REFOCUSING FROM GLOBAL TO REGIONAL HOMOGENIZATION
OF TELEVISION: Production and Programming in the Latino U.S. Market,
Mexico and Venezuela
by
Joseph Straubhaar, University of Texas, Austin
Martha Fuentes, University of Texas, Austin (student author)
Christine Giraud, Ford Foundation
and Consuelo Campbell, Chinese University of Hong Kong
Paper submitted to ALAIC
Theory & Research Division
Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia 2002
1
REFOCUSING FROM GLOBAL TO REGIONAL HOMOGENIZATION OF
TELEVISION: Production and Programming in the Latino U.S. Market, Mexico and
Venezuela
Abstract
There is a great deal of discussion about the globalization of television,
particularly as it is being driven by the spread of satellite and cable television
technologies around the world. There is a renewed fear of global cultural
homogenization, based not only in the direct flow of cultural products like television
channels and programs, but also in the indirect flow of ideas about program production
and programming strategy. More countries seem to be producing similar soap operas, talk
shows and reality shows. Furthermore, they seem to be programming them in similar
ways. However, just as significant may be the idea of regional cultures or markets for
television (Wilkinson, 1995), linked by geography, language and culture.
This regionalization of television rests of three levels of development> First,
national television systems, far from being overwhelmed by imports in many countries,
are producing and even exporting. Second, a number of countries have gone beyond
producing their own programs to export, particularly to their own cultural-linguistic
regions. Third, sub-national television markets for specific cultures are growing and
producing more of their own programming, such as the networks aimed at U.S. Latinos.
This study examines these trends via a content analysis of television schedules in
1962, 1972, 1982, 1991, and 2000 in Mexico, Venezuela, and the Hispanic U.S.
1
REFOCUSING FROM GLOBAL TO REGIONAL HOMOGENIZATION OF
TELEVISION: Production and Programming in the Latino U.S. Market, Mexico and
Venezuela
Introduction
There is a great deal of discussion about the globalization of television,
particularly as it is being driven by the spread of satellite and cable television
technologies around the world. There is a fear of a renewed cycle of one way television
flows out from the United States, adding complete U.S. television channels, such as
CNN, MTV, Nickoledon and the Cartoon Channel to the already large export of U.S.
film, television programs and music. There is also a renewed fear of global cultural
homogenization, based not only in the direct flow of cultural products like television
channels and programs, but also in the indirect flow of ideas about program production
and programming strategy. More countries seem to be producing similar soap operas, talk
shows and reality shows. Furthermore, they seem to be programming them in similar
ways.
We argue that although various kinds of globalization is taking place, they tend to
be overstated. Ferguson's excellent discussion of the myths of globalization raises
several key problems: the idea that the world is becoming one homogeneous culture,
largely fed by the U.S. culture industries; that big cultural industries, like those of the
U.S., have an automatic advantage globally due to economies of scale and the polish of
their products; and that differences of time, space, culture and geography are eroded by
technology (1992). This paper will critique the ideas of globalization as the worldwide
homogenization of television, the erosion of national cultural differences, and domination
of all by U.S. productions. Equal attention needs to be paid to transnational television
regions defined by language and culture, to the continuing power of national broadcasters
producing for national publics, and to a growing number of sub-national cultures which
constitute cultural arenas or markets where television is created and watched.
Specifically, this paper argues that related but distinct cultural shifts are taking
place at global versus regional levels. At the global level, we can observe the ongoing
spread of underlying paradigms of cultural production, like the shift towards commercial
cultural industries, such as commercial network television. Those changes do shift the
1
boundaries of what is seen as possible in television programming and production. We can
observe an ongoing global convergence or homogenization of general ideas about how to
program broadcast television networks, such as the prevalence of entertainment genres
like soap opera, reality shows, comedy, sports, talk and drama, especially in prime time.
However, one can observe quite different versions of the working out of these
shifts in different regions of the world. Due to cultural-linguistic similarities, there is
much more real similarity or homogenization of production and programming within
those regions. We explore that idea here, examining production and programming in the
Latino US market, Mexico and Venezuela. Being part of the same cultural-linguistic
market (Wilkinson, 1995), these three markets exhibit an active role in the regional
exchange of television flows. Discussing the internal complexity and heterogeneity of
the television market in Latin America, Roncagliolo (1995) distinguishes three different
levels of participation in the regional market: net exporters, new exporters and net
importers. Mexico is identified as a net exporter, a country incorporated into the global
economy of cultural products, with a main corporation with a sizeable experience as
audiovisual transnational business. Venezuela is described as a new exporter, or a country
forced into the global dynamism searching for markets for its cultural products, while
being fairly exposed to extra-regional and regional flows. In this context, the US Latino
market could be understood as the result of the living bond uniting the Latin American
region to the United States through the flows of people, ideas and capital articulated in
the form of direct investment and trading of programming for the Spanish national
network. Although Roncagliolo does not discuss the U.S. Latino market, we would
identify it as a market which had been a net importer, which is moving rapidly to being a
new exporter. We contend that this set of closely knitted ties makes Mexico, Venezuela
and the US Latino broadcasting particular interesting cases to observe and with which to
discuss the consequences of globalization on patterns of national production and
programming, as well as the emergence of a distinct cultural-linguistic regional market
across the Americas.
From Global to Regional Focus
Just as significant as the current idea of globalization, per se, may well be the
2
"regionalization" of television into multi-country or transnational markets linked by
geography, language and culture (Wilkinson, 1995). These might more accurately be
called cultural-linguistic or geo-cultural markets, rather than regional markets, since not
all these linked populations, markets and cultures are geographically contiguous.
This regionalization of television rests on three levels of development, all of
which diverge from many of the current commonplaces about globalization. First, many
national television systems are far from being overwhelmed by global television imports.
A number of countries in Latin America, Asia and Europe produce most of their own
programming, at least for broadcast television, which still dominates viewing in most
places.
Second, a number of countries including Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Venezuela,
Hong Kong, India, Egypt and Japan have gone beyond producing for their own publics
and markets to export television in competition with the traditional exporters of North
America and Europe. Much of this new exportation circulates largely within culturallinguistic regions, like the Spanish-speaking market of Latin America , the Arabic market
of the Mid-East, or the Chinese market of East and South-East Asia, but some breaks into
global markets as well. Brazil, for example, has exported to over 100 countries in various
language versions (Marques de Melo, 1992).
