Am I Racist: Exploring
Unconscious Biases and
Prejudices among Fairfield
University Students
A report by:
Rachael V. Harriman '08
Stephanie E. Chavarro '08
Fairfield University 1073 North Benson Road Fairfield, CT 06824 www.fairfield.edu
Acknowledgments:
First, we would like to thank Dr. Betsy Gardner, our advisor on the project, for her valuable
assistance, support, and advice.
We would also like to thank the Brinkman Student Diversity Grant Advisory Committee for all
of their help along the way.
Thank you very much to Joe Ginise, the FYE leaders, and Dr. Renee White for allowing us to
come into your classes and conduct our activity with your students.
And finally, thank you to the entire Brinkman Student Diversity Grant team and everyone
involved in sponsoring and funding the project for giving us this wonderful opportunity.
Am I Racist
Introduction
The idea for this project stemmed from a recognition of the fact that racial/ethnic biases and
discrimination are widespread on Fairfield University’s campus, but ironically, very few
students are willing to admit that they might be racist or that they use certain racial
1
stereotypes to evaluate and judge members of other groups. It is a common occurrence to
hear phrases such as “I don’t mean to sound racist, but…” or “I'm not racist or anything, but
Black/Hispanic/Asian people are so…”. Racial and ethnic jokes that perpetuate ignorant
stereotypes of different groups are rampant; almost every student on this campus has
undoubtedly told, heard, or laughed at a racist joke during his or her time at Fairfield.
Most students have misconceptions about the true nature of racism, and they tend to define
racial bias and racial discrimination in very narrow ways that only encompass the most blatant
and obvious forms of such attitudes and behaviors. Whereas overt expressions of racial
prejudice were once the norm in our society, racism has now become so politically incorrect
and socially unacceptable that openly discriminating against or expressing hatred toward
members of racial/ethnic minority groups is widely discouraged and frowned upon. However,
racial stereotypes and biases have hardly disappeared; they have simply taken on a different
form that is much more subtle and covert, but just as pernicious and destructive, serving to
undermine the principles of equality and egalitarianism that our society is purportedly founded
upon, as well as relegate racial and ethnic minorities to a marginalized and disadvantaged
position in our society.
Nowadays, no one wants to address issues of racism or consider the fact that they
themselves might be racist, but the fact remains that many minority groups are still treated in
ways which reflect the innumerable racial/ethnic stereotypes that are prominent in our society.
Unfortunately, these racist views are usually so culturally ingrained and beyond conscious
thought that it is extremely easy for people to ignore them and continue to believe that they
are completely free from any racial biases or prejudices. The downside to living in a culture
that outwardly condemns racism, and in which expressions of racism tend be very covert and
unnoticeable, is that people are motivated to rationalize and justify their racist thoughts and
behaviors without examining the root causes of them or working to eradicate and change
them. When racism can be so easily disregarded and overlooked, it makes it all the more
difficult to directly address the problem of racism in our society or encourage people to
examine and alter their racist views. People cannot attempt to free themselves from racial
biases and stereotypes when they are not even aware that they have them, or when they
cannot admit to themselves that their treatment of racial/ethnic minorities is colored by
ignorant and unfounded racial prejudices.
Literature Review
The decline in obvious and direct displays of racism over the past few decades has led to the
misguided notion that White Americans have largely overcome their racist beliefs and
attitudes. The Civil Rights Act and other forms of legislation, as well as changing social norms
and values, have made many forms of overt discrimination not only immoral but also illegal,
which has led
Am I Racist
2
to a pronounced decline in their occurrence in recent years. The results of a number of
surveys measuring attitudes toward African Americans have highlighted a “dramatic shift
toward more egalitarian and less racist views over the last fifty years” (Spencer & Wolfe,
1996). However, this data does not by any means herald the end of racism in American
society. Many researchers feel that the majority of Americans who report positive or
egalitarian feelings toward African Americans may still harbor ambivalent or negative attitudes
that are masked by their outward declarations of support and acceptance. Survey research
reported by Dovidio and Gaertner (1991) has shown that although Whites claim to promote
equal treatment for all races, they demonstrate opposition to specific policies intended to
achieve racial equality, including affirmative action programs and government intervention in
school integration. These results indicate that while many Whites endorse equal rights and
fairness in theory, they are not as supportive of actual measures intended to achieve these
goals.
