don’t have any
role to play in parliament or anywhere
else except in the street. That leads
to a risk factor, first about profit, and
the second is as much as the benefit
of winning is increasing, the risk of
losing is also going higher and higher.
Remaining out of power is not only
being deprived of opportunity but also
deprived of your security and deprived
of your fundamental rights. It is
happening not only today, it happened
in the past and unfortunately it might
happen in the future so people don’t
want to consider a scenario that they
can be beaten in the election, they
have to win, so they have to remain
in power or they have to make sure
that they come back to power. It
is all or nothing, and at the core of
it is corruption. Bangladesh has to
recognise that corruption is a huge
problem and they cannot continue to
have a denial syndrome anymore. n
Phil Humphreys
is a British former
journalist who
worked as a
management adviser
to an NGO in Rangpur,
before joining the
Dhaka Tribune as a
consultant
WT Surely the Awami League could not reject the result
if they have been championing the sanctity of the
election commission?
TIB They might still say it if they lose, that is the trend in
Bangladesh.
WT So the election commission that is so safe and solid
now, suddenly isn’t?
TIB Exactly, yes.
The nightmare scenario is the
government wants to push ahead
with the election, and the violence,
bloodshed and mayhem caused by
those who will be opposing it - and
also the government response to
prevent that violence - is such that
it goes beyond the control of civilian
authority. In that situation, the only
thing I can forecast is that this will
be extremely detrimental to the
prospect of democracy in the country
and the people’s public interest, and
which will only demonstrate how
insensitive a zero-sum game of power
can be in the context of Bangladesh.
The two leaders will have to take the
responsibility for that.
So you have three dreams –
two good and one bad – and
a nightmare. Which is most
likely?
Let me preface this by saying I am not
ruling out anything, but as of now it
is more likely that either one of the
last two, unfortunately, and I feel very
emotionally disappointed that this is
what it is looking like.
What motivates politics in
Bangladesh?
“I will not be
surprised if we
do not even see
an election in
January. It can
be postponed
in a few days at
any time.”
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
22
Dina Sobhan
is a freelance writer
and cautions readers
not to take her
“advice” here too
seriously!
Got a problem? Write
to Dina at weekend@
dhakatribune.com
TOUGH LOVE
1
My family is steeped in
patriotism. My father and
both my uncles fought in
the Liberation War. My older sister
turned down lucrative corporate
job offers in the US to work for
the Bangladeshi government.
The same is expected of me. But
honestly, I’m very indifferent
towards Bangladesh. I have a
more “international” feel and
no emotional attachment to the
place I happened to be born in.
I want to break from tradition,
move abroad, and maybe even
get a foreign passport (hopefully
American!) one day. How do you
think I should break this news to
my family?
DINA SOBHAN
What is an “international feel”? Do you
get all giddy when you hear the national
anthem of Cameroon? Or do you want to
do an Irish jig when you see the colour
green? Why aren’t you, like your family,
steeped in patriotism, like an Ispahani
teabag? Truth be told, the present state
of affairs in the nation do not inspire
much deshprem in anyone, much less
in the international men of mystery
such as yourself. But to openly aspire
to be anything but Bangali is an act of
treachery that no one will forgive. You
must be covert in such desires and plot
your escape in the dark recesses of night.
Apply for jobs while your family sleeps,
dreaming of ways to restore our nation
to its former glory (?), and only spring
the news on your unsuspecting lot when
you get the gig of your dreams. Be sure
it’s a job that can somehow benefit the
nation, because your “grand plan” is to
one day come back fuelled by newfound
knowledge and expertise, and with
wads of cash in your bank account with
which to better your peoples’ plight.
Wink wink. n
Syed Rashad Imam Tanmoy/Dhaka Tribune
2
I have fallen in love with an
African-American man. The
trouble is, my family is very
traditional. I know they will have
a huge problem accepting the fact
that I am marrying a foreigner, let
alone someone with a “darker”
skin tone. You know how it is with
deshi families and skin colour.
How do I best go about explaining
my decision to my close ones?