Third, while sub-national or local television broadcasting is far less well
developed in many countries, it is beginning to grow. Local television tends to respond to
an almost universal desire for local news and information, but in a number of situations,
local entertainment also emerges, particularly to serve linguistic and cultural minorities.
Interestingly enough, this local growth often takes place within a context of economic
and cultural regionalization at both supra-national and sub-national levels. NAFTA
offers two examples: Hispanic Americans and French-Canadians. In some cases, these
minorities are also served as part of other cultural linguistic markets, as with the tendency
of Mexico to export television to U.S. Hispanics, but sometimes they become more
clearly differentiated or tied into other identities, as in Quebec, which imports some
programming from other French-speaking countries but less than from the U.S. or
English-speaking Canada.
At the truly global level, the U.S. is clearly the main media exporter in the world.
3
The U.S. dominates certain kinds of production, like feature films, which require huge
investments, and certain kinds of television genres, like action-adventure, which also
require big budgets and don't require a great deal of cultural capital, language ability, or
sophistication to understand. The U.S. dominates the global television world in other
ways as well. It is the primary exporter, not only of specific programs and cable/satellite
channels, but also of models, genres and ways of creating and managing television. The
U.S. is also a driving force within the increasing global economic structure of market
capitalism, which reinforces the attractiveness of U.S. models.
Global versus Cultural Linguistic Markets
However, in terms of actual programs and channels directly watched by
audiences, the "global" flow of television outward from the U.S. is probably strongest
among the Anglophone nations of the world, such as the U.K., Anglophone Canada,
Australia, and the English-speaking Caribbean. These are the countries or regions where
U.S. television exports tend to be most popular, and best understood (Straubhaar,
Campbell, Youn, Champagnie, Elasmar & Castellon, 1992a).
These are also among the few countries which manage to export television, film
or music back to the Anglophone U.S. market. Within this cultural-linguistic sphere,
Canada and the English-speaking Caribbean are most closely tied to the U.S. by
geographic proximity, notably being under the direct reach or footprint of U.S. television
satellites, by migration, by language, and, at least in the case of Canada, very strong
cultural similarities or cultural proximities (Straubhaar, 1991). For example, there is very
little difference or "discount" between English-speaking Canadian and American
audiences when one looks at the kinds of cultural preferences that guide viewing choices.
Dialect and language use are very similar, much more so than with even Great Britain or
Australia. Travel, migration, educational experiences, and family ties link many people
in the two publics. Many cultural specifics, such as styles of dress, behavior and
consumption are very close. So are many abstract elements, such as the imaginary of
"the West," or the industrial heartland style of Ontario, Michigan and western New York.
There are a number of other cultural-linguistic markets emerging: Western
Europe, where the European Community has been trying to create a region-wide cultural
4
market
(Schlesinger, 1987); Latin America, linked also to other "Latin"-based language markets
in Spain, Portugal, Italy and France (Wilkinson, 1995; Sinclair, 1999); a Francophone
market linking France and its former colonies; an Arabic world market; a Chinese
market; and a Hindi or South Asian market.
These cultural-linguistic markets are unified by language (even though different
accents and dialects may divide countries somewhat). In fact, a number of researchers in
this area focus almost exclusively on language as the defining point for cultural markets
(Wildman & Siwek, 1988). However, the definition of cultural-linguistic markets goes
well beyond language to include history, religion, ethnicity (in some cases), and culture
in several senses: shared identity, gestures and non-verbal communication; what is
considered funny or serious or even sacred; clothing styles; living patterns; climate
influences and other relationships with the environment. Cultural-linguistic markets are
often centered in a geographic region, hence the tendency to call them regional markets,
but they have also been spread globally by colonization, slavery, and migration. For
instance, the Hispanic U.S. population results both from the original Spanish colonization
and more recent migrations from Mexico and Latin America. A number of researchers
now focus on recent post-colonial migrations which have spread certain kinds of cultures,
like those of South Asia, across Europe, North America, the Caribbean and Africa, as
well as other parts of Asia (Bhahba, 1994).
These cultural similarities and common histories come together to define cultural
markets to which television responds. Populations defined by these kinds of
characteristics tend to seek out cultural products, like television programs or music,
which are most similar or proximate to them. Whereas, some scholars used to fear that
the intrinsic attraction of U.S. cultural products would result in "Wall-to-wall Dallas"
around the world (Collins, 1986), it seems more likely that most audiences are really
looking for cultural proximity (Straubhaar, 1991), to see people and styles they
recognize, jokes that are funny without explanation, etc. To use another framework,
people acquire a cultural capital based on their experience, family background and
education which enables them them to understand things (Bourdieu, 1984). When
confronted with unfamiliar cultural products, people are likely to apply a cultural
5
discount to them (Hoskins & Mirus, 1988), to reject them in favor of things that are more
familiar, more amusing, and more easily understood.
The cultures reflected in these cultural-linguistic markets are not static, they
reflect the adaptation of European languages and cultures to colonialized populations, as
well an ongoing cultural hybridization between multiple elements. For instance, for
Mexico, Garcia Canclini (1990) discusses the ongoing hybridization of culture between
several indigenous cultures, the Spanish heritance, other European cultures, the U.S.
culture, the experience of migrant and immigrant workers in the U.S., and the influence
within Mexico of the border and Hispanic American cultural blends. Likewise the
Hispanic or Latino American population is a distinct hybridization with a differentiation
away from its Mexican and other Latin American roots, including Cuban, Puerto Rican,
Dominican and other origins besides Mexican (Rodrigues, 1994).
Within the formation of trans-national cultural-linguistic markets for television,
we see several distinct markets within NAFTA and the inter-related cultural linguistic
market of Latin America. The Hispanic U.S. is tied both to Mexico and to a larger Latin
American or Latino cultural-linguistic market by language, shared history and ongoing
immigration. Mexico is a producer for both its domestic market and a cultural-linguistic
market that includes both the Hispanic USA and Venezuela. Venezuela is similar,
although, as we shall see below, it tends to import more from the region than it exports,
whereas the reverse is true for Mexico.