According to Brown (1995), there are three main characteristics of Whites’ present-day
attitudes toward African Americans. The first is that the majority of Whites, no matter what
their political orientation, do not approve of traditional forms of blatant or overt discrimination.
Secondly, Whites tend to use non-racial factors and explanations to justify any behaviors that
could be perceived as racist or which result in unequal outcomes for African Americans.
Lastly, many Whites harbor feelings of ambivalence toward African Americans, which are
compounded by American notions of individualism and meritocracy that cause Whites to
blame the disadvantages of African Americans on the flaws or shortcomings of individual
members of that race, rather than on larger societal or structural forces.
The persistent patterns of subtle bias that have been demonstrated in numerous studies on
race raise important questions about how expressions of racial prejudice have changed over
time, the extent to which racism continues to play a role in today’s society, the various ways in
which racial biases are manifested, and the consequences of modern forms of racism for both
Whites and African Americans. The theory of aversive racism offers answers to many of these
questions, providing an overview of the contemporary, indirect forms of prejudice that pervade
modern-day society and which, despite their subtlety, have significant effects on the lives of
many minorities. Aversive racism theory was first proposed by Kovel in 1970, but was
subsequently expanded upon and extensively researched by Dovidio and Gaertner. Dovidio
and Gaertner (1973) describe aversive racism as a subtle type of bias which takes on a much
different form than the blatant, old-fashioned type of racism that was so common before the
Civil Rights movement. Aversive racists view themselves as non-prejudiced, support racial
equality in principle, and claim to sympathize with the victims of past discrimination. Despite
these egalitarian self-images, aversive racists also possess negative racial feelings and
beliefs that they are largely unaware of, but which become apparent during their day-to-day
interactions with African Americans.
Dovidio and Gaertner view aversive racism as a result of normal cognitive and cultural
processes that are experienced by almost everyone in American society. People have an
innate tendency to place others into clearly delineated categories that separate and
distinguish one’s own group from other groups, and this classification process can easily lead
to negative evaluations of the out-group that contribute to the formation of racial prejudices.
People also
Am I Racist
3
tend to adopt the dominant stereotypes of their culture, as well as the justifications for racial
hierarchies that maintain inequalities and disparities between different races. However, in
addition to these stereotypes and racial biases, many Americans are also presented with
cultural values concerning racial equality, which can ultimately lead to a conscious, explicit
endorsement of egalitarian principles paired with unconscious negative perceptions of African
Americans. This complex set of attitudes is the main feature of aversive racism, and it leads
to a distinctive pattern of discriminatory behavior.
Since aversive racists harbor unconscious feelings of uneasiness toward African Americans,
they do their best to avoid interracial interactions, and experience anxiety or discomfort when
these interactions are unavoidable. Part of their anxiety stems from a concern about doing or
saying something that would make them appear to be prejudiced, so they are very conscious
about treating African Americans in ways that cannot be construed as reflecting any kind of
racial bias. However, their prejudices will manifest themselves in subtle ways that they are
unaware of or can rationalize in non-racial terms. The “aversive” in aversive racism refers to
two different kinds of aversion: aversive racists view interracial interactions as aversive and
try to avoid them as a result of their deeply ingrained biases, but they also find the idea that
they might be racist to be aversive as well, since they believe that they are non-prejudiced
and support egalitarian ideals (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2005).