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
You don’t, my foolish child. You get out
of dodge with a lightly packed bag and
a passport. If you are already abroad,
you go to Las Vegas, or the closest
equivalent thereof, and get hitched
with only your best friend and possibly
your dog as a witness. The other option
is to just serve your old Ma a heart
attack on a platter. I can already picture
the agonised expression as tears
roll down her face, accompanied by
mopping of said face with her “achol,”
wringing hands in between. If you’re
blessed with a mother with a flair for
the dramatic, there may be cries of
“Ma-go-ma, ami ki bhul korlam?” We
have progressed as a society only to
the extent that marrying a Bangali
browner than oneself is now barely
acceptable. And we have come to
grudgingly accept the white boyfriend
that our daughters have dragged
home from college because, well, who
doesn’t love a lomba, phorsha jamai?
Since your future husband is neither, I
say embrace his family as your one and
only, cause yours is as good as gone,
girlfriend. A major downside is, you’re
giving up Eid. Happy Kwanza! n
|
23
WT LEISURE
Across
1 Illuminating but not heavy (5)
5 India’s first politician is a rascal (3)
6 Regularly to do with X (5)
8 Danger for each one left (5)
10 First of robin or eagle eggs (3)
11 Range of 2 around breakfast time (5)
Down
1
2
3
4
7
8
9
Cat horror writer comes up with in cooking fat (7)
Stomach is good in Germany (3)
Element found in plating (3)
EU permit father in military jacket flourish (7)
Knitwear provider? Doesn’t sound like me! (3)
Way of securing parking, for example (3)
Found in computers, compatible with 7 (3)
Solution and clues for
last week’s crossword
Across
1
4
6
7
Pine fruit hoax in sack (7)
Orange County pouts about sea creature (7)
Hormone makes Luis crazy in hotel (7)
Send in beer, one of twelve (7)
Down
1
2
3
5
State has LA fiord relocated (7)
South African hill climbing tables (5)
Church supports chaotic sense of being (7)
Navigate up to edge (5)
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
24
Shah Nahian
is a staff writer at
Dhaka tribune with
a passion for music
and art. When he’s
not being forced to
work, he spends his
time daydreaming
and hanging out with
friends
Day in the Life of
A Birdwatcher
A messiah for birds
Shah Nahian discovers what it takes to become a birdwatcher
however, is to take those courses
of action and to try and save the
species. Sayam explains: “One of
the main reasons for these birds’
decreasing numbers is hunting. We
try to advise the locals against this.
Since the Spoon-Billed Sandpiper has
such a critically endangered status,
we also had to plan for the worst case
scenario. An interesting fact about the
Spoon-Billed Sandpiper is, if their eggs
go missing, they often lay eggs again.
So I, along with my team, took a trip
to Russia to collect eggs and raise the
chicks in captivity. So if there is ever a
population crash, we can release them
in the wild. Also, when they relay those
eggs, their numbers grow.”
What’s the downside of working as
an ornithologist? Sayam says it’s the
How it all started Just another
day
When in Dhaka
8-9am
Has breakfast, then
checks and replies to
emails
10am-4pm
Occasionally has to
write papers and
reports, replying to the
people/organisations
funding his projects
4pm-10pm
Leisure time
10pm-1am
Practises writing stories
and poems, reads,
dinner, sleep
When on the field
5am
Goes out in the field
6am-6pm
Observes birds, collects
data, has lunch in
between, even does
other activities relevant
to birding
6pm
Heads back to camp,
goes through his notes
and studies them, and
plans for the next day
11pm
Eats dinner and calls it
a night
C
Sayam U Chowdhury
1 A friend of Sayam’s cousin
first introduced him to the
concept of birding
ontradictory to the common
belief, Ornithology, commonly
known as birdwatching, or
birding, is simply not just what the
namesake suggests. Ornithologists
use birdwatching as a technique
to study and answer very specific
questions. In the case of Sayam U
Chowdhury, this means dedicating his
life for the conservation of endangered
species of birds.
Sayam basically focuses his birding
on two specific species. One of them is
the Spoon-Billed Sandpiper, a critically
endangered migratory bird (less
than 200 left) that’s seen during the
winter. The other one is a resident bird
called the Masked Finfoot, with just a
thousand of them around.
As both the species are on the
verge of extinction, Sayam and his
team initially follow these birds
around to study them in their natural
habitat, trying to find reasons for their
declining numbers. The team surveys
the birds and takes notes, then at
the end of the day, they study their
collected data and plan for various
courses of action. In Sayam’s own
words: “The first step is to know about
the problem, and only after knowing
the problem can we work towards a
solution that is the conservation.”