U.S. Hispanic media have often been dominated by Mexican ownership and
content, for similar reasons (Gutierrez, 1979; Wilson & Gutierrez, 1985). It was logical
for Mexican telvision, specifically Televisa, which was already producing extensive
amounts of television programming for a large domestic market to export that
programming north to the U.S. Hispanic audience. Mexican owners, linked to Televisa,
also started or acquired many of the U.S. Hispanic stations and formed them into a
network, Univision, owned by the Televisa Group (Robina-Bustos, 1995). For example,
Hispanic protests led the Federal Communications Commission to require Mexican
owners to divest their interests in the cable TV channel, Spanish International Network,
to decrease both the direct importation of Mexican programming, particularly in news
and public affairs, and to increase the role of American Hispanics in decision-making
6
(Wilson & Gutierrez, 1985). Since that period, an increasing amount of production is
being done in several U.S. Hispanic centers and in Puerto Rico aimed at the U.S.
Hispanic market(s) and for export to the rest of Latin America (Sinclair, 1995, 1999).
These theoretical considerations about cultural-linguistic markets and about
cultural differentiation lead us to hypothesize that within the Latin American market,
there are three distinct kinds of layers of television production and consumption: culturallinguistic or trans-national, national, and sub-national. Within the first and broadest
layer, that of cultural-linguistic markets, there is a distinct Latin American market or
areas. At the second or national level, there are dominant national level broadcasters and
producers in Venezuela and Mexico. Third, within the U.S., there is a sub-national group
sizeable and strong enough to support its own cultural industry: U.S. Hispanics. We will
expect to see the pattern of television flows within reflect these layers of producers and
audiences.
We also predict that television flows are becoming broken down by genres of
production. While the U.S. seems to still dominate feature films, particularly in action
adventure, it sells fewer kinds of television series abroad than it used to (Straubhaar, et
al., 1992). Increasingly, certain kinds of programming are produced nationally, for
export to cultural-linguistic markets, or sub-nationally for markets also defined by
language and culture. For instance, the U.S. exports less in situation comedy and soap
opera, while production of those genres within the cultural-linguistic regional and
national layers of the global market has increased (Straubhaar et al., 1992). That kind of
change in genres over time should be reflected in the television markets of Latin America
as well. We expected to see more national, cultural-linguistic regional, and sub-national
or local production of comedies, soap opera, news, discussion, and other genres where a
local focus that emphasized cultural proximity would give an advantage to more localized
production over global productions.
The countries of the Americas also offer perhaps the longest running experience
in the world in cross-border satellite and cable television flows and exports. U.S. satellite
distribution to cable and to satellite dishes had greatly increased the number of Canadians
directly exposed to U.S. programming and has increased the amount available to many of
them, since over two thirds have cable or satellite TV. On the other hand, the same
7
satellite channels reach only around a sixth of the people in Mexico (Arenas 2001). Their
impact has been much more limited, due to limited interest in English language programs
and to limited ability to subscribe to cable. Both of those may change, as the integration
of Mexico into NAFTA proceeds. To date, though, the use of satellites to bring Mexican
programming to the U.S. Hispanic audience has had an impact on a much larger group of
people. If much of the world is concerned about American domination of those new
media, then the experience of the Americas may offer some clues about the degree to
which cable and satellite television may lead to increased U.S. programming flow.
Television flow in the Latin American Cultural Linguistic Region
In this study, we look empirically at television programs broadcast on major VHF
television stations (with at least 5 percent of the viewing audience) during sample weeks
from 1962, 1972, 1982, 1991-92 and 2000 for Mexico (Mexico City), the Hispanic U.S.
(Chicago), and Venezuela (Caracas). (We will examine cable television programming in
a subsequent study.) Television program listings for those weeks are analyzed in a
simple content analysis.
Programs are categorized by genres and by where the program originates. We
used a list of genre categories developed by Straubhaar, et al (1992), validated and
replicated in analysis of 18 countries. We distinguished U.S., national, regional and other
international origins. In Mexico, that translated into distinguishing national (Mexican),
U.S. (including U.S. Hispanic), regional/Latin American cultural-linguistic (including
Puerto Rico) and other international. On Hispanic U.S. stations, we separated
national/U.S. (including U.S. Hispanic), regional/Latin American cultural-linguistic
(including Mexican) and other international. Experts familiar with the television program
content coded for the market in the year in question. That way programs could accurately
be assigned into genre and origin categories. Coders were trained in genre category
definitions to achieve a high degree of reliability, almost 100 percent.
The tables include the overall proportions of programming from different origins
and the trends over time. The text also discusses the trends in production and importation
of television genres over time, based on the data gathered above. The overall proportions
represent an aggregation of the genre breakdowns.
8
Prime Time and Total Broadcast Time
In this study, we look separately at the proportions of various kinds of
programming, national, regional, U.S. and international, for the whole broadcast day and
for prime time. Earlier studies have found that the audience in evening prime time
viewing hours, roughly 7-10 pm in most places, is far larger than during other hours, and
stations almost everywhere tend to put their most popular programming in prime time
(Straubhaar, 1984; 1992). What is selected for showing in prime time is, therefore, a
reasonably accurate indication of what is most popular with the audience.
Mexican television production and program flows
Like Brazil, Mexico has been a strong producer of national television
programming since the 1960s. This programming has been largely produced in-house by
a single company, Televisa, which gives that company an enormous amount of power to
set news agendas and create national images through entertainment programming
(Sinclair, 1994). Televisa has exercised a multi-channel broadcast television monopoly
until the formation of TV Azteca in 1993 (Enríquez, 1995). This degree of concentration
and control raises major policy issues, but it has also created a structure which has
permitted very extensive substitution of domestic programming for foreign imports.
In 1962 in Mexico, total programming was mostly national (59%), with a sizeable
amount from the U.S. 38%, little (3%) international and no regional programming (Table
1). The national percentage of prime time programming was slightly larger (63%) which
indicates that national programming was somewhat more popular with the audience in
Mexico (Table 2). Similarly, the U.S. percentage of prime time programming was
somewhat lower (31%). Prime time international programming was 7%. There was little
regional programming on Mexican television in 1962 although that rose slightly in the
1970s and 1980s (Table 1).
These trends toward national production dominating both total and prime time
television programming in Mexico continued. By 1991, total television programming
was 67% national, 24% U.S., 7% international, and 2% regional. Prime time programs
were 46% national, 42% U.S., 9% regional and 2% international. By 2000, total
9
television programming was still very comparable: 71% national, 27% U.S., 1%
international, and 1% regional. More change took place by 2000 in prime time programs,
which were 72% national, 27% U.S., 0% regional and 1% international.