Despite their attempts to act in a non-discriminatory manner, the unconscious biases and
prejudices of aversive racists can still be expressed in subtle, covert ways that may not be
initially apparent. Aversive racists do not discriminate in every situation that involves an
interracial interaction; certain conditions must be present in order for their negative racial
feelings to be expressed. In situations where social norms and appropriate behavior are clear,
and discrimination would be obvious, aversive racists will not treat Whites and African
Americans unequally. However, in more ambiguous situations that are not guided by clear
norms and in which the right thing to do is less evident, discrimination will be manifested in
“indirect and rationalizable ways” (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2005). In other words, aversive racists
will only discriminate when they can justify their behavior on the basis of factors other than
race. In this way, they can maintain their non-prejudiced self-images and continue to believe
that they treat members of all races fairly. Nevertheless, even though they are unaware of it,
the behaviors that aversive racists engage in can have potentially harmful and debilitating
effects on African Americans.
An extensive collection of empirical research has been conducted on aversive racism and the
many ways it can be demonstrated in everyday interactions. An early study conducted by
Dovidio and Gaertner (1977) was inspired by the Kitty Genovese case, in which a woman was
stabbed to death in front of numerous witnesses, none of whom intervened to help.
Psychologists explained this behavior by claiming that when there are multiple witnesses to
an incident in which someone is in peril, each individual person feels a diminished sense of
responsibility and is therefore less likely to intervene than if they were the only bystander and
carried the sole responsibility of helping. Dovidio and Gaertner created a laboratory
experiment which aimed to determine if race would play a role in the occurrence of the
bystander effect during an emergency intervention situation.
Am I Racist
4
In the experiment, White participants witnessed a staged emergency that involved either a
White or an African American victim. Some of the participants were led to believe that they
would be the only witness to the scene, while other participants were led to believe that there
would be other White witnesses. The results showed that when White participants believed
that they were the only witness, they helped both Whites and African Americans about 85% of
the time, showing no overt racial bias (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1977). However, when they
believed that there were other witnesses, they helped White victims 75% of the time while
only helping African American victims 37.7% of the time (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1977). In this
case, they could rationalize their discriminatory behavior on the basis of a factor other than
race, which was the belief that the other witnesses would get involved and take responsibility
for helping. The results of this study are fairly alarming, since real-life situations in which
Whites fail to provide assistance to African Americans as often as Whites could potentially
have very serious effects on people’s lives.
Another way in which African Americans are often discriminated against is through hiring
practices, and it is very likely that aversive racism is one of the factors contributing to the
persistent and widening gap between the economic statuses of Whites and African
Americans. In a study by Dovidio and Gaertner (2000), White college students were
presented with excerpts from an interview and asked to evaluate African American and White
applicants for a position as a peer counselor at their university. The various candidates were
classified as either strongly, moderately, or weakly qualified for the job. When candidates
were either strongly qualified or weakly qualified, there was no discrimination against African
American candidates relative to White candidates. In this case, the choice of whether or not to
select a particular candidate was clear, and choosing White candidates more often than
African American candidates would have been a blatant display of racial bias. However, when
the candidates were moderately qualified, and therefore the decision of whether or not to hire
them was more ambiguous, White participants recommended the White candidates 76% of
the time while only recommending the African American candidates 45% of the time (Dovidio
& Gaertner, 2000). In this situation, the participants could attribute their decisions to factors
other than race, and thereby avoid having to acknowledge their deep-seated racial prejudices.
In addition to employment, African Americans are frequently discriminated against when it
comes to college admissions decisions. In a study by Dovidio, Gaertner, Hodson, and
Kawakami (2002), participants were presented with college applicants who had either
consistent qualifications (strong SAT scores and strong high school performance, or weak
SAT scores and weak high school performance) or mixed qualifications (strong SAT scores
and weak high school performance, or weak SAT scores and strong high school
performance). The results showed that discrimination against African Americans relative to
Whites did not occur when the applicants’ credentials were consistently strong or consistently
weak. However, when the applicants’ credentials were mixed, and therefore ambiguous and
harder to evaluate, discrimination against African American applicants did occur. When
African American applicants had high SAT scores and weak high school achievement, the
participants tended to weigh SAT scores as low in importance and high school achievement
as high in importance, and when the African Americans had low SAT scores and strong high
school achievement, the participants tended to weigh high school achievement as low in
importance and SAT scores as high as
Am I Racist
5
importance. In other words, the participants weighed application criteria in ways that
“systematically justified or rationalized discrimination against African Americans” (Dovidio,
Gaertner, Hodson, & Kawakami, 2002).