The second part of Sayam’s job,
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
2 Graduating from North
South University as an
environmental
science
major, Sayam really got
into birding and took to
the field with just a pair
of binoculars and a simple
field guide
3 Sayam has been birding
for about 10 years
meagre income: “The money comes
through the funding, which is always
very difficult to get. All the resources
must be allocated very carefully and the
priority of the project is much greater
than just personal salaries.” The Royal
Society for Preservation of Birds (RSPB),
a charity from the UK that works on
ensuring better, healthier environment
for the endangered species, usually
helps provide the funds. “However,
I do a lot of wildlife photography
and freelance consultancy work for
various organisations, like conducting
birdwatching
surveys,
preparing
management plans, etc to earn some
money on the side. If you judge me by
only the amount of money I’m earning,
then I’m a loser,” he adds.
With financial insecurity and
always having to travel around the
globe, Sayam thinks it’s not logical for
him to start a family, or even dream of
a steady life. Although a high price to
pay, he would never trade his life for
a normal one. In his own words: “Bird
watching for me is just an excuse to
be close to nature, and I’ve dedicated
my life to the preservation of these
endangered birds.” n
Gertrud Neumann-Denzau
Gertrud Neumann-Denzau
THE WAY BANGLADESH WAS
25
Kantajew Temple
It’s funny how you sometimes live next
to a national heritage cite but are never
aware of it. My three siblings and I grew
up in Dinajpur right next to the temple,
but was never aware of its historical
significance till recently. To us, the temple
was our favourite hide-and-seek spot, a
veritable treasure trove where all sorts of
“historical” objects kept popping up, and
a place to just sit inside and think quietly
about general stuff. I’ve only recently
gone back to Dinajpur, and I’m so happy
to see that the authorities have taken
good care of the temple. Unfortunately
for kids though, they can’t go inside and
play games anymore.
Kantajew Temple, Dinajpur, 1870
Srikanth Lila
Doctor, Green Road, Dhaka
Bangladesh Old Photo Archive
Today
Chanchal Kamal
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
26
CULTURE VULTURE
Mandela in the arts
Madiba: the man, the muse
Yusuf Banna takes a historical journey through the life of Nelson Mandela as
depicted in film, music and literature
Yusuf Banna is a staff
writer at Weekend
Tribune. He would be
happier if he could be
a full-time poet. He
also dreams of being a
painter and is envious
of those who are
“M
andela may not be
with us any more,
but beyond physical
presence lies the deeds and memories
of him. But he still will be the subject
and source of creative endeavors reads
his epitaph, and a more fitting farewell
is unimaginable. Indeed, the man who
walked the walk and talked the talk,
dedicated himself to serving humanity,
and led a life as exciting as fiction,
has been remembered and revered in
many forms of art. From the greatest
actors to poets and songwriters, he
has been the biggest inspiration, and
his name has now become a synonym
for freedom.
On the silver screen
A good pen can
also remind us
of the happiest
moments in our
lives, bring noble
ideas into our
dens, our blood
and our souls.
It can turn
tragedy into hope
and victory
Mandela to Zinzi, in a
letter written at Robben
Island, February 10, 1980
Among all the visual initiatives, the
most famous portrayal is in “Invictus,”
directed by Clint Eastwood, and
upheld by Morgan Freeman’s Academy
Award winning performance. It was
Freeman’s lifelong dream to portray
Mandela, and before the shooting
commenced, Mandela himself gave
Freeman his blessings. The movie is
about South Africa’s Rugby team and
Mandela’s political gusto to reunite
the nation and the country by hosting
the 1995 World Cup.
In 1987, Danny Glover played the
role of Mandela in the TV movie,
“Mandela,” which depicted the time
when the world awaited his return
from his 27-year exile. Subsequently,
1997 saw the release of “Mandela and
de Klerk,” which earned Golden Globe
nominations for Academy Award
winners Sidney Poitier and Michael
Caine. Mandela’s enigmatic, polite
manner, his voice, his gentle smile,
all his little gestures, everything that
made the man who he was, has been
a massive challenge for these actors
to imitate. This was obvious from
Terrence Howard’s (Oscar nominee)
performance when he attempted
to personify Mandela’s younger self
in the movie “Winnie” (2011), which
was mainly based on Mandela’s wife,
played by Jennifer Hudson. The movie
was not well made and Howard was
pretentious and gloomy.