Some trends can be noted. Total U.S. programming steadily decreases from 19622000 (with the exception of 1982). However, the pattern for prime time programming is
much less clear. It shows an increase in U.S. programs from 1962-1991 (with the
exception of 1972) but a notable decline again in 2000. This seems to lend overall
support to the hypothesis that while U.S. programming in the total day may still be
prominent in many countries, prime time U.S. programming will decrease. We would
argue, in fact, that the return to the pattern observed in other Latin American countries
has to do with the breaking of Televisa’s monopoly in Mexico in the 1990s. With a three
channel monopoly for decades, Televisa was able to segment the audience in ways that
may have understated overall audience interest in national programming. Televisa had
one channel focused on national telenovelas, another on you programming with much
more material from the U.S. In the late 1990s, TV Azteca entered the scene and focused
on the most popular material, national telenovelas, to compete with Televisa’s most
popular material. That increase in national production shows up mostly clearly in prime
time numbers for 2000.
National programming tended to increase during total time (with the exception of
1982) from 1962-2000, arriving at 71 percent in 2000. National prime time programming
tended to decrease slightly (with the exception of 1972) from 1962-1991, but rose again
by 2000 to 72 percent. Regional total and prime time programming tended to be
relatively weak, usually under 10%, and declined further in 2000. While interest in the
U.S. and its programming was growing, and while Mexico was exporting a great deal of
television programming to most of the rest of Latin America, Mexican programmers and
audiences tended to remain interested first in Mexico and secondarily in the U.S. as
sources of culture, more than other Latin American countries.
Table 1 - National, U.S., Regional (Latin America) and other International Sources -Proportions of TOTAL TELEVISION TIME in Mexico
YEAR NATIONAL
%
REGIONAL
%
USA
10
%
INTERNATIONAL
%
UNKNOWN
%
1962
1972
1982
1991
2000
7965
10325
19685
25255
35510
58.7
61.5
56.6
66.6
71.2
15
240
510
720
570
0.1
1.4
1.5
1.9
1.1
5150
4350
12245
9270
13540
37.9
25.9
35.2
24.4
27.2
465
1860
2365
2680
240
3.4
11
6.8
7.1
0.5
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Table 2 - National, U.S., Regional (Latin America) and other International Sources -Proportions of TELEVISION PRIME TIME in Mexico
YEAR NATIONAL
1962
1972
1982
1991
2000
2440
2695
3360
2940
8430
%
62.9
68.1
58.3
46.2
72.1
REGIONAL
%
0
0
120
3
0
0
600 9.4
0
0
USA
1185
1025
2145
2670
3120
%
30.5
25.9
37.2
42
26.7
INTERNATIONAL
255
120
255
150
150
%
UNKNOWN
6.6
3
4.4
2.4
1.3
%
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Developments in Genres in Mexico
National production in Mexico has continued to be strong in part because
Mexican producers have developed several very strong genres of programming that
continue to hold much of the audience. In 1962 the two most widely produced national
genres in the total broadcast day were the variety show and news. The main national
genres during prime time were the variety shows and dramatic series. The two genres
most widely imported from the U.S. were movies, action series and news. International
programming, while much smaller, was dominated by movies and sports, while regional
programming was increasingly dominated by movies and soap opera serials (telenovelas )
in the 1970s and 1980s.
By 2000, the national program genres most heavily represented in the total
broadcast day were still telenovelas, news, sports, information, and variety. In prime
time, indicating greatest popularity, the national programming consisted mostly of
movies, evening telenovelas and news. The largest U.S. imports, both in the total day
and prime time, were movies and cartoons. In 1991, evening telenovelas dominated
regional programming and action series dominated international programming. By 2000,
regional and international (non-U.S.) programming was negligible, except for some
movies.
11
When one looks at both total and prime time U.S. programming one sees that the
genres which consistently dominated U.S. imports (with the exception of movies only in
1962) were movies and action series until 1992, movies alone in 2000. In both total and
prime time national programming, movies play an important role (with the exception of
1962). This may be a reflection of the growth of the Mexican film industry. One also
notes that in 1991 there were a large number of regional evening soap operas which had
previously not been shown in prime time. This echoed developments in other Latin
American countries, which indicated that the regional market, especially in telenovelas,
was growing. Regional telenovelas were negligible in 2000 (but came back somewhat in
2001, according to press evidence).
Hispanic television production and program flows
In looking at Hispanic programming within the United States, we have to be
careful with terms and categories. This study defines national as that which is produced
within the national boundaries, which for this group would have to be material produced
within the U.S. for Hispanics. As we shall see, there was fairly little of that in the early
years of Hispanic television, while most programming came in from Mexico and some
from other parts of Latin America. The predominance in U.S. Hispanic television
broadcasting of television programs from Mexico and elsewhere in the Latin American
cultural-linguistic region even led some critics to talk of reverse cultural imperialism
(Schement, Gonzales, Lum, & Valencia, 1984). Therefore, although the U.S. and Canada
are part of NAFTA as a region in economic and political senses, we defined imported
Mexican programming and programming from the larger Latin American culturallinguistic market as "regional". In cultural and linguistic terms, the U.S. Hispanic or
Latino market is part of the Latin American "regional" market. In the terms of this study,
all other non-U.S., non-Latin American programs are defined as "international".
To examine Hispanic programming in a fairly typical market where Hispanics
were strongly present but not particularly dominant, we looked at Chicago. In 1962,
there was no major Hispanic television programming in the city, whereas in some other
markets with larger Hispanic populations, there was already substantial television
programming in Spanish for Latino populations by 1962.
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In 1972, in prime time, nationally-produced Spanish programming available on
broadcast television in Chicago for Hispanics was very low (3%), regional
(Mexican/Latin American) was dominant (83%), and international (other countries) was
noticeable but relatively small (14%) (Table 3). In 1972, in total time, national (U.S.produced) was much larger (66%), regional (Mexican/Latin American) was 32%, and 2%
was international (Table 4). There is clear evidence here that a desire for cultural
proximity was leading programmers and audiences beyond U.S. borders to find
programming in the right language (Spanish) with the right cultural elements (Latino)
from Mexico and Latin America.