Other research on aversive racism has focused on how it relates to resistance to affirmative
action. Studies have demonstrated that although Whites may support affirmative action in
principle, they often oppose the implementation of specific affirmative action policies. One
study (Dietz-Uhler, Dovidio, Drout, Gaertner, & Murrell, 1994) assessed attitudes toward
affirmative action as a function of the targeted group (African American, handicapped, or
elderly persons), and the way the policy was framed (with or without social justification). The
results found that policies directed at benefiting African Americans were resisted more
strongly than policies for physically handicapped or elderly persons. The type of justification
also had an effect on the level of support for the policy. When policy descriptions were
justified on a macro-level (remedying past discrimination or increasing cultural diversity), they
received stronger support than policies that were justified on a micro-level (preferential
treatment or reverse discrimination).
All of this research demonstrates the profound effects that even subtle, unconscious forms of
racism can have on African Americans; it can restrict their educational and economic
opportunities, impede the implementation of affirmative action policies, and cause them to be
denied assistance from Whites when they are in trouble. Aversive racism has many other
consequences as well, one of which is attributional ambiguity. Because so many White people
discriminate subtly against African Americans in their daily interactions with them, African
Americans are often left wondering whether or not the ways in which they were treated or
evaluated by Whites were fair or were the result of racial prejudice. Research indicates that
“African Americans receive lower grades than Whites at all levels of schooling" (Spencer &
Wolfe, 1996), and one explanation for this underachievement is that negative stereotypes,
such as the belief that African Americans are lazy or less intelligent than Whites, undermine
African Americans’ school performance and discourage them from trying to succeed. When
African Americans are consistently discriminated against or treated unfairly by Whites, in
ways that are obvious to them but unobvious to Whites, they begin to believe that every
evaluation of them that is made by a White person is influenced by racial stereotypes, and
they may begin to live up to these stereotypes in a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy.
Clearly, aversive racism is a pervasive problem in today’s society, and has many negative
consequences for its victims. Diminishing aversive racism is a worthy goal to undertake, but
the task is certainly not an easy one. One method that has been suggested and tested
through research is to educate people about aversive racism and encourage them to examine
their own behavior and unconscious biases. Ford, Grossman, and Jordan (1997) used a case
study technique in an introductory psychology course in order to teach students about the
nature of aversive racism and the subtle ways it can manifest itself in everyday life. Students
were presented with a case study describing a White professor’s behavior toward an African
American student named Tim, who frequently missed class, did not do well on assignments,
and did not take advantage of the professor’s offers of help. Students were asked to discuss
possible reasons for Tim’s behavior and how they would have dealt with the situation if they
were the professor. Students then learned that Tim had failed the class and that the professor
Am I Racist
6
had attributed Tim’s failure to a lack of academic skills and motivation. However, Tim enrolled
in the professor’s course again and earned an A the second time. When the professor asked
Tim what had changed, Tim told the professor that he now owned a car and was therefore
able to come to class; before, he had often missed classes because White bus drivers would
not stop for him. The professor then concluded that he had acted in a racist manner because
his conclusions about Tim’s poor performance had been premature and unfounded, and he
had failed to consider the possible obstacles that Tim could be facing as an African American.
Students had conflicting views about whether or not the professor’s actions were indicative of
racial bias. Some students believed that the professor was not racist because he had treated
Tim the same way he would have treated any other student, but others felt that the
professor’s color-blind perspective was exactly what made him racist, and that the professor
should have taken into consideration the fact that Tim might be facing unique circumstances
or barriers because of his race. Some students also thought that the professor’s actions
should not be considered racist because he did not deliberately discriminate against Tim,
while other students felt that the professor’s thoughts and behavior, although not intentionally
biased, still served to discriminate against Tim and were therefore racist. After this activity, the
students were presented with a lecture on aversive racism, and were also introduced to the
racist implications of the fundamental attribution error; Whites are more likely to attribute the
behavior of African Americans to “internal characteristics and personality traits rather than
external or situational factors” (thus committing the fundamental attribution error) than they
are for Whites (Ford, Grossman, & Jordon, 1997).