Hoping for a better outcome,
“Mandela: A long walk to Freedom”
was released recently featuring the
British star, Idris Elba. The movie
is an adaptation of Mandela’s
autobiography. For Elba, playing 53
years of Mandela’s life was a struggle
to provide a solid performance under
the weight of properly portraying such
a strong personality. He interviewed
people, and did thorough research,
and must receive kudos for all his
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
by Mandela, himself, when he made a
cameo appearance at the end of Spike
Lee’s “Malcolm X” in 1992.
As seen on the tube
hard work because he truly brought
Mandela to life on screen. “Goodbye
Bafana,” featuring Dannis Haysbert
and Joseph Fiennes and depicts
a fictionalised story based on the
relationship of a prison guard with
a prisoner. When nominated for the
Golden Bear in the Berlin Film Festival,
Haysbert said, “Every night I went
home, I would have a glass of wine
and just cry. The sacrifices he made
were profoundly sad to me.” In the
1950’s the South African actor, Lindane
NKosi, played the role of Mandela in
“Drum,” which was based on the antiapartheid campaign. The film made
it into the Cannes and London Film
Festivals. It was probably the earliest
known performance as Mandela.
Movies related to Mandela can
roughly be divided in two categorieshis life as a whole and a glimpse from
his life focusing on one his numerous,
awe inspiring deeds. It’s safe to say
that the best performance was given
Not to be left behind, TV producers
also put in their two pence toward
remembering and upholding the
values that Mandela left us with. BBC
therefore produced a form of drama
series titled “Mrs. Mandela” where
David Harewood played the role
of Mandela while Sophie Okenedo
starred as his wife. Seen through the
eyes of his wife, the attempt to portray
Mandela simply disappointed. It was
boring at best.
In an episode of the BBC series,
“Prisoners of Conscience,” (1981)
actor George Harris played Mandela,
while Simon Sibela got his chance
in the German TV dramatization on
Rivonia trial in 1966. These, however,
were minor depictions of the life of
Mandela.
In literature and music
“Nelson Mandela is with me because
I believe/in symbols; symbols bear
power; symbols demand/power; and
that is how a nation/follows a man who
leads from prison/and cannot speak
to them,” wrote Elizabeth Alexander
in “A Poem for Nelson Mandela.” And
Mandela went from being a literal
symbol to a metaphor for many
writers and poets. “Nelson Mandela
is, for me, the single statesman in the
world,” Nobel laureate Toni Morrison
once observed. “The single statesman,
in that literal sense, who is not solving
all his problems with guns. It’s truly
unbelievable.”
He was a statesman, a liberator, a
leader, and the harbinger of the end
of the apartheid, and like many others,
Nadine Gordimer, when writing “A
Sport of Nature” in 1987, realised that
no story could be written or completed
without including Madiba. Tributes to
Mandela date back to the 1970s with
“And I Watch It In Mandela,” by South
Africa’s John Matshikiza, while others
have become protest classics, like poet
Gil Scott-Heron’s “Johannesburg.”
Mandela believed in the power of
words and of music. “African music
is often about the aspirations of the
African people, and it can ignite the
political resolve of those who might
otherwise be indifferent to politics,”
Mandela wrote in his autobiography,
“A long Walk to Freedom”, continuing
with, “One merely has to witness the
infectious singing at African rallies.
Politics can be strengthened by music,
but music has a potency that defies
politics.” And today, songwriters are
taking his advice, and reminding us
not only of his words, but also of
the man himself. Popular band, U2
wrote “Ordinary life” for the movie
“A Long Walk to Freedom,” while the
Special A.K.A. became a hit with their
anti-apartheid anthem, “Free Nelson
Mandela” in 1984.
In 1985, the protest song “Sun City,”
written by E Street Band member
Steven Van Zandt and featuring guest
musicians like Bob Dylan, Ringo Starr,
Run DMC, Peter Gabriel and U2, helped
raise awareness of South Africa’s racist
policy of apartheid. “We’re rockers and
rappers united and strong,” goes the
song, “We’re here to talk about South
Africa, we don’t like what’s going on.”
“My Black President,” by one of South
Africa’s greatest vocalists, the late
Brenda Fassie also ranks among the
most moving of numbers inspired by
the great man.
