Attitudes towards School Science: An Update. Jonathan Osborne, Stanford University. USA Shirley Simon, Institute of Education, London, UK Russell Tytler, Deakin University, Australia Objectives The aim of this paper will be to provide an update on recent research about attitudes of students towards school science. It will build on, and add to, the review conducted by the author and colleagues and published in 2003 (Osborne, Simon, & Collins, 2003). The importance of this topic is shown by the fact that this paper has been the most downloaded article on the IJSE website in 2007 (Treagust, personal communication, 2008). Since the publication of this article a number of important pieces of research have been published which provide some new insights into the nature of the problem in contemporary contexts and possible methods of addressing an issue which is of concern to all developed countries. Perspectives Attitudes towards school science has been a topic of enduring interest with three major reviews (Gardner, 1975; Osborne, et al., 2003; Schibeci, 1984) in the past four decades. The lack of student interest in STEM related careers is of rising concern amongst both scientists and industrialists who perceive it as a threat to the economic competitiveness both in the UK (HM Treasury, 2006), Europe (European Commission, 2004; National Academy of Sciences: Committee on Science Engineering and Public Policy, 2005; Tytler, et al., 2008). The focus of such report has, however, been principally on the supply of future scientists and not the demand. Some evidence here would suggest that the concern is more one of nationalistic hubris (Jagger, 2007) which has failed to recognise that contemporary societies are operating in a global market. Other evidence would suggest that even when examined locally i.e. the US, the nature of the shortage is questionable (Teitelbaum, 2007). Indeed, a now considerable body of evidence now exists that, by age 15, compared to other school subjects, science is failing to engage young people (Jenkins & Nelson, 2005; Lyons, 2006; Osborne & Collins, 2001; Sjøbeg & Schreiner, 2005). For instance, data collected by the Relevance of Science Education (ROSE) Project (Schreiner & Sjøberg, 2004), using a standard survey administered in over 20 countries, shows that the decline of student interest in school science is an international phenomenon with girls, in the overwhelming majority of countries, liking school science significantly less than their male counterparts. A significant finding of this study is that there is a 0.92 negative correlation between students’ responses to the question ‘I like school science more than other subjects’ and the UN index of Human Development (Sjøberg & Schreiner, 2005) suggesting that the phenomenon is deeply cultural and not unique to any one society – a product of youths’ values in advanced societies. A similar finding emerges from Ogura’s (Ogura, 2006) analysis of the 1999 TIMSS results of attainment and attitudes towards school science. Yet, student interest in science at age 10 has shown to be high and with little gender difference (Haworth, Dale, & Plomin, 2008; Murphy & Beggs, 2005; Pell & Jarvis, 2001). However, in the UK, a sharper decline would appear to begin in the final year of elementary school (Murphy & Beggs, 2005). Recent research would suggest that by the age of 14, for the majority of students interest in pursuing further study of science has largely been formed (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 2001; Lindahl, 2007; Tai, Qi Liu, Maltese, & Fan, 2006; The Royal Society, 2006). For instance, in a recent analysis of data collected for the US National Educational Longitudinal Study, Tai et al (2006) showed that by age 14 students with expectations of science-related careers were 3.4 times more likely to earn a physical science and engineering degree than students without similar expectations. This effect was even more pronounced for those who demonstrated high ability in mathematics – 51% being likely to undertake a Science, Technology, Engineering or Mathematics (STEM) related degree. Indeed Tai et al’s analysis shows that the average mathematics achiever at age 14 with a science-related career aspiration has a greater chance of achieving a physical science/engineering degree than a high mathematics achiever with a non-science career aspiration (34% compared to 19%). Further evidence that children’s life-world experiences prior to 14 are the major determinant of any decision to pursue the study of science comes from a survey by the Royal Society (2006) of 1141 SET practitioners’ reasons for pursuing scientific careers. It found that just over a quarter of respondents (28%) first started thinking about a career in STEM before the age of 11 and a further third (35%) between the ages of 12 -14. Likewise a small-scale longitudinal study conducted following 70 Swedish students from Grade 5 (age 12) to grade 9 (age 16) (Lindahl, 2007) found that their career aspirations and interest in science was largely formed by age 13. Lindahl concluded that engaging older children in science would become progressively harder. Similar results emerge from the work of Bandura et al. on student career trajectories (Bandura, et al., 2001). Other recent work conducted by Haste (Haste, 2004) and Schreiner (Schreiner, 2006) would suggest that contemporary youth should not be seen as a homogeneous entity, but that rather, there exist 4 or 5 independent personality types who are, or are not, attracted to science. For instance, both Haste and Schreiner identify a group of ‘techno-investors’ who are predominantly male and fascinated by technology. In contrast, they both find a group who are ‘alienated from science’ who are predominantly female. Such insights suggest that school science needs to offer a different vision of what a career in science might offer from its traditional narrow foci (Munro & Elsom, 2000). These findings also throw some light on the enduring problem of recruiting female students to the study of the physical science and engineering where, for many countries, the levels of participation remain below 