After the lecture, students were better able to understand how the professor’s unconscious
racial biases and stereotypes had influenced his perceptions of the situation with Tim and the
way in which he handled it. Many students admitted that they had also committed the
fundamental attribution error by attributing Tim’s behavior to characteristics such as laziness,
shyness, or irresponsibility. The researchers concluded that teaching about unintentional
racism can help make people aware of how their own behaviors and thought processes may
be serving to subtly discriminate against minorities. If people realize that racial prejudice is not
always overt or blatant, and that it can often be the product of normal cognitive processes that
are outside of one’s conscious awareness, they may be more willing to examine their own
unconscious biases and attempt to change their attitudes and behaviors.
Methods
The intention of our project was to explore attitudes toward racism among students at Fairfield
University and encourage students to reflect on their own racial prejudices that they may not
even be aware of. We wanted students to realize that racial biases and discrimination are
oftentimes very subtle or even unrecognizable, which makes it easy to believe that racism is
no longer a problem in today’s society and allows students to perceive themselves as nonracist and egalitarian. However, despite the fact that racism today is much less obvious than it
has been in the past, it is a safe assumption that the majority of the students on this campus
possess at least some racial/ethnic biases and stereotypes that are deeply ingrained and
most likely outside of their conscious awareness.
Am I Racist 7
We conducted an educational activity with students that was designed to stimulate selfreflection and an increased understanding of the challenges and obstacles that so many
minorities face in their everyday lives. Our participants included four Freshmen Year
Experience (FYE) classes, with a total of 45 students, and one section of Dr. Renee White's
Race, Gender, and Ethnic Relations course, with a total of 24 students. The participants were
presented with a modified version of the aforementioned case study about the African
American student named Tim (Ford, Grossman, & Jordan, 1997), who is subtly discriminated
against by his professor and treated according to the professor’s unconscious and deeply
rooted stereotypes about African Americans. The story is told from the professor’s point of
view and is broken up into three segments; after each segment, the participants were asked
to write down their answers to a few reflection questions which encouraged them to put
themselves in the shoes of both Tim and his professor. The question we were most interested
in was the question that asked the students to indicate whether or not they thought that Tim's
professor had behaved in a racist manner. Students' responses to this question were coded
on a scale from – 4 to 4, with a score of – 4 indicating that they strongly disagreed that the
professor was racist, and a score of 4 indicating that they strongly agreed that the professor
was racist.
We also administered the Modern Racism Scale (McConahay, 1986), which is a seven-item
survey that consists of various statements about African Americans, and the students were
asked to indicate the degree to which they agreed or disagreed with each statement on the
survey by choosing a number on a scale from – 4 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree).
Students' responses on each of the seven items were averaged together to give them an
overall score. Since the statements on the survey were all derogatory and portrayed African
Americans in a negative light, a lower number (meaning that the students generally disagreed
with the statements) indicated a low racial bias, while a higher number (meaning that the
students generally agreed with the statements) indicated a high racial bias.
After completing both the Tim story and the survey, participants were given handouts which
explained social psychological concepts that are relevant to Tim’s story, including aversive
racism, the fundamental attribution error, and institutionalized racism. We assessed the
activity’s effect on our participants by administering the survey to some of the students before
the activity and to other students after the activity. By comparing the responses of the
students who took the survey before reading the story and those who took the survey after
reading the story, we were able to determine whether or not the activity had a positive effect
on students' attitudes toward African Americans.
Am I Racist
Results
Figure 1: Mean scores on the Modern Racism Scale for students who completed the
Tim story first compared with students who completed the Tim story second
Unpaired t-test for Score
Grouping Variable: Story 1st/2nd
Hypothesized Difference = 0
Mean Dif f .
DF
t-Value
1st, 2nd
-1.173
65
-3.132
Group Info for Score
Grouping Variable: Story 1st/2nd
Count
Mean
Variance
P-Value
.0026
Std. Dev.