As the world now wonders how
to deal with such a massive loss,
recall Jekwu Ikeme’s “When Mandela
Goes,”(2004), which looked to a future
without the consecrated man, and
remember his words: “When you go,
Madiba, your nobility shall be our
lasting inheritance. This land you so
love shall continue to love. We shall
trail the long and majestic walk; your
gallant walk shall be our cross and
shepherd.” n
OBITUARY
27
Nelson Mandela
Passing of a legend
Ibtisam Ahmed
is a student of history
and politics. He lives in
a fantasy and writes
about reality
Ibtisam Ahmed looks back at the life of one of the world’s greatest leaders
A
t some point in the 1980s, Nelson
Mandela was taken out of his
prison cell in Robben Island for a
medical check-up in Cape Town. As the
person who had come to personify the
anti-apartheid movement, one would
think he would have been surrounded
by security guards, or a throng of
admirers, or both. However, the last
time anyone had seen a picture of
him was in 1964, just before he went
to prison. The two decades he had
spent in custody had aged him and
he was able to walk across the beach,
unhindered. Mandela once said in an
interview that it felt liberating not to
have been a recognisable face for once.
That would perhaps be the last time
that the man who shaped the whole
world, and not just his own nation,
would go unnoticed.
Born Rolihlahla Mandela, the son of
a Thembu tribal chief, he became the
first person in his entire family to go to
school. It was there that he received the
name Nelson, as it was customary for
children to be given Anglicised names.
He grew up in the midst of tribal
traditions at home, and apartheidoriented discrimination at school
and afterwards at university, both of
which he found stifling. He rekindled
his love for African culture during his
secondary education as a reaction to
his white headmaster emphasising
the superiority of European traditions
and people. In 1941, after fleeing to
Johannesburg to avoid an arranged
marriage, Mandela met Walter Sisulu
and joined a law firm with his help. A
few years later, he joined the African
National Congress (ANC); that same
year, he married Evelyn Mase. Their
marriage was short-lived; both later
revealed they loved each other, but
Mandela’s dedication for the ANC got
in the way.
In 1952, he set up the country’s
first ever black law firm with Oliver
Tambo. The ANC, meanwhile, became
increasingly vocal and, fearing
government
retaliation,
asked
Mandela to make arrangements for
them to work underground. Four
years later, he was arrested and tried
for treason alongside 155 others. The
trial ended with his acquittal, but it
spelled the end of his first marriage. In
1958, while the trial was still ongoing,
he married his second wife, Winnie
Madikizela. This marriage didn’t last
either, but Winnie became the most
active out of his three spouses and a
liberation figure in her own right.
Following the Sharpeville Massacre
A great life
1918 Born on July 18 in Mvezo,
on South Africa’s Eastern
Cape
1944 Joins the ANC
1960 Treason trial ends with
acquittal; forms ANC’s
military wing
1962 Arrested for trying to leave
the country
1964 Sent to life in prison, at
Robben Island
1990 After being transferred to
Pollsmoor, finally walks
free after 27 years
1993 Wins Nobel Peace Prize
along with FW de Clerk
for their efforts to bring
stability to South Africa
1994 Leads the ANC to victory at
the elections and becomes
South Africa’s first black
president
1997 Steps down as head of ANC;
begins lifelong campaign
against HIV/AIDS
2004Helps South Africa become
first ever African nation
to secure hosting of FIFA
World Cup to be held in
2010
2013 Passes away on December
5 after suffering from
respiratory complications
for two years
in 1960, the government took drastic
steps to quell the anti-apartheid
movement, including a blanket ban of
the ANC. Mandela was among those
who founded the group’s military
wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. He was
arrested again when trying to leave
the country – he was charged with
sabotage and was sentenced to life
imprisonment at Robben Island. While
in prison, Mandela began to cultivate
relationships with other ANC leaders.
Having advocated for militancy earlier,
he also slowly changed the focus of
the party towards more diplomatic
and peaceful methods. It was during
his stay in prison, first in Robben Island
and then Pollsmoor, that he went from
being an outspoken member of the
ANC to its undisputed leader, as well as
the symbol of South Africa’s struggles.
The
international
community
began to tighten its sanctions against
South Africa under the dual aims
of ending apartheid and freeing
Mandela, and in 1990, President FW
de Clerk lifted the ban on the ANC
and freed Mandela on February 11. At
the ANC’s first national conference,
Mandela was elected its president
and talks began on forming a new
multi-racial democracy, the result of
which was the elections in 1994 with
universal suffrage –the first in South
Africa’s history. The ANC won the
elections by a landslide, and Mandela
became president. At his inauguration,
Mandela said: “Let freedom reign,
God bless Africa!” His deputy, Thabo
Mbeki, took over the daily running of
the country while Mandela began to
promote a united South Africa around
the world.