30% (Directorate General Education and Culture, 2005). A significant review of nine common hypotheses to explain this phenomenon conducted by Blickenstaff (2005) offers some valuable insights. His review makes a strong case for the weakness of some e.g girls are less able or lack spatial reasoning and identifies areas of greater importance – e.g the nature of classroom pedagogy. Research evidence shows that it is indeed the quality of the educational experience provided by teachers - the learning and teaching methods used – which play a critical role in students’ success in and take up of STEM. Good quality teachers are more important than any other factor (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Barber, Mourshed, & McKinsey&Company, 2007; L. Darling-Hammond, 2007; Linda Darling-Hammond, 2007; Druva & Anderson, 1983; Haladyna, Olsen, & Shaughnessy, 1982; Haladyna & Shaughnessy, 1982; R.E. Myers & J.T Fouts, 1992; R.E. Myers & J.T. Fouts, 1992). A significant body of research evidence suggests that tailoring teaching style and pedagogies to suit students’ learning needs is an effective way to increase attainment levels and engagement. Hattie & Timperley (2007) found that interventions involving feedback are more effective than any other educational intervention, whilst Wiliams (2007) calculates that, for the achieved effect size, the cost of formative assessment is lower in comparison to any other educational intervention. To explain the attitudes of contemporary youth to school science, the analysis presented will pay particular attention to the notion of ‘identity’ and the insights it offers in how students make subject choices. Ever since the work of Goffman (1959), social life has been seen as a performance with agreed rules for behaviour in which every facet of individuals’ public choices and behaviour, such as language, actions, values and beliefs, are tacit symbols or codes of social identities. identity is both an embodied and a performed construction , that is both produced agentically by individuals and shaped by their specific structural locations (e.g. see Archer 2003; Archer & Francis 2006). Identities are understood, therefore, as discursively and contextually produced – and as profoundly relational. That is, a sense of self is constructed as much through a sense of what/who one is not, as much as through the sense of who/what one is (Said, 1978). Importantly as well, notions of identity are multifaceted and complex, being shaped in relation to intersecting axes of gender, ethnicity, social class, and so on, which can generate powerful notions of what is/not felt to be appropriate or normal for ‘people like me’ – which in turn can profoundly shape individuals’ educational choices and trajectories (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). A notable feature of contemporary society is also the growing range of interactive technologies and media that young people have access to. Schools, albeit important are simply another experience which compete with other information sources for their attention (Lankshear & Knobel, 2003). For many young people, the project in which they are engaged is the construction of a public identity through engaging in creative and autonomous self expression (Buckingham, 2000; Sefton-Green, 2007) – a feature which is missing from much of what might be termed the ‘deep grammar’ of school science education. This post-structuralist perspective is innovative in foregrounding the pupil voice and recognising its significance. Another enduring problem that has bedeviled the field, and which will be explored in this paper, is the construction of instruments for measuring attitudes towards science. The major concern is the lack of construct validity reflected in questionnaires which have not been rigorously tested using factor analysis and the failure to resolve and identify the separate dimensions that are being measured. More recent work on this topic (Barmby, Kind, & Jones, 2008; Blalock, et al., 2008) would now suggest that some of these problems have been addressed and that the field has advanced. Methods and Mode of Inquiry This paper will draw on three pieces of work which have been conducted in the past year. First, a major review of the literature conducted for the Australian government by Tytler et al. (2008). This team conducted a systematic search of the available literature using specific keywords to identify 2296 relevant and salient articles which formed the basis of their review. Second, it will draw on a chapter being written by two of the authors for the Second International Handbook of Science Education to be published in 2009 and a chapter by two of the authors for the 2 nd edition of the book ‘Good practice in science teaching: What research has to say’ to be published by the Open University Press. Results & Conclusions The goal of the paper will be to assess the relative importance that can be assigned to the many factors that have been identified as being formative on students’ attitudes to science by drawing on a large evidence base that now exists. In addition, it will develop some new insights around the concept of identity and how science education might respond and appeal to a wider cross-section of contemporary youth. Educational Importance of this study. Young people’s response to science is a central focus of policy makers and has been the subject of two recent reports in Europe (Osborne & Dillon, 2008; Rocard, et al., 2007). For instance, the European Round Table of Industrialists are holding a one day conference in October 2008 on the theme of ‘Inspiring the Next Generation’ where the keynote speaker is the President of the European Union, José Manuel Barroso, with a specific focus on STEM subjects. Likewise, the French have organised a special two day conference on ‘Science Learning in the Europe of Knowledge’ also in October 2008 as one of the priority themes of their Presidency of the European Union. The principal author has been invited to both of these and additional insights and data gathered there will contribute to this paper. 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