Chapter 23: Major Themes in Historic Context
1. Roots of the Revolution: in the graphic organizer below, compare and contrast
the roots and results of the revolutions in Latin America to the one in British
America. Provide examples to support your arguments.
LATIN AMERICA
BRITISH AMERICA
(The U.S.)
Examples in support of your arguments (in complete sentences):
2. Sort the following racial ethnic groups according to their status in the colonial
societies of Spanish America on the eve of Latin American revolts for
independence: (*There were numerous exceptions to the generalized social order
you will come up with).
Zambos (mixed Indian and African); Mulattoes (mixed European and African);
Mestizos (mixed European and Indian); Peninsulares (European born nobility and
colonial officials); Creoles (white Europeans born in the colonies; African blacks,
Amerindians.
3. Most revolutions in Latin America pinned the defenders of the old order
(conservatives) with upper and middle class liberals. In the columns below,
provide viewpoints each side had on the issues listed.
Positions on
Issues:
Mostly came from
what social class?
In favor of what
system of
government?
Role of the Church
in the society:
Attitude toward
slavery and slave
trade:
Individual rights
under the law:
Power of the
military after
independence:
Liberals: (“Patriots” in Latin
America)
Conservatives: (in Latin
America)
4. Read two primary sources below and answer questions related to them. After that,
provide examples of obvious contradictions and/or exceptions from the
viewpoints expressed in the table above.
Example: Even though many leaders of the revolutions in Latin America were in
favor of protecting individual rights under the law, many of them did not object to
slavery.

Simin Bolívar’s speech to the Congress of Angostura (Colombia),
delivered on February 15, 1819.
Although those people [North Americans], so lacking in many respects, are
unique in the history of mankind, it is a marvel, I repeat, that so weak and
complicated a government as the federal system has managed to govern them
in the difficult and trying circumstances of their past. But, regardless of the
effectiveness of this form of government with respect to North America, I must
say that it has never for a moment entered my mind to compare the position
and character of two states as dissimilar as the English-American and the
Spanish-American. Would it not be most difficult to apply to Spain the English
system of political, civil, and religious liberty: Hence, it would be even more
difficult to adapt to Venezuela the laws of North America.
1). What is Bolivar’s attitude toward North American system of government?
2). Why do you think Bolivar does not think that North American system of
government will work in the newly independent Spanish American
colonies? How did his social status and his knowledge of Latin American
society influence Bolivar’s viewpoint?
Nothing in our fundamental laws would have to be altered were we to adopt a
legislative power similar to that held by the British Parliament. Like the North
Americans, we have divided national representation into two chambers: that of
Representatives and the Senate. The first is very wisely constituted. It enjoys all
its proper functions, and it requires no essential revision, because the
Constitution, in creating it, gave it the form and powers which the people
deemed necessary in order that they might be legally and properly represented.
If the Senate were hereditary rather than elective, it would, in my opinion, be
the basis, the tie, the very soul of our republic. .
1). What is Simon Bolivar’s opinion about legislative structure and membership in
the government?
2). Why do you think he is in favor of “hereditary rather than elective” legislature?
5. On the map (see next page) indicate (create a key):
a). Countries in Latin America where independence was declared by monarchs
b). Outline countries in Latin America that were suppose to be one nation under
Simon Bolivar’s plan.
c). Mark countries of Latin America that faced foreign invasions and/or regional
wars.
6. All newly independent countries of Western Hemisphere encountered a number of
centripetal and centrifugal forces during their early history. Centripetal force means
“moving or directed toward a center or axis”, and, in historical context it means “Tending
or directed toward centralization.” Example: the centripetal effects of a homogeneous
population. Centrifugal force means “moving or directed away from a center or axis”
or, in historical context “tending or directed away from centralization, as of authority.” .1
On the next page, indicate major centripetal and centrifugal forces faced by nations of the
Western Hemisphere in the nineteenth century. Provide examples and explanations.