In 1997, Mandela stepped down
as ANC president; a year later, he
married his third wife, Graca Machel.
He became South Africa’s highestprofile ambassador, helping to secure
the 2010 FIFA World Cup. His next big
goal, however, was to eradicate HIV/
AIDS in Africa, something he had been
campaigning from the minute he
stepped down from office. He helped
raise the profile of the deadly disease
in the part of the world most affected
by it, but also the most ignored.
In 2007, he founded the Elders, a
group of individuals noted around the
world as statesmen, peace activists
and humanitarians. He later stepped
down from his own active role and
remained an honorary Elder for the
remainder of his life.
Nelson Mandela changed the
world. With politics becoming an
increasingly cynical field, Mandela was
perhaps the last great statesman who
worked for the benefit of other and
not himself. To call him an icon would
be an understatement; to say he will
be missed would demean the world’s
mourning. n
W E E K E N D TR IBUN E FR I DAY, DE C E MB E R 1 3 , 20 1 3
28
LAST WORD Phil Humphreys
By the people, for the people?
Why the petrol bomb was invented to stall tanks, not buses
Phil Humphreys
is a British former
journalist who
worked as a
management adviser
to an NGO in Rangpur,
before joining the
Dhaka Tribune as a
consultant
P
eering out through the cage door
of my CNG at Mohakhali this
week, I noticed a child walking
along the lines of traffic selling
Bangladeshi flags. There were six to
choose from, hanging in descending
order of size from a huge bamboo pole.
Six months ago – six weeks ago even
– I would not have given this vendor
a second glance. But this time I was
taken aback. How could he hope to
sell national flags at a time like this?
Surely, there can be little pride left in
the country right now.
In a desperate bid to block the
election, the main opposition BNP has
been going for the nation’s jugular.
Enforcers of its back-to-back transport
blockades have uprooted railway
tracks and derailed trains, exploded
countless homemade bombs, and even
set fire to a moving bus. The party that
aspires to lead the country has turned
to burning its own people alive.
“If you want to wage your
movement and test public support for
your demand, you should come to the
street,” Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina
said in a challenge to BNP leader
Khaleda Zia. The premier said the
opposition was pushing the country
towards complete anarchy while its
leader was “living a lavish life in her
house”.
Mutually destructive
brinkmanship
For sure, the blockades are hurting
more than just those caught in the
fireballs. On two separate days last
week, angry labourers attempting
to march on the BNP chief’s opulent
pile in Gulshan were halted by the
very same security forces she claims
- with some justification - have been
persecuting her party supporters. But
these protesters were not political
activists, and they were not obviously
aligned with either side of the
seemingly unbridgeable divide. They
simply had bills to pay and families to
feed.
Fearing further sufferings of
the common people, international
overtures to both women have become
increasingly stern. The United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights,
Navi Pillay, has implored Hasina and
Khaleda to “halt their destructive
brinkmanship, which is pushing
Bangladesh dangerously close to a
W E E K E N D TRIBUNE F R I DAY, DE C E M B E R 13, 201 3
major crisis.” There was a thinly-veiled
threat also: “In other situations, we
have seen cases of election-related
violence where the perpetrators of
such acts - including political leaders
- have faced prosecution.” Behind the
scenes, the diplomatic language is
likely to have been even more direct.
“I feel embarrassed as a Bangladeshi
that our national problem has to be
addressed by international initiatives,
but when you are pushed against a
wall, when our leaders invite this, what
can be done?” said Iftekarazzuman,
the executive director of Transparency
International Bangladesh, when I
interviewed him last week for the
Dhaka Tribune.
Pity the poor bomb-makers
Most alarming in all of this are the
stories of slum women and children
now being hired by party activists to
transport and explode petrol bombs,
for as little as Tk300 a blast. Last
week, police showcased two boys who
apparently worked as day labourers
before they were lured into detonating
crude bombs and setting fire to
vehicles as a “permanent profession.
a” When I attended the 2004 European
football championships in Portugal, TV
crews were allegedly paying England
fans 50 euros each to throw chairs
through restaurant windows. But
these reports are on an altogether
different level. In Bangladesh, it
seems the manufacture of bombs
has become a cottage industry; their
detonation a pay-as-you-throw offer
from the opposition.