In 1982 prime time-national was 5%, regional 71%, and international was 15%.
In the 1982 total total broadcast day, national was 43%, regional 53%, and international
was 4%. By 1991, prime time was 100% regional (produced in Mexico or other Latin
American countries--including Puerto Rico). Of 1991 total broadcast time, 43% was
national, 55% regional, and 2% was international. By 2000, national programming
(which includes original programming in Spanish for Hispanics as well as programming
dubbed from Anglo U.S. producers) had increased to 75 percent of the total day and 38
percent of prime time (a marked increased from zero percent in 1991, when prime time
was 100 percent regional). The regional proportion of prime time declined to 62 percent
2000, lower than preceding years. This reflects a growing strength of material produced
in the U.S. for Latino audiences. By 1991 and 2000, regional programs were also
becoming more diverse, imported from a broader range of Latin American producers,
whereas Mexico dominated much more in the early years of Hispanic television (RobinaBustos, 1995; Sinclair, 1999).
In Hispanic U.S. television programming (at least in Chicago), regional Mexican
and Latin American programming consistently dominated prime time, at least until 1991.
National (U.S.-produced) programs dominated total programming in 1972 but then
started to decline. Regional programming dominated total and prime time programming
in 1982 and 1991, but lost ground in 2000. International programs made a respectable
showing in both 1972 and 1982 prime time (14% & 15% respectively). However, by
1991, international programs were nonexistent on prime time. That year, the prime time
programs were all regional, declining to just under two thirds by 2000.
13
Overall, regional programming grew during prime time at the expense of national
and international programming until 1991, declining in 2000. Regional programs also
grew during total time at the expense of national programming to a greater extent and
international programming to a lesser extent. However, since 1991, with the proliferation
of both broadcast and cable television channels for Hispanics, there were some
indications that more "national" prime-time programming was being produced in the U.S.
in Spanish for Latinos. That is confirmed by our 2000 data.
Table 3 - National, U.S., Regional (Latin America) and other International Sources -Proportions of TELEVISION PRIME TIME in Hispanic US Market
YEAR
NATIONAL
1972
1982
1991
2000
2450
2180
2850
13490
%
USA
60.2
43.1
40.1
75.5
% REGIONAL
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1500
2670
4080
4380
%
36.9
52.8
57.4
24.5
INTERNATIONAL
120
210
180
0
%
UNKNOWN
2.9
4.2
2.5
0
%
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
(Note: There was no specific Hispanic-oriented station in Chicago in 1962, so no data
are given for 1962.)
Table 4 - National, U.S., Regional (Latin America) and other International Sources -Proportions of TOTAL TELEVISION TIME in Hispanic US Market
YEAR
NATIONAL
1972
1982
1991
2000
30
180
0
1440
%
USA
2.8
14.3
0
38.1
% REGIONAL
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
900
900
1260
2340
%
83.2
71.4
100
61.9
INTERNATIONAL
%
UNKNOWN %
150 14
180 14.3
0
0
0
0
Genres in Hispanic Television
In 1972, both in the total broadcast day and on prime time, the most important
regional genres were the variety show and the telenovela.. The dominant national
program was the documentary/information program. International programming was
marginal.
By 2000, in prime time the most important regional genres were telenovelas
(55%), movies and sports (Table 9, appendix). For total time, the dominant regional
genres were the evening and daytime telenovelas, sports and children's entertainment
(Table 10, appendix). The most important national genres in prime time in 2000 were
14
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
comedies and movies (dubbed from English), and news, talk, and variety (all produced in
Spanish).
In U.S. Hispanic television programming, regional telenovelas tended to
dominate prime time during the 1972-1991 time period, displaced somewhat by variety
shows in 2000. In the total broadcast day, the evening telenovelas remained strong,
while daytime telenovelas had declined and had been replaced by children's
entertainment programming as the second most important genre. However, while
daytime soaps had declined overall, they still were relatively prominent.
Venezuelan television production and program flows
Since the 1950s, Venezuelan TV was organized as a dual system in which private
commercial operations of two private national networks (Radio Caracas TV and
Venevision) coexist with a subsidized public broadcasting system. Given the erratic
support of the state to the public broadcasting system, television broadcasting in
Venezuela grew as a virtual duopoly of these private networks (Sinclair, 1999). RCTV
and Venevision grew by means of alliances with the political system enjoying a
deregulated and affluent environment while no competitors were allowed into the market
for almost 40 years (Pasquali, 1990). In the early years of television in Venezuela, RCTV
-pioneer private commercial TV- stood out as the leader of national programming
through the production of variety shows, comedy shows, other entertainment and soap
operas, followed by the public broadcasting. With the rise of a new commercial station
(Venevision) in 1961, broadcasting of foreign programming increased, mainly in the case
of US drama and action series.
However, it is important to note that at the beginning of the democratic period
(1958-1960) in Venezuela the country had become a center of renewed interest for
entertainment entrepreneurs in Latin America. Capital and talent form other regional
centers, such as Cuba and Mexico, arrived to Venezuela to join the thriving broadcasting
business during this period. Scripts and formats were bought and tested in Venezuela
before launching them in other Caribbean markets. This movement helped to create
expertise and a broader base for national production (Hernández Diaz, 1999). The
analysis reveals that by 1962 in Venezuela, total programming was mostly national (56.8
15
%) with an important participation of US programs (37.1 %), and small input from other
international (3.2 %) and regional markets (0.7%) (Table 5). The importance of US
productions during the prime time slot was somewhat higher (40 %); however, national
programming dominated more that half of prime time (53%) while international and
regional productions remained stable (Table 6).
The overall mix in origin of programming experienced some changes during the
following decades. From the 1970s onward, the total national production slightly
decreased opening some space for the steady rise of US and regional flows. In 1971,
total television programming was 40% national, 37.7% US, 14.1 % international, and
7.3% regional. Although the overall pattern showed a decline of national production this
year, national programs dominated prime time (51 %). In the following decades,
participation of national productions in the total programming of Venezuelan TV has not
recovered but it kept pre-eminence in prime time until 1980, when it peaked in 59%
(Table 6). This trend appears to be reverting in the year 2000. Some considerations
should be introduced on this point.
During the late 1980s and 1990s the Venezuelan broadcasting system underwent
significant changes, which included the liberalization of the market increasing
competition, the internationalization of the main national players, and the final
commercialization of the public broadcasting system (Hernandez Diaz, 1999; Mato,
1999). All these processes set conditions that favor the importance of regional and US
flows on national TV.