Std. Err
1st
46
-2.432
1.294
1.137
.168
2nd
21
-1.259
3.665
1.914
.418
0
ore
-.5
8
As Figure 1 shows, the students who did the Tim story activity before completing the Modern
Racism Scale had a mean score of – 2.43 on the scale, while the students who did the Tim
story activity after completing the Modern Racism Scale had a mean score of – 1.26 on the
scale. These results indicate that the students who read Tim's story prior to completing the
survey were more inclined to disagree with the racist statements on the survey than those
who did not read Tim's story until after they completed the survey. Therefore, the story had a
positive effect on racial attitudes.
Am I Racist 9
Figure 2: Extent of agreement with the question “Do you agree with the professor's
conclusion that he is racist?” for students who completed the Tim story first compared
with students who completed the Tim story second
0
Cell Mean for Is prof racist?
-.2
-.4
-.6
-.8
-1
-1.2
-1.4
-1.6
-1.8
-2
1st
2nd
Unpaired t-test for Is prof racist?
Grouping Variable: Story 1st/2nd
Hypothesized Difference = 0
Mean Dif f .
DF
t-Value
1st, 2nd
1.909
66
2.481
P-Value
.0156
As Figure 2 shows, the students who did the Tim story activity before completing the Modern
Racism Scale had a mean score of 0.00 in response to the question asking them if they
thought Tim's professor was racist, while the students who did the Tim story activity after
completing the Modern Racism Scale had a mean score of – 1.91 in response to that
question. These results indicate that the students who read Tim's story prior to completing the
survey were more likely to agree that the professor was racist in comparison to those who did
not read Tim's story until after they completed the survey. This may be because the
derogatory statements in the survey primed students to view African Americans more
negatively.
Am I Racist 10
Discussion and Recommendations
Our results demonstrate that students who complete the Tim story activity show significantly
less negativity in their attitudes toward African Americans than those who have not
participated in the activity. Therefore, we believe that by promoting racial awareness and
familiarity with the concept of aversive, or subtle, racism, this type of activity can make racism
more meaningful to students and encourage them to examine their own thoughts and feelings
about race and racial prejudice. Because of this potential, we believe that the Tim story or a
similar activity should be used as a tool to foster increased racial understanding and selfreflection among the Fairfield University community. The activity should be incorporated into
FYE classes or a freshman orientation activity or retreat devoted to diversity. It could also be
used in diversity-related floor programs within the dorms or in a classroom setting for a course
that focuses on racial issues. New diversity classes should be implemented and strongly
promoted within the university's curriculum, and more extracurricular programs that
encourage discussion about the topic of race should be initiated.
Fairfield University encourages its students to be committed to social justice and caring for
other people. The Jesuit ideals that this school is founded upon emphasize human rights,
dignity, and respect for all people, as well as a commitment toward helping and improving the
lives of subjugated, marginalized, and disadvantaged groups. We believe that the reduction of
racial biases and an increase in attitudes of tolerance and egalitarianism among Fairfield
University students is an important step toward achieving these aforementioned goals and
promoting an environment of humanity, compassion, and acceptance that celebrates diversity
and allows members of all racial and ethnic groups to learn and grow from their experiences
with one another.
By emphasizing the Jesuit principle of “cura personalis”, or care for the whole person,
Fairfield University has made a commitment to fostering not only the academic development
of its students, but also their personal, moral, and spiritual development. In regard to issues of
racial prejudice and intolerance, it is not enough to simply teach students about such
problems in a way that makes them seem far removed and irrelevant from the students’ own
lives; we want students to internalize ideals of equality and acceptance and strive to make a
personal contribution toward bettering the lives of other people, including racial/ethnic
minorities. Students must be encouraged to put themselves in the shoes of people who are
discriminated against and hindered as a result of their race in order to better understand the
challenges and obstacles that such groups face in their everyday lives. Self-reflection, social
awareness, and empathy are critical tools that must be cultivated and developed in each and
every student on this campus, and we hope that our project has served as one of many future
steps that will bring us closer to achieving this goal.
References
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racism
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