Improvised incendiary devices were
first deployed en masse during the
Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, when
General Francisco Franco ordered his
Nationalist rebels to throw ignited
glass bottles filled with flammable
liquids under the Soviet tanks of
the Spanish Republican forces. Tom
Wintringham, a veteran of the leftist
International Brigades which fought
alongside the Soviets and Republicans
in resistance to fascism, later published
his guidelines for using the new crude
bombs: “The bottle will smash, but the
petrol should soak the blanket well
enough to make a really healthy fire
which will burn the rubber wheels on
which the tank track runs, set fire to
the carburetor, and frizzle the crew.”
What would the BNP users’ manual
say? Light the touch paper, and then
destroy the buses that take you to
college? Torch your brothers, your
sisters, your sons and your daughters?
‘A drink to go with the food’
The petrol bomb was first termed
a ‘Molotov Cocktail’ during the
Winter War of 1939-40, when Soviet
foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov
claimed in domestic propaganda
broadcasts that the USSR was not
dropping incendiaries on Finland, but
merely delivering food to its starving
inhabitants. The Finns referred to the
bombs as ‘Molotov bread baskets’ and
soon responded in kind by attacking
advancing Soviet tanks with ‘Molotov
cocktails’, which were ‘a drink to go
with the food’.
The Finns deployed
the petrol bomb like
a mouse under the
feet of an elephant.
The blockade
supporters are using
it like a wolf on a
newborn lamb
In wartime London, the petroleum
combat tactic of the Finns was being
observed with interest by General
Sir Edmund Ironside, who had been
charged by Winston Churchill with
formulating a plan to repel any German
invasion of Britain. “I want to develop
this thing they have in Finland,” he
said in a June 1940 speech to leaders of
the Home Guard. “A bottle filled with
resin, petrol and tar which if thrown
at a tank will ignite, and if you throw
half a dozen or more you will have
them cooked. It is quite an effective
thing.” By August, the War Office had
produced a blueprint for their use and
within a year over six million Molotov
Cocktails had been manufactured.
As it transpired, the RAF ensured
that the first petrol bomb was not
thrown in Britain until the onset of
‘The Troubles’ between the Protestant
and Catholic communities of Northern
Ireland in the late 1960s. Here, it led to
a redesign of the Land Rovers used by
the Royal Ulster Constabulary which,
although impervious to conventional
attack from bricks, stones and other
projectiles, were vulnerable to ignited
petrol leaking down the sides of the
bonnet and into the engine.
You must believe in something
The point of all this, is that the
people throwing Molotov Cocktails
in Spain, Finland, Britain and Ireland
and elsewhere were fighting a
clearly defined enemy. They believed
in a cause, and so they saw their
targets as legitimate. In Bangladesh,
however, what are the grounds for
this present aggression? Certainly
not sectarian like the Protestants
and Catholics, insurrectionist like the
Finns, ideological like the International
Bridgades, or counter-revolutionary
like Franco. No, this is nothing more
than a political impasse, reached by
two individuals in their determination
to hold or acquire political power at
almost any cost. In other theatres
of war, the bombs are made by one
side, and thrown at the other. In this
country, the cocktails are made by the
people, for use on the people. They are
being tossed around like confetti at a
wedding.
Six decades after the Spanish Civil
War ended, the Welsh alternative rock
band Manic Street Preachers released
a single inspired by a propaganda
poster which was circulated by the
Republican side in the conflict. The
song highlights the leftist idealism of
the Welsh rural farmers who signed
up to defend democracy with the
International Brigades, as captured
in the opening verse: “The future
teaches you to be alone / The present
to be afraid and cold / So if I can shoot
rabbits, then I can shoot fascists.”
The soulful sound of the Manics has
been running through my head during
these last few weeks of senseless
destruction in Dhaka. As Bangladesh
is pushed “dangerously close to a
major crisis” and the very principles
of democratic government are being
eroded, the song’s chorus line and
title could deliver a more powerful
message to the feuding leaders than
any statement so far served up by
the diplomats. Lifted directly from
the poster, its meaning is simple and
unambiguous:
“If You Tolerate This, Your Children
Will Be Next.” n
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