Between 1983 and 1988 the government liberalized VHF and UHF transmissions
and assigned 7 licenses to regional stations. In July 1988 Televen-Channel 10 started
operations becoming the four national network. The proliferation of channels and the
eventual advent of cable television in mid 1990s has considerably expanded and
diversified the television offer in Venezuela (Hernandez Diaz, 1999). Nowadays, the
country possesses 19 VHS television stations of which, 15 are regional and 4 are national.
These changes intensified competition for advertising revenue in times marked by an
acute economic crisis. In a fragmented market, RCTV and Venevision remained as
leading network but their shares have certainly decreased being constantly contested by
competition from other national and regional networks. In the wake of liberalization, the
16
four national networks has developed two very different strategies: internationalization
and concentration, and segmentation and reduction of production costs.
At the beginning of the 1990s, the Diego Cisneros Group (DCG), owners of
Venevision, decided to sold out major assets in other businesses an invest significant
resources in the telecommunication and broadcasting industry in the country and abroad.
This plans led the holding to acquire Televen and consolidate its participation on regional
media including Univision (USA), Chilevision (Chile) and DirecTV Latin America
among others. The acquisition of Televen meant a step forward in the DCG’s strategy of
market segmentation. The Phelphs Group, owner of RCTV, has confronted major
downturns in related businesses and now strives to maintain its market share by
broadcasting an adequate mix of national and regional programming, and through the
production of telenovelas and shows that can be sold in the regional market. By the end
of 1990s, Venevision and RCTV were the only channels producing national telenovelas
while Televen and the public broadcasting started to fill the slot with regional
productions. For the year 2000, regional flows account for the 9% of the total
programming and up to 15% in prime time TV (Table 6). It is important to point out that
close to 10% of the total of US flows corresponds to programs produced by the Hispanic
US network Univision. If these numbers are aggregated to the region, the participation of
the ‘cultural-linguistic’ market increases to 12.2% for the total of television time, and to
16.7% of the prime time.
Table 5 - National, U.S., Regional (Latin America) and other International Sources -Proportions of TELEVISION PRIME TIME in Venezuela
YEAR NATIONAL
1962
1971
1980
2000
6000
7629
9075
14220
%
56.8
40
44
42.2
REGIONAL
75
1395
1860
2850
%
USA
%
0.7
7.3
9
8.5
3922
7190
8600
14175
37.1
37.7
41.7
42.1
INTERNATIONAL
340
2680
630
2145
%
3.2
14.1
3.1
6.4
UNKNOWN
%
225
160
480
270
2.1
0.8
2.3
0.8
Table 6 - National, U.S., Regional (Latin America) and other International Sources -Proportions of TOTAL TELEVISION TIME in Venezuela
YEAR NATIONAL
1962
1971
1980
2000
1870
2600
2970
3120
%
53.2
51
59.3
47.1
REGIONAL
15
330
0
990
%
0.4
6.5
0
15
USA
1405
1990
1770
2100
17
%
40
39
35.4
31.7
INTERNATIONAL % UNKNOWN
105 3
150 2.9
195 3.9
240 3.6
120
30
70
180
%
3.4
0.6
1.4
2.7
Genres in Venezuelan Television
In 1962 national production in Venezuela was broad and thriving, comprising 21
genres of the 30 considered in the analysis. The most widely produced national genres
were variety shows, discussion and talks and sports. These were followed by music
segments, comedies and telenovelas. The range of programs also included documentaries
and information segments about different regions of the country and children and adult
education. USA flows were highly concentrated in action and drama series and comedies.
These programmes tended to hold a significant participation in prime time.
This trend reverted in 1971 when national variety shows, game shows and
telenovelas represented the genres most widely diffused in prime time. The offer of US
flows expanded to encompass feature films and movies that figure prominently with
drama can action series. Similar trends are found in 1980. An important aspect to point
out for this year is the higher participation of US films on prime time slots in comparison
with its decrease in the total programming (Table C of the Appendix).
The overall supply of genres in national production tended to decrease during the
four points in time. By 2000 national production was spread through 17 genres of which
talk shows, news and soap operas represent 31 % of the total programming. The
following general trend are observed on the evolution of the total of programming in
Venezuela: 1) a steady decrease of films, series and drama series; 2) growing importance
of genres nationally produced as telenovelas, talk shows and discussions; 3) expansion of
the news segments; 4) virtual disappearance of educational and cultural programs; and 5)
significant and stable participation of comedy and sports in the overall mix of programs.
Programming Strategy in Prime Time Television in Mexico, the Hispanic U.S. and
Venezuela
Overall, we found that by 2000, prime time programming strategy in the three markets
had become much more similar. If one compares the variety in 1972 of what were the
most widely used prime time program genres with that of 2000, there was much more
variation in 1972. By 2000, the same two genres, soap operas (telenovelas) and feature
films were the two most widely programmed forms of television in all three markets. Of
18
these two, telenovelas were by far the most widely used. In fact, the telenovelas genre
has come to represent what is most distinctive about Latino television for many observers
in both academia and the industry.
Films were much less heavily used but almost all are imported from the United
States, showing that imported U.S. material is not gone from prime time in the region.
Comedies were either the third or fourth most widely programmed in all three. Comedies
are partially produced in the region by Mexico and partially imported from the U.S.
Cartoons were the third most widely programmed in two of the three markets, Mexico
and Venezuela. Cartoons are imported either from the U.S. or Japan. They are a
relatively new element in the prime time programming strategy. Sports were either fifth
or sixth most widely used in all three. Sports were predominantly national or culturallinguistic regional, mostly soccer. Comedies and sports remained fairly stable in the
relative prominence in programming in prime time.
Things that declined notably from 1972 to 2000 were the proportion of films
(although they remained visible in prime time), action adventure series (which had been
typically U.S. imports), variety shows (either regional or national), and news. Talk
shows and game shows made a comeback in 2000. (They had been more prominent in
the 1960s and 1970s, but declined in the 1980s and 1990s.)
This indicates to us that a certain homogenization of strategy was now observable
in these three markets of the Latino geo-linguistic region in 2000.