1
http://dictionary.reference.com/search?r=2&q=centripetal
CENTRIPETAL FORCES:
Examples and Explanations:
CENTRIFUGAL FORCES:
Examples and Explanations:
PRIMARY SOURCE:
F. Hassaurek: How to Conduct a Latin-American Revolution, 1865
A Latin-American revolution, to be successful, must originate with, or be
supported by, the soldiery. The conspirators begin with bribing a portion of the garrison
of an important post. Military barracks will never be attacked without a previous secret
understanding with some of the officers and men who are in charge of the post. In the
negotiations for such purposes the ladies take a most active part. They are passionate
politicians, and very energetic secret agents. They carry letters and despatches, excite
discontent, conceal political refugees, and facilitate their escape and keep banished
friends posted as to the state of affairs at home. During my residence in Ecuador, several
of these female agitators were banished from the country by President Garcia Moreno.
They went, hurling defiance into his teeth. He could imprison or shoot the men, who
trembled before him, but he could not break the spirit of the women.
The moment a revolutionary party has secured a foothold somewhere, they resort
to the customary mode of Latin-American warfare. Its principal features are forcible
impressments, and forced loans and contributions, in addition to which they seize all the
horses, mules, cattle, provisions, Indians, and other property they can lay hands on. The
Government does the same. There is no legal or equitable system of conscription or draft.
By common consent, "gentlemen," (that is to say, white men of good families) are
exempt from it; but the poor, the half- or cross-breeds, the journeymen, mechanics, and
farm laborers, are seized and impressed wherever found, and without reference to age,
condition, disability, or the time they may have served already. The appearance of the
recruiting officers on the street always creates a panic among those liable to be
"recruited." It is a pitiful spectacle to see those poor fellows run away in all directions,
wildly chased by the officers and their men. Compulsory service in the army is a calamity
greatly dreaded by the populace, and from which they will try to escape in a thousand
different ways. They will flee to the mountains, and hide themselves in forests or deserts;
they will take refuge in churches or convents, or in the houses of foreign representatives
or residents, and they will not show themselves on the streets or public highways until the
danger is over. When they are near enough to the frontier, they will leave the country to
avoid impressment. In Peru alone there are over ten thousand Ecuadorians who left their
own country to avoid impressment.
Ecuadorian soldiers are but poorly clad and poorly paid. Many of them have to go
barefoot. When their services are no longer required, they are discharged without the
means to return to their homes. Under these circumstances, it cannot appear strange that
such soldiers should revenge themselves on society whenever an opportunity offers.
When marching from one place to another, they will take from the poor people living
along the public highways whatever they can find. Hence, when it becomes know that a
regiment or company of soldiers will march through a certain district, the people living
along the road, even in times of profound peace, will hide their valuables, drive away
their horses, mules, cattle, or sheep, take their provisions, chickens, etc., to some out-ofthe-way place in the mountains or forests, and make preparations as if they expected the
arrival of a savage enemy. The houses along the road will be deserted; the men will
carefully keep out of the way of the marching columns; and only now and then an old
woman will be found to tell the soldiers how poor she is. Many a time when, during my
travels in the Cordillera, I stopped at a hut to buy eggs or other provisions, the people told
me with a sigh: "We have nothing to sell, sir; the soldiers were here and took all we had."
The first means of a party which succeeds in a revolution or civil war are
generally acts of retaliation or revenge on the vanquished, who may congratulate
themselves if only forced contributions are resorted to. The wealthy members of the
losing party are notified by the new "Government" that within a certain number of days
or hours they must pay a certain sum of money. If they refuse, the amount is sometimes
raised, and even doubled, and the victims are imprisoned, either in their own houses or in
the military barracks, until they "pay up." If they are storekeepers, their goods are seized
as security. If they are hacienda owners, their cattle or horses are taken in lieu of money.
If they are women, they are placed under a military guard, and not allowed to leave their
rooms, or to consult with friends, until they comply with the arbitrary edict of the despot
of the day. I shall relate but one instance of the many that came to my knowledge. In
1860 a contribution of several hundred dollars (I do not recollect the exact amount) was
imposed upon a gentleman who had held office under the Government that had just been
overthrown. He, being absent from Quito on his hacienda in Esmeraldas, on the coast, a
detachment of soldiers was sent to his house with a command to his wife to pay the
money. The lady protested that her husband had left her no money, and that she was
unable to pay the money. Her answer was deemed unsatisfactory, and her house was
surrounded by soldiers, who did not allow anybody to enter or to leave it. She was not
permitted to send for victuals or for water, nor was she allowed to employ counsel or to
see her friends. For three days and nights she was kept a prisoner, until, coerced by
starvation, she yielded at last, and paid the amount which had been assessed without
warrant of law by the caprice of the victorious party.
A political adversary is considered an outlaw, who may with impunity be treated
in the most arbitrary and cruel manner by those in power. His haciendas are laid waste by
soldiers quartered on them; his cattle and horses are at the mercy of a reckless
Government. The greatest sufferers, however, are the owners of beasts of burden,
whether they take part in political affairs or not. Their horses and mules are taken
whenever they are needed for the transportation of military stores. They are used
generally without compensation to the owner, who may congratulate himself id they are
at last restored to him. Their galled backs and emaciated bodies are the pay he gets, all
constitutional and legal provisions to the contrary notwithstanding. Those who own
mules or donkeys which they hire out to travelers, or on which they bring their vegetables
to market, keep away from cities in times of war or civil commotion, for fear of being
robbed of their means of subsistence. Their beasts they send to the fastnesses of the
mountains until the danger is over. Thus the city markets will be but scantily supplied,
merchants cannot ship their goods, travelers find no means of transportation, and the
whole country suffers and decays because Government will not respect individual rights
and private property.
When the country is threatened with war, foreign invasion, or revolution, or when
a violent change of government has taken place, the houses of foreign ministers, consuls,
and other foreigners are eagerly resorted to by all classes of the population. Not only will
ladies and gentlemen take refuge there, but such houses will be depositories for all sorts
of valuables---goods, trunks, and boxes, belonging to merchants, mechanics, private
citizens, and even the Government. During the war with New Granada, in 1862, when it
was feared that General Arboleda, after his victory at Tulcan, would march to Quito and
occupy the town, the Government made arrangements to deposit the silver bars belonging
to the mint in the house of one of the foreign ministers. The houses of foreigners are
respected, not only because the Governments to which they belong are expected to shield
them with a strong arm, but also because even the victorious or ruling party are interested
in maintaining the sacredness or asylums to which, perhaps tomorrow, it may be their
turn to resort as the vanquished. In Ecuador, foreigners alone enjoy the rights and
privileges which the constitution, on paper, guarantees to the citizen. The persons of
foreigners are secure; their servants are not taken away from them; their beasts are never
interfered with; their property is respected; and if they have a diplomatic representative in
the country, they are favored in a thousand different ways. They are the only class of
persons who can carry on business in safety. Of course, they will suffer from bad times,
when the country is desolated by revolutions or civil war, but they have little to fear from
the Government and party leaders; and while forced contributions of money or goods will
be exacted from the native capitalists; while their servants and laborers, horses and cattle,
will be taken away from them; the person, property, laborers, and servants of a foreigner
will be secure. No wonder, therefore, that every extensive landowner, every wealthy
merchant in the country, wants to make himself a foreigner. I was almost continually
troubled by persons who wanted to know how to make themselves North American
citizens. Everybody, almost, who has anything to lose is anxious to abjure his nationality,
and place himself under the protection of a foreign flag.
Source:
From: Eva March Tappan, ed., Canada, South America, Central America, Mexico and the
West Indies, Vol. XI in The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song, and
Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), pp. 330-335.
Questions:

Briefly about the author: FRIEDRICH HASSAUREK, journalist, was born
in Vienna, Austria, 9th October 1832; died in Paris, France, 1st October
1885, He served in the German revolution of 1848, and was twice wounded.
He came to the United States in 1848, settled in Cincinnati, Ohio, and
engaged in journalism, politics, and the practice of law. He was U. S.
minister to Ecuador in 1861-1865, and during the latter year became editor
of the Volksblatt (German newspaper). He published “Four Years among
the Spanish Americans.”
1. What is the author’s viewpoint on the role of women in revolutionary
activities? Did women’s political participation in Ecuador reflect a
larger trend of struggle for women’s rights on a global scale? Provide
examples.
2. What is the author’s overall opinion about the conduct of war in Latin
America? Provide specific quotes from the source to support your
argument.
3. Why only foreigners enjoyed the protection guaranteed by the
country’s constitution?
4. What is the general tone of the document? Explain.