Table 7 – Rank of top-six most widely programmed genres in prime time TV
Hispanic US
1972
2000
Venezuela
Mexico
1972
2000
2000
Soap opera
Films
2 Soap opera
Films & news
Action series Films
Films & Soap Soap operas
operas
Variety shows Films
3 Cultural
Comedy
Soap operas Cartoons
Comedy
Cartoons
4 Pop music
Variety
Comedy
Comedy
News
Comedy
Variety
Sports &
documentary
Drama series
Game shows
Action Series
Action series
Sports & Drama
5 Child
Sports/ Talks
enter./Docum.
6 Comedy
Game show
Game show
Soap operas
1971
1 Variety
19
Another question is whether the diversity of prime time programming in the three
countries has increased or decreased. In Mexico, diversity in prime time has decreased
somewhat 1962 to 2000, as programming in Mexico has come to resemble the rest of the
Latino cultural-linguistic region. Venezuela has actually become more diverse, even
though it also now more closely resembles the rest of the region in the prime time
programming mixture. The incorporation of new genres such as reality shows, cartoons
and mini-series has enhanced the supply of programming on prime time. However,
genres such as telenovelas and variety shows traditionally dominated by national
production are now mixed with regional production.
Prime time in the Hispanic U.S. was less diverse. In 1972, there were seven
genres represented. In 1991, there were five, dominated by regional telenovelas. Prime
time in the Hispanic U.S. has become more diverse in terms of the genres programmed
by 2000 with ten genres represented, including more national/local production (Table B
in Appendix). Still, it is less diverse in the number of genres in prime time that Mexico
or Venezuela. The Hispanic U.S. market is in some ways quite different from the other
two considered here. It is embedded in a multi-channel market place where most of its
audience (as is true of most of the U.S. audience overall) has either cable or satellite TV.
Therefore Hispanic U.S. television is logically somewhat more specialized, with some
genres like cartoons, that are prominent in Mexico missing from broadcast primetime,
spun off instead to specialty cable channels like Nickelodeon.
Conclusions
This study found that U.S. programming flows into some of the markets we
studied did not diminish as much from 1962 to 1992 as we might have expected
theoretically. This was particularly true in Mexico, where U.S. programming actually
rose slightly in prime time in the 1980s and 1990s. This is very different from several
other Latin American countries, such as Brazil, Chile and the Dominican Republic, where
U.S. programming declined in prime time while national production and regional/Latin
American cultural-linguistic imports went up (Straubhaar et al., 1992), so this may
already reflect an increasing cultural integration of Mexico into North America. At the
20
same time, the Latin American (including Mexico and Puerto Rico) proportion of U.S.
Hispanic prime time increased until 1992.
By 2000, both of these trends were changed. In Mexico, the amount of U.S.
programming in prime time and in the total day declined sharply from 1992 to 2000.
National programming increased correspondingly, while regional programming declined.
That probably has a great deal to do with the entrance of a new television network in
Mexico that succeeded in competition with Televisa by offering a different kind of
national production, still telenovelas, but with more social commentary, and more bite
(Hernandez, 2001). However, the unevenness of change over time in these data from
Mexico offer some support for the idea that, although Mexican cultural production
continues to be very popular in Mexico, the growing integration with the U.S. reflected in
the NAFTA agreements is also reflected in television programming as audiences became
more interested in U.S. culture as trade, immigration, and travel grew. Here we can see
evidence of a new kind of cultural proximity, going beyond language and cultural
tradition, which builds on trade ties between Mexico and the U.S., migration and family
ties across the border, increasingly common consumption items and patterns, and
geographic proximity to overcome to some degree language and cultural differences.
However, classic cultural proximity based precisely in language and cultural differences
continues in force, so that when more variety is offered to Mexican audiences within
national television production, the new programs do well in prime time.
The implications are interesting. U.S. programming has declined less in Mexico
than in some other parts of Latin America, such as Brazil and Venezuela. However,
intra-NAFTA and intra-Americas production and flow has grown. More from Mexico
(and Puerto Rico) flows into the Hispanic U.S., but also more is produced within the
Hispanic U.S. More Hispanic U.S. programming is exported elsewhere in Latin America,
such as talk, newscast segments and variety shows exported to Venezuela, for example.
Overall, this supports our argument that globalization is a complex phenomenon
that needs to be examined at four separate levels: a largely U.S. global layer, a strong
Latino cultural-linguistic market , continuing strong national-level production
(particularly by Mexico); and, in the case of U.S. Hispanics, a strong sub-national layer,
built upon language and cultural differences within the nation. Furthermore, these levels
21
og global television show specialization in terms of genre. The U.S. mostly exports
cartoons, films comedies, and, decreasingly, action adventure shows. The regional Latino
market production specializes in telenovelas, variety shows, comedies, talk shows, music,
and sports. The national producers create those genres and also game shows, quiz shows,
reality shows, information/infotainment shows, and news. The sub-national producers,
like the U.S. Hispanic networks, produce many of these same genres, emphasizing
variety, talk, news, and comedy.
The study does show that audiences continue to be interested in the cultural
production of the U.S., particularly when they live next door, as in Mexico’s ties to the
U.S. and American Hispanics’ ties to Mexico and other parts of Latin America. There
are new post-colonial forms of cultural proximity emerging, moving beyond the linguistic
and cultural boundaries that were frequently laid down by the European colonial
expansion from 1500 to 1945. These new cultural proximities can be based on trade,
migration, extended family ties, travel and geo-graphic proximity, as in NAFTA.
Schlesinger has been cautionary about the potential for this kind of development of
cultural markets in Europe, arguing that cultural and linguistic differences continue
strongly and tend to defeat projects like the European Community's proposed "Television
without Frontiers"
(Schlesinger, 1987).
This study also supports the idea that audiences are very interested in cultural
proximity within both cultural-linguistic areas (such as the Latin American cultural
markets) and within sub-national markets defined by language and culture (such as U.S.
Latinos). The details of the genre aspect of the study show that cultural proximity is a
particularly strong motive in certain genres of television programming. These
particularly include news, public affairs, and melodrama or soap opera, and, to lesser
degree, music.
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25
APPENDIX
Table A - Prime time in Mexican TV
PRIMETIME MEXICAN TV
1972
1962
1982
Total
% Total
90 2.3 1165
movies or feature films
630 16.2
750
action series
drama series
historical drama series
cartoons
other child entertainment
childrens education
mini-series
daytime soap opera
week evening soap opera
weekend soap
variety
quiz show
game show
news
discussion (talk)
music (popular)
music (traditional
music (classical)
comedy
sports
secondary/ adult education
religious
gov't/ elect
documentary/information
cultural
adult program
other
Total
510 13.1
90 2.3
60 1.5
120 3.1
0 0.0
1991
2000
%
Total
% Total
% Total
%
29.4
825 14.3 1500 23.6 1650 14.1
18.9
1125 19.5
1350 21.2
210
1.8
150
0
90
0
0
3.8
0.0
2.3
0.0
0.0
180
90
25
0
0
3.1
1.6
0.4
0.0
0.0
150
30
180
0
0
2.4
0.5
2.8
0.0
0.0
780
0
1050
0
0
6.7
0.0
9.0
0.0
0.0
0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0
0.0
0.0
30
0
0.8
0.0
0
0
0.0
0.0
120
3.1
575
14.5
0
360
60
120
265
0.0
9.3
1.5
3.1
6.8
0
270
0
210
170
0.0
6.8
0.0
5.3
4.3
0
390
50
75
420
0.0
6.8
0.9
1.3
7.3
0
180
0
0
450
0.0
2.8
0.0
0.0
7.1
0
540
60
600
450
0.0
4.6
0.5
5.1
3.8
240
180
105
90
210
180
0
0
0
330
90
0
0
6.2
4.6
2.7
2.3
5.4
4.6
0.0
0.0
0.0
8.5
2.3
0.0
0.0
0
30
120
0
420
0
0
0
0
10
0
0
0
0.0
0.8
3.0
0.0
10.6
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.3
0.0
0.0
0.0
60
135
0
60
360
495
30
0
60
180
180
0
0
1.0
2.3
0.0
1.0
6.3
8.6
0.5
0.0
1.0
3.1
3.1
0.0
0.0
60
90
0
0
600
390
0
0
60
90
30
0
0
0.9
1.4
0.0
0.0
9.4
6.1
0.0
0.0
0.9
1.4
0.5
0.0
0.0
120
60
0
0
870
810
0
0
0
810
150
0
840
1.0
0.5
0.0
0.0
7.4
6.9
0.0
0.0
0.0
6.9
1.3
0.0
7.2
3880 100
3960 100.0
26
1020 17.7
5760 100
1200 18.9
2700 23.1
6360 100 11700 100
Table B – Prime Time in Hispanic US TV
Primetime Hispanic U.S. TV
1972
1982
Total
movies or feature films
action series
drama series
historical drama series
cartoons
other child entertainment
childrens education
mini-series
daytime soap opera
week evening soap opera
weekend soap
variety
quiz show
game show
news
discussion (talk)
music (popular)
music (traditional
music (classical)
comedy
sports
secondary/ adult education
religious
gov't/ elect
documentary/information
cultural
adult program
other
Total
%
1991
Total
2000
0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0
Total %
0.0
360 9.5
0.0
0 0.0
0
0.0
0
0.0
0
0.0
0
0.0
0
0
60
0
0.0
0.0
5.6
0.0
0
0
0
0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0
0
0
0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0
0
0
0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
240 22.2
0
%
Total
0 0.0
60 4.8
720 57.1
0.0
0
0.0
420 38.9
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0
0
60
0
0.0
0.0
4.8
0.0
%
0 0.0
0 0.0
660 52.4
180 14.3
0
0
0
0
0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
300
0
60
360
7.9
0.0
1.6
9.5
120
0
0
0
330
120
0
0
0
0
0
0
30
3.2
0.0
0.0
0.0
8.7
3.2
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.8
0 0.0
120 11.1
0 0.0
0 0.0
30 2.8
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
60 5.6
150 13.9
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
60 4.8
0 0.0
0 0.0
240 19.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
120 9.5
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
30 2.4
330 26.2
0 0.0
60 4.8
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
0 0.0
1080 100
1260 100
1260 100
27
0 0.0
0 0.0
2100 55.6
3780 100
Table C – Prime time in Venezuelan TV
PRIMETIME VENEZUELAN TV 1962
Total
movies or feature films
action series
600
drama series
480
historical drama series
0
cartoons
60
other child entertainment
85
childrens education
0
mini-series
0
daytime soap opera
0
week evening soap opera
210
weekend soap
0
reality
0
variety
540
quiz show
30
game show
120
news
315
discussion (talk)
45
music (popular)
0
music (traditional
0
music (classical)
0
comedy
420
sports
165
secondary/ adult education
0
religious
25
gov't/ elect
45
documentary/information
165
cultural
0
adult program
0
other
210
Total
1971
% Total
0.0
930
17.1
360
13.7
270
0.0
0
1.7
0
2.4
0
0.0
0
0.0
0
0.0
0
6.0
930
0.0
0
0.0
0
15.4
755
0.9
0
3.4
435
9.0
460
1.3
75
0.0
0
0.0
0
0.0
0
11.9
585
4.7
105
0.0
0
0.7
0
1.3
15
4.7
120
0.0
30
0.0
0
6.0
30
3515 100.0
5100
28
1980
% Total
18.2
750
7.1
495
5.3
360
0.0
0
0.0
210
0.0
90
0.0
0
0.0
60
0.0
0
18.2
900
0.0
0
0.0
0
14.8
540
0.0
60
8.5
120
9.0
500
1.5
160
0.0
0
0.0
0
0.0
0
11.5
210
2.1
360
0.0
0
0.0
0
0.3
60
2.4
90
0.6
30
0.0
0
0.6
0
2000
% Total %
15.0
690 10.3
9.9
330 4.9
7.2
300 4.5
0.0
0 0.0
4.2
420 6.3
1.8
150 2.2
0.0
0 0.0
1.2
120 1.8
0.0
0 0.0
18.0 2370 35.4
0.0
0 0.0
0.0
180 2.7
10.8
300 4.5
1.2
90 1.3
2.4
180 2.7
10.0
270 4.0
3.2
210 3.1
0.0
60 0.9
0.0
0 0.0
0.0
0 0.0
4.2
390 5.8
7.2
300 4.5
0.0
0 0.0
0.0
0 0.0
1.2
60 0.9
1.8
60 0.9
0.6
90 1.3
0.0
0 0.0
0.0
120 1.8
100
100
4995
